israel, but actually being willing to do something about it. that's known phenomenon here in washington, d.c.. there are a lot of people who say the right words, but when it comes to actions, they're missing in action. i thank my colleague from kansas. the presiding officer: the senator from kansas. mr. marshall: madam president, i sure appreciate the senator from texas speaking up and -- and the wise words he's sharing, a bird in the hand is worth two in the bush. funding israel today is worth two of these other issues that seemingly just can never come together as we try to solve this four-readed -- four-headed riddle. this is now my third time to the floor to pass with unanimous consent the house-passed loan aid package to israel that would provide our ally with $14 billion in military assistance. my colleagues on the other side

of the aisle debated with us and lectured us why this house-passioned legislation that maintains the exact same spending levels by president biden is somehow unreasonable. i would like to share with you what's -- what i think is unreasonable. it's the democrats unwillingness to help our ally and separate this package to get it to the president's desk today. unreasonable, my colleagues across the aisle using the crisis in israel to secure more money for ukraine. but what's unfathomable is what this body just admitted. that we are nowhere closer to getting this aid package passed than we were on october 7 when the war broke out. and in case nobody is paying attention, tomorrow will be two months to the day that hamas brutally and savagely attacked the people of israel. i think we need to be honest

with the american people. negotiations aren't just stalled. they never started. meaningful negotiations never started. we have a better chance of finding an ocean in kansas than this package seeing the light of day. today every single republican sent a unanimous message to the democrat leadership and 1600 pennsylvania avenue. we will not be bullied into voting on massive spending packages that use israel as leverage to fund democrat priorities and we will not vote for any legislation that secures foreign nations' borders but not our own. so here we are once again offering an olive branch to separate this package out and address each of these issues one at a time. the house made this easy for us. they passed a bipartisan bill that would grant aid to israel and allow us to break this

logjam and focus on the more pressing matter to our national security. the border. the border, the border, the border. now, the democrats showed their hands two weeks ago when they voted unanimously against our bipartisan standalone bill that would fast tracked this package straight to the president's desk before thanksgiving. but sadly, this city loves to make the perfect enif i of the good -- enemy of the good. the sensible thing for this body to do now is pass bipartisan -- this bipartisan stand-alone aid bill for israel. this legislation passed the house over a month ago and could be delivered to president biden's desk tonight. we should pass aid to israel and then continue debating our potential broader package. now, i've never heard of an american asking for more agents. i said time and time again show us another pay-for.

it's time to end the political talking points that we've heard on this floor. and please, don't insult our intelligence. don't insult the intelligence of americans with the fake border security that's in this bigger, broader package that will only accelerate asylum leading to more people crossing our border illegally. and if you plan to object to this stand-alone bill's passage on the grounds that military aid to israel should include conditions, i want to note for the record that senior officials from the white house have said they're not sure suing -- pursuing such conditions. indeed let's come together. let's all come to the table. we tried it your way and it failed. this is a huge opportunity to secure a bipartisan win and get to work on the most immediate threat to our national security, our wide open southern border. mr. president, i ask unanimous consent that the senate proceed

to the immediate consideration of h.r. 6126 which was received from the house. i further ask that the bill be considered read a third time and passed and that the motion to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table. the presiding officer: is there objection? mrs. murray: mr. president the presiding officer: the senator from washington mrs. murray: mr. president, reserving the right to object. i have been clear about why we must deliver support for ukraine, israel, and humanitarian assistance together. as have many of my colleagues. that is actually why we just attempted to move forward on one package that meets all the needs, a package that republicans blocked. i spoke about this before the vote, but let me just reiterate how dire the situation is right now. our support for ukraine has been essential but has also now been exhausted. our allies are waiting for aid and putin is just waiting for us to send a sign that it's not coming. but putin is not the only one

watching right now. the world is watching this debate. our allies want to know when they are facing a crisis can they count on america to stand with them. or will we give up on them whether it gets tough or when we get distracted with other crises? they are all watching and wondering can america still lead or are we overwhelmed? will america pick and choose which promises it keeps? and let's not forget it's not just big name allies and adversaries we're talking about here. there are many smaller but no less important countries who are watching. some are in critical regions facing historic decisions about the paths and partnerships they will pursue in the years ahead, and they are wondering is the united states a reliable partner. we have to put those concerns to rest with a strong package that shows our commitment to our allies and that standing up to

dictators is ironclad. that's what's at stake here. not just our allies in ukraine who are in a key moment in their battle to protect their sovereignty. not just deterrence to adversaries like putin and other dictators who would trample democracy if given the chance but our credibility is on the world stage. we have to respond to all these crises or we are telling the world don't count on america. we are at capacity. that is an incredibly dangerous message to send, especially at such a critical moment. it should be unthinkable. now, i appreciate my colleagues' urgency to get aid to israel, but this is a deeply flawed way to deliver it. this bill would not provide a single dollar in desperately needed humanitarian assistance to civilians in gaza and elsewhere. and it would not address the urgent need to extend funding for ukraine. there are civilians in ukraine

right now that are suffering and have been for months. there's also an enemy in ukraine who is on the march, and its -- and is just waiting for an opening to gain the upper hand. we have been discussing the aid for our allies in ukraine for much longer than aid for israel, which is also urgently needed. and we've already been delayed for too long. to force ukraine to wait or to withhold future aid is to abandon an ally, surrender to a dictator, and invite more chaos around the world. we cannot leave ukraine behind. nor can we fail to deliver humanitarian assistance. before the humanitarian crisis in gaza evolves in hopelessness and worsen the threats we're already facing. at this critical moment it's not just the right thing to do, it is essential to our national security interests to help promote stability and security.

and that same logic applies to other investments as well, like supporting our allies in the indo-pacific, invest in stability so we avoid paying for chaos. we have to move quickly to respond to these challenges, yes, but we also have to move completely to respond to them. because as i have said before, they are all connected. if we let the israel-hamas war weaken our resolve elsewhere, we are telling dictators across the world the best way to get america off your back is for it to be distracted by a crisis somewhere el. we are essentially giving hamas and other extremists a new sales pitch to make when seeking support from bad actors. give us support and we will keep america busy. they can't deal with you if you are focused on us. that's a profoundly dangerous message to send. putin is watching closely to see if this is his opportunity to make our resolve waiver in ukraine. as it plots its next move, the

chinese government is watching closely to see if we will stand up to aggressors. and if we falter, other adversaries will take notice as well. that's why doing half the job here is just not going to cut it. we have to do the whole job. anything less is telling our allies america cannot be trusted. and telling dictators that they have free rein because america is too busy to lead right now. we must not invite chaos. we must not abandon any of our allies. we have to show that u.s. leadership is strong and capable of meeting all the challenges before us. so i urge republicans to get of course about the situation before us so we can pass a passage like the one we just voted on that shows the world america takes its commitment seriously and doesn't just stand by some of its allies some of

the time. with that let me yield to senator reed. mr. reed: thank you, senator murray. just a few minutes ago -- mr. president. the presiding officer: does the senator reserve the right to object? mr. reed: i would like to be recognized and reserve the right to object. the presiding officer: the senator from rhode island. mr. reed: just a few minutes ago my republican colleagues voted down the national security and border act. and in doing so, they essentially said no to supporting israel but no to supporting ukraine, no to supporting taiwan, no to humanitarian assistance which is absolutely critical, no to rebuilding our defense industrial base, no to border security funding, and no to combatting fentanyl. and these items are not partisan

demands of any one party. they are bipartisan priorities and necessities. they are the fulfillment of our commitments to our allies and to our national security. and i believe the majority of our republican colleagues do believe this, but some may see this as leverage, as one of the -- as one of my gop colleagues put it in a discussion, leverage for extreme immigration legislation that they don't at the moment have time -- the votes to pass. and in delaying the much needed assistance that i indicated, my republican colleagues are indirectly, directly, or however you want to put it giving too many opportunities or at least ideas to people like putin and the chinese communists and others who are engaged in trying

for undermine democracy throughout the world. speaking for myself, i hope that what we can do is begin a serious debate now, not on one issue that i listed but on all those issues, and come to a serious principled compromise so that we can move forward together. now, it seems that my colleagues on the other side simply want us to accept their version of immigration reform and then everything else will be okay. it's not that at all. in fact, one of the aspects of the legislation they just voted down was a significant infusion of resources into the border area. 1,^ 300 additional border patrol

agents. 1,000 law enforcement personnel and investigative capabilities to prevent cartels from moving fentanyl into the country. 1, 600 asylum officers. robust child labor investigations and enforcement to protect the vulnerable migrant children entering the united states through the southern border. and the bipartisan fend-off fentanyl act led by our colleague senator tim scott of south carolina. my colleagues just voted against a series of important ways to fix our problems at the border. and we need them desperately and we could have gotten them if we had moved forward procedurally. i have been here for a couple of years, and i have seen several occasions where we have been together on a bipartisan basis.

i know in 2006 led by senator m{l1}c{l0}cain and others. we passed comprehensive immigration reform only to see it set aside by the republican house of rep tifts at the time. we have to do much more and we can, but it will be on a bipartisan cooperative basis. we have to do much more to help not just israel. it's critical. but also ukraine. it's been a long time since we've had their funding request, august of this year. they made a serious request for additional resources, anticipating the attrition they would suffer over the intervening months. long before the october 7th tragedy. it's been more than two months since president zelenskyy was here in person, asking us all

personally for the help he needs to lead his country forward. it was there, or at that time, that senator mcconnell correctly and sincerely indicated in his words american support for ukraine is not charity, it's in our own direct interests, not least because degrading russia helps to deter china. but the foot-dragging has continued since then. ukraine cannot wait. the omb direct wrote earlier this week, without congressional action, by the end of the year we'll run out of resources, produce more weapons, and equipment for ukraine and to provide equipment from u.s. military stocks. there's no magical part of funding available to meet this moment. we're out of money, and nearly out of time. so, without our help, the ukrainian people will be in a very desperate situation. we need to help them.

we need to help our allies in israel. we need to help those in taiwan. and we need to help the innocent victims of conflicts throughout the world. so, this one-shot deal doesn't cut it. we have to come together, work tog together, and deliver the assistance to ukraine, to i israel, to taiwan, humanitarian aid and aid to our border. and i hope we can do that. with that, mr. president, i would yield to senator klobuchar. ms. klobuchar: thank you. the presiding officer: the senator from minnesota. ms. klobuchar: mr. president, reserving the right to object. i rise today alongside my colleagues, senator murray, senator reed, i see senator shaheen, schatz, and senator heinrich, to discuss the need to pass this supplemental funding

package. i spoke earlier today about the importance of humanitarian aid, humanitarian aid for the innocent civilians, palestinian civilians in gaza, humanitarian aid for people throughout the world. it is one major way that america has led, through world war ii and after, through the cold war. yes, we have led with our military strength, but we have also led by making friends, by making sure people have what they need so they don't starve. so many of those countries have gone on to do great things, to be great countries, to be democracies, to work with us, to be trading partners. but today, i am here to focus on ukraine. we are at a pivotal point, not just in american history but in the history of humanity. it is during moments like these

that nations across the globe look to america for leadership. they expect our leadership. yes, our friends in ukraine are counting on us, but so are so many other allies as they look to see what we will do. this has never been america alone helping ukraine. it has been all in for many countries. early in the conflict, i traveled to poland with a number of senators, democrats and repub republicans, and it was right when one of the first major losses of life occurred at ukraine, at a military training facility. we happened to be at the entry point, where families were fle fleeing, people in wheelchairs, little kids with backpacks with nothing but their stuffed animal in it. that's what i remember. i remember the polish people, who had been invaded over the

years by the hapsbergs, the nazis, the russians, opening their arms to these ukrainians, which they're still doing today, millions of refugees. we have played a very important role in this conflict. we have surprised the world, and i'm certain we surprised russia, and the ukrainians have surprised them with their incredible courage, when everyone had counted them out. the scrappy force, had been at the front line for years already in donbas and other regions in ukraine, once again went to the front line. we trained them. it is our equipment that's been so superior, as well as those from our allies in this fight. what has happened? well, since vladimir putin's unprovoked and unlawful, unjustifiable invasion last february, our ukrainian friends

have reclaimed half of the territory that is rightfully theirs. vladimir putin tried to capture kiev, but he failed. senator portman and i, in the middle of the war, went and saw that airfield, where the russians had come down in parachutes, thinking the ukrainians would just fold. they didn't fold. they held their ground, and they kept kiev. vladimir putin tried to wipe ukraine off the map, but he failed. he tried to break the ukrainian spirit, but he has made it stronger. he tries to take them down in the middle of winter, last winter, by cutting off their electricity. he threatens the biggest nuclear plant, not only in ukraine but all of europe. there is no limit to what they will do. he has shown his true colors, capturing cities, slaughtering innocents, be a ducketting ukrainian -- abducting ukrainian children, but the ukrainian

people have defended their democracy against all odds in brilliant blue and yellow. cellists playing their songs and national anthem on burned-out steps, ballerinas going to the front line in cammo, an individeographer delivering sups to troops, the d.j. at the national call center using her platform to find missing loved ones. it's not just the troops on the front line. it's the entire country. they are watching to see what they're doing. i met with the ukrainian ambassador today, along with the speaker of their house, along with their defense minister. and they're watching. the russians are using everything that's said in this chamber, everything that's done, because they're trying to use it

against the ukrainians, they're trying to break their spirit, break their back bones, break the morale of their troops. it's not working. but they're watching. this is our moment. i think leader mcconnell put it best when he said think of it as an axis of evil, i say this to our republican colleagues, when you think about the iranian drones used by the russians, when you think about the massacre in israel and the fact that hamas then went to russia, representative of this terrorist group went to russia and met with leaders there. axis of evil, china, russia, iran. so this is not just a test for ukraine, said leader mcconnell, it is a test for the united states and for the free world, and the path toward greater security for all of us is simple, he said, help ukraine win the war. let us not forget what president zelenskyy did in the hours

immediately after the initial invasion, when everyone in the world, all the pundits at the munich security conference that senator shaheen and i attended, people were counting them out. he did one incredibly brave thing, followed by thousands of brave acts. he went to the street corner with just a few top advisors and stood there and looked at the camera, and in the face of evil, in a statement of defiance, in a call to action to democracies everywhere, he said three simple words -- we are here. america heeded that call. ukrainians heeded that call. democracies all over the world united, in every corner of the world. we said we are here too. the ukrainian people defended this nation against a tyrant, against one of the largest armies in the world. it is our moral obligation to stand by them and talking to

those leaders from the baltic countries yesterday, with lithuania and latvia and estonia, they've been through this before. they've stood tall. but they know what the stakes are. if we let this happen, and we let putin march right in next month because we refuse to help, he's not going to stop marching in their eyes, because they've seen it before. we must ensure democracy triumphs over autocracy, that hu hum humanity prevails over brutality and the spirit of ukraine carries the day. mr. president, i yield the floor. mr. heinrich: mr. president. reserving the right to object. i just want to make the point we need a complete security package. all of these things are related, and all of them reinforce not only our allies and innocent civilians, but also our own security and the future of the

direction of the free world. we're not going to turn our back on ukraine. how many meetings did we have via zoom or actually in person with zelenskyy, where so many of our colleagues said we would always stand with ukraine? after all that ukraine has been through, and i remember being in briefings where people were predicting that ukraine would crumble in a matter of days, and they stood up to the russian aggression, and they continue to stand up to russian aggression, and they have actually pushed russia back. that isn't just in ukraine's interest. that is there the interest of the free world. we need a security package that supports our allies in israel, that supports the innocent civilians in gaza that are also the victims of what hamas has

done, and we need a security package that stands with our allies in ukraine. mr. president, i would offer the rest of my time to my colleague from hawaii. the presiding officer: the senator from hawaii. mr. schatz: mr. president, reserving the right to object. we're in a global fight against fascism and authoritarianism. we're seeing it in putin's war in auch and -- in ukraine and with hamas in the unspeakable things they did on and since in october 7th. and in xi jinping's attempt to take taiwan by force. they telegraph their true intentionsto the world, and worse are willing to do whatever it takes. nothing is off limits for them. that is the seriousness of the global threat of an increasingly coordinated fascist movement.

so to address one of these problems but not the other, to somehow judge one threat greater than the other, to say we're going to fund israel but not ukraine, is wrong. it's wrong morally because evil is evil no matter where it occurs, and wrong strategically because we have a direct national security interest wherever fascism rears its ugly head. take off your ukraine lapel pins. take back everything you said to president zelenskyy. we were in the house when he addressed us. everyone was anxious to shake his hand and express support. we put it in our twitter bios, put on the little lapel pin, we had him in the old senate chamber on a bipartisan basis. everybody's for ukraine, unless it's hard. everybody's for ukraine, unless i can't get something unrelated

on domestic policy. everybody's for ukraine when it's popular, when it's the thing that just happened. but the moment donald j. trump wants to defund this war, a lot of people go, oh, my god, maybe i'm not so enthusiastic about this. if you are for something, vote for the thing. there are a million other jobs out there where you can be for something and never be put to the test. i have an opinion, i'm a guy at a bar, i'm a person at a bus stop, it's sunday night dinner, i have an opinion. but in this job, the way to determine whether or not you are for something is not what you said before the vote, but it's how you voted. if you are for ukraine, you have to vote to help ukraine defend itself in a land war in europe. there is a land war in europe. vladimir putin is trying to take ukraine by force, and he might

just do it if we abandon them. if you are for ukraine, vote for ukraine. i'd now like to yield to the senior senator from new hampshire, senator shaheen. the presiding officer: the senator from new hampshire. mrs. shaheen: mr. president, res reserving the right to object. i'm pleasedto join my colleagues again on the floor of the senate to responsible a supplemental funding request that recognizes the breadth of our national security interests in this country. that is a supplemental funding request that must include ukraine, israel, humanitarian needs, and the emerging challenges in the indo-pacific. the horrific events of october 7, two months ago tomorrow, were the worst terror attack that israel has faced. we know that over a thousand innocent israelis were killed. it was barbaric. but now both ukraine and israel

face a similar threat against adversaries that seek to destroy them. a holistic natural security supplemental bill is critical to protect our interests. america's interests. we must pass an appropriations bill that supports our allies in israel and ukraine, and that fully funds the other critical efforts that provide for our national security. and my colleagues have been very eloquent tonight, but i want to add to their explanation about why continued support for ukraine is critical. we should be proud that with strong bipartisan support, our country has stood with ukraine since before the beginning of russia's unprovoked invasion, almost two years ago. we've done so with our nato allies and international partners, including south korea and japan, who recognize what's

at stake even though they're half a world away. our allies and partners have contributed a total of $94.^ 1 billion to support ukraine's war and recovery effort. that's more than the united states has contributed. we had a chance earlier this afternoon in the foreign relations committee to meet with the new foreign secretary, the former prime minister of great britain david cameron. and i asked him, how will europe, how will our allies in europe view a decision by the united states senate not to provide funding to help ukraine wage this courageous war? he said it would have a dramatic impact in europe where we're seeing nato stronger than he said he could remember in his lifetime because of coming together to support ukraine and to oppose putin.

he said it would send a message about future support for ukraine that would have a huge impact as we think about the international order and our ability to keep dictators like vladimir putin, president xi of china, like the ayatollah in iran, like north korea, those dictatorships from thinking they can invade any country they want to if they happen to be stronger. alongside our international partners we recognize that the ukrainian people are not only defending their land and freedom, they are fighting for the preservation of liberal democracies around the world. what senator marshall is proposing strips out essential funding that we need to address the threat posed by the chinese communist party and the

indo-pacific. it addresses the our jentsz and growing humanitarian needs for both ukraine and people in gaza who are affected by this war. failing to pass a national security package would embolden putin, iran, the communist chinese party. it would show our adversaries around the world that america is not up to the task of defending democracy, that we are not capable of standing by our friends for the long run. i remember the outcry in this body when the united states pulled out of afghanistan, and i have to say i opposed that effort. but what do we think pulling out of our support for ukraine is going to say to the rest of the world? we must be clear in sending an unequivocal message america stands with our allies in the face of this kind of devastating

attack that vladimir putin and russia has made on ukraine. and to do that we must pass a holistic funding package to underscore that america is not going to pick and choose when the united states stands on the side of freedom and democracy. our adversaries want the united states to fall short in standing up for its allies. they want us to be divided. we need to show them that we're not divided, but we're united. when i'm back in new hampshire, my constituents continue to tell me that they support continuing to provide funding and help for ukraine. we have a great humanitarian effort in new hampshire called common man for ukraine that's headed up by a number of business people. they provide supplies and support for the ukrainian people and for kids. it's important that we fund a

holistic response to address all of the issues that we're facing. israel, ukraine, the indo-pacific, humanitarian, and our southern border. and, yes, we should be able to come to a compromise on addressing border security. the democrats stand ready to work with our colleagues in the se senate. we can come up with a compromise. we can do this in a way that is in the united states' national security interests. with that, mr. president, i would like to turn the time over to senator durbin. the presiding officer: the majority whip mr. durbin: mr. president, i thank senator shaheen. in 1978 before i was elected to congress, i had an opportunity to take a trip, a three-week trip to the soviet -- reserving the right to onth.

in 1978 -- to object. in 19d 78 before i was elected to congress, i had the opportunity to take a trip to the soviet union. spent three weeks there. a saw a lot. and in addition to the visits to russia and miscow, we visited countries like lithuania where my mother was born. i witnessed firsthand the vision of vladimir putin and the soviet union because make no mistake, his goal is to restore the soviet union, to take vulnerable countries and subsume them with his own ego and his own view of the world. to visit lithuania and see what they had done to the freedoms we take for granted in america was an eye-opener to me. to see the cathedral with its beautiful frescoes, whitewash by the -- whitewashed by the soviets because they didn't want people to practice religion, to

realize they controlled everything, radio stations, newspapers, and to realize that they dictated who would win an election, there was no freedom in that country. that is the communist view. that was the soviet view. that is vladimir putin's view. are we in favor of that, senator? i don't think so. i know you aren't personally. and you don't want to see that lifestyle imposed on people around the world any more than i do. in ukraine they had the courage to stand up and say to putin we'll fight you to the death to stop this from happening. they have surprised a lot of people. i remember the briefing. you might have attended it where we asked the intelligence experts how long can ukraine hold out when the russian military machine comes marching in. they said a matter of days. days. maybe weeks. buff not much more. -- but not much more. they were wrong. you know why they were wrong? because they underestimated the ukrainian people and what they

were willing to do to protect their country. i have a special, as i say, selfish interest in this because i know if putin is successful in ukraine, if this war criminal has his way and takes over the ukrainian country for his soviet union, his new soviet union, the next country on the list is probably lithuania and the baltics, poland, latfiya, estonia. they're obvious targets because they're small and vulnerable burr they do have the -- but they do have the nato alliance standing behind them. not only do i support the ukrainian effort because of the courage of the people and their success and how much i abhor vladimir putin and his agenda, i also realize it's in america's best interests that the ukrainians prevail. it's in our best interest to stop putin in ukraine so that we don't have to use the nato alliance to stop him in a country where we would be sending american troops to fight the battle. we should stand four square behind ukraine because it's the

right thing to do, and it's the right thing for america. today the speaker of the ukrainian parliament came into my office, mr. stephon czech. without u.s. assistance ukraine would struggle and probably lose this war. he reminded us that they would fight to the death and i'm sure they will if it comes down to that dire situation. but it also reminded me this is not just another political debate. what we're talking about is assistance to a country where people today are fighting and dying for their freedom, a country which we promised support for for over two years, a country which we need to stand by. now, he asked us to support israel. i will tell you this as well. last week many of us on a bipartisan basis watched videos from the october 7 invasion of the hamas terrorists into

israel. it was horrifying. it was a terrible 40 minutes. i had to avert my eyes several times because i couldn't stand to look at the scenes of systemic rape, of attacks, murder. i'll never forget those two little boys whose parents had just been called outside the living room sitting in their living room saying are we going to die? these two little boys and it was on tape. that was the reality of the atrocity of october 7. israel has the right to exist. israel has the right to defend itself. and i stand behind israel as most americans do. i want to see their support. but please, don't give us this sophie's choice of picking our favorite child to die. i don't want either israel or ukraine to die. i want them to have a bright future and to have that, they need the united states now more than ever. don't separate our loyalty. our loyalty should be common and unified for both countries.

ukraine and israel. there are things we can say about humanitarian issues in the gaza territories and what's happening there, but i'm going to spare that for another day. i'll just say this. i stand behind ukraine. i stand behind israel. don't separate them. let's stand behind both of them because they're both consistent with the values of the united states. i yield the floor to the senator from washington. mrs. murray: mr. president the presiding officer: the senator from washington mrs. murray: on behalf of all the senators who spoke so eloquently and forceful tonight, i object the presiding officer: the objection is heard. the senator from kansas. mr. marshall: mr. president, what we brought forward tonight is a house-passed stand-alone package and aid for israel. we didn't bring forward the entire security package which already failed. we tried that. it didn't work. some of my colleagues across the

aisle indeed spoke eloquently in support of ukraine as well as israel. i think back to what my college track coach, he said don't tell me, show me. so i'm going to quote some words from the democrat party, the first. and i want you to think about do the words line up with the actions. when people vote against the stand-alone aid for israel, is that consistent with their own words? this is the secretary blinken on october 13. no country can tolerate having a terrorist group come in, slaughter its people in the most unconscionable ways and live like that. what israel is doing is not retaliation. it's defending the lives. its people -- the lives of its people. secretary austin, october 20. so make no mistake, the united states will make sure that israel has what it needs to defend itself, he said. next, president biden, october

10. so in this moment we must be crystal clear we stand with israel. he says it again. we stand with israel, and we'll make sure israel has what it needs to take care of its citizens, defend itself, and respond to this attack. again, president biden, 20 october. in israel we'll make sure that they have what they need to protect their people today and always. and finally, the majority leader, the senior senator from new york, this is on 15 november. we will not rest until you get the assistance you need. folks, this is the opportunity, this the time -- this is the time to stand up for israel, to make good on those pledges. i ma tissuiously -- meticulously listened to my friends across the aisle and their arguments. what we're talking about today, what the bill is about today is aid to israel.

and as i listened carefully to their objections, their objections with this particular bill was the pay-fors. and i respect that. the second objection was there was a lack of -- they wanted more humanitarian sfans to -- assistance to hamas and the people of gaza as well. and i respect that as well. so bring us that bill, that stand-alone bill that includes what you think is appropriate for a pay-for and what type of humanitarian assistance you want to make sure hamas gets as well. but the real argument, the real argument made tonight was to use israel as a tool, to use it as a lever to fund ukraine. and again i listened carefully. i tried to count how many times my friends across the aisle said ukraine or putin, and i stopped when i got to over 50. israel was mentioned less than ten times. they talk about their national security package, their

supplemental package, and they really should call it the lovefest for ukraine package. i think respect where they're coming from. i think it's how and how much and when do we give the people of ukraine right now, and a situation that's been in a stalemate for a year. really no progress made for a year. 200,000 people have died in that war. 500,000 casualties. there's no end in sight. this looks to me like a seven or ten-year war. it looks like vietnam all over again. i remember the early days of vietnam when -- i remember the early days of vietnam when there were a few people saying, slow down, let's stop. there are too many people dying in this situation right now. let's have that debate. let's pull ukraine out. let's have that debate. i honestly believe if we had passed this israel package a

month ago and then worked on a ukraine package, we would have a ukraine package done. i wish my friends across the aisle were as passionate about the security of our own southern border as the lines of another country, the property lines of our country, their boundaries. i think i heard my friends across the aisle talk about the border maybe four or five times. the number-one national security threat, the most immediate national security threat to americans is our open southern border. do we have to repeat the numbers? 10 million people have crossed the border illegal over the past couple of years. hundreds of known terrorists. all the lights are blinking red right now. all the lights are blinking red. that's what director wray said yesterday up here on the hill.

and why wouldn't they with these 1.7 million got-aways throughout the country doing what? if nigh friends across the aisle are serious about the national security supplemental panel, it starts with meaningful security at the southern border, meaningful security, not a process that actually promotes more people crossing the border. it has to include something that impacts asylum and parole. it has to literally secure the border. i think to even begin this next debate. america needs to get its own house in order before we can help fix other people's houses. i understand. the needs across this world are many. and my compassion, my heart, whether it is the people of ukraine, the people of israel, i

share those same compassions. but we can't keep throwing good money after bad money. we have to have people with accountableility. we have to make sure there is a goal, that there is a war that we can win. so at the end of the day, the most prudent thing for this body to do would be to pass the stand-alone aid for israel. take it off the chessboard. let's get that one done. but instead my friends across the aisle want to use it as a political tool, a tool to leverage their funding to ukraine. let's have that discussion separately. i think it's time that this body do what we say we want to do. let's not rest until we get this assistance to israel. thank you, mr. president. i yield back.

mr. schatz: mr. president. the presiding officer: the senator from hawaii. mr. schatz: thank you, mr. president. a couple hours ago republicans voted down the motion to even begin debating a the national security supplemental appropriations bill. they claim to support israel and ukraine, but when it came time to act, they voted no. but let's be clear about one thing. every part of this bill is essential for america's national security. we have two wars raging hand a number of other threats brewing around the world and this funding for our allies and our partners could not be more urgent. itit is the difference between able to fight authoritarians or not. have food for people caught in conflicts or not. having the defense systems to deter china from meddling in taiwan or not.

our friends are counting on us to help them, and our adversaries are counting on us being too divided to do even the most basic task. america remains the indispensable nation. it is the leader of the free world. it is the nation that other countries big and small look to in good times and bad and it is a responsibility that we have never shirked away from, and now is not the time to start. now is not the time to turn our back on israel is on innocent palestinians in gaza, on ukraine, on taiwan, or on any of our other allies and partners around the world. we are fighting a fascist movement. we ought to act like it and pass this developmental to keetch our adversaries and carpet from redrought world as they wish at

the point of a gun. so let's start with israel. there's been a lot of talk on both sides of the aisle about the merits of conditioning aid, as if it is a novel or unusual concept, except that it's not. the idea that having requirements under federal law for any federal appropriations, that that is how amounting to abandoning our ally or a break from the norms is belied by history. whenever we approve federal spending, whether it is for hud, for public housing or the federal highway administration for repairs, or the department of interior for parks, we require detailed plans exactly how the money will be used and we expect to receive some sort simplify reporting on it afterwards. -- some sort of reporting on it afterwards. it is also standard practice for our own defense department and aid to our allies, which we routinely scrutinize. so it should be no different for develop and idf or ukraine and

in a hot war no less. there are millions of innocent lives caught in the cross fire, and we have ever reason to make sure that israel is suing the weapons that we provide, funded by our own taxpayer dollars, in a manner that is consistent with international humanitarian laws and american values. that is taking a every step to minimize civilian casualties. in many ways the debate around conditioning aid is emblematic of the wider one around israel palestine which has become so binary that aren't even open to hearing the other side. it is near impossible to have a dialogue when all people are interested in is throwing rhetorical barbs and attacking the other side. if you condemn hamas' unspeakable brutality on october 7 and hold it accountable for the death and bloodshed on that day and the days since then,

you're supposedly excusing the conditions under the blockade or you're accused of turning a blind eye to settler violence before and since october 7. if you question the manner in which israel is waging war and the carnage and suffering the war has wrought often innocent lives, including children and babies, you're suddenly not sufficiently pro-israel. if you call out the fact that anti-semitism is on the rise hereby in the united states and around the world, that it is one of the oldest sicknesses and a scourge that must be addressed, then somehow you're indifferent to islamophobia or the suffering of palestinians. no. i know anti-muslim and anti-arab hatred are alive and well, too, and believe they must be rooted out with equal force. my heart breaks for the countless innocent lives being lost in gaza daily. all of these things are true at the same time. they are intention with each

other but not in contradiction. there is an awfully messy and deep lay, deeply contested history underpinning this conflict and so to strip away all that context and flatten all of these complexities into a 15-second tiktok is a disservice to the palestinian and israeli cause alike. there are not simple and straightforward paths to peace here, but if we can't engage without first holding purity tests, if we can't acknowledge two things to be true at the same time, if we can't recognize each other's humanity, then we're not owling going to be able to build a -- not going to be able to build a just and lasting peace in the region. everybody believes that hamas is terrible and should be eliminated. they want the hostages who were cruelly abducted and spent two agonizing months in captivity to be released.

they are appalled by reports of hamas' sexual violence against women and drugging of hostages and they believe that israel has a right and responsibility to go after the bad guys u the question is how. people are increasingly and understandably alarmed at the scale of human suffering and the high rate of civilian casualties in gaza. it is our job as israel's closest ally to convey that truth. and to make clear that mass suffering actively undermines the possibility of a future peace. a whole new generation would be radicalized watching scores of loved ones die and entire neighborhoods leveled. that is in no one's interest. so our responsibility in the current moment is twofold. provide israel with military aid, which i have consistently supported and will continue to support. but it is equally important to

provide moral clarity and strategic counsel when actions cross a line. and we do both of these things because we care. we also have an obligation to look at the future because whether it's ten months from now or ten years from now, these two peoples need a way to live in relative peace and stability side by side, if not as friends, then as neighbors. palestinians, like israelis, deserve a legitimate, representative, and democratically elected government. the only viable path to achieving that is through a two-state solution. it is the only way to achieve a safe home for the jewish people in israel and it is the only way to ensure that palestinians have a secure state of their own. a solution that does not recognize the humannive both israelis and palestinians is not just and a solution that does not give both peoples the condition to prosper without fear of violence will not last.

so let's talk about the other part of this supplemental -- ukraine. which is unfortunately also all too familiar with battles over sovereignty and coexistence. the ukraine january 6 spent almost two years -- the ukrainians have spent almost two years fighting against putin for their very survival s russia's failure to capture ukraine is in no small part due to america's support and our leading role in rallying the world to stand up to putin's aggression. we know that president zelenskyy knows that and crucially putin knows that. in fact, not long ago, he crowed that ukraine wouldn't last a week. wouldn't last a week without help from the west w so the congresses of failure to support ukraine are not theoretical. they are dire and they are dangerous. ukraine, as we speak, is running out of bullets and other munitions. already our shipments have been diminishing in scope and

frequency as existing aid runs low. and it will be completely exhausted in a matter of weeks or months. heading into the winter, the lack of additional assistance is likely to prove catastrophic. but some of my republican colleagues are willing to undermine the free world. i don't say this lightly. i like a lot of them. but they are willing to undermine the free world and let putin win because they want hard-line immigration and border policy. now, democrats have demonstrated a willingness to stretch here. democrats -- and i was texting some of the republican colleagues with whom i work very closely and i was, like, look, we're almost two thirds of the way. we cannot enact a bipartisan bill if it is a partisan bill. but the idea that if we don't concede on a wholly unrelated

matter, then putin wins in a land war in europe? are we really doing this? and i want to just say one thing to my friends from the media -- and god bless them, god bless the fourth estate for everything they do. but i'm also entitled to offer a constructive criticism. stop pretending this is normal. stop pretending that it is acceptable to take a major foreign policy issue. this is a land war in europe. vladimir putin just decided to try to take a country by force. and what they say is, well, we don't support that. we support ukraine. but we see that we have leverage and, by the way, this is not a rhetorical flourish ofallen. mine. senator cornyn said it. this is not a negotiation. this is the price you democrats have to pay. what are we doing here? this is a foreign policy supplemental. we're supposed to be for these things. i could have woken up one morning and said, you know what?

if we don't enact my climate policies, which i feel urgently passionate about, then i'm a no on ukraine because i know i've got leverage. the recently not do that is because i'm not bananas, i'm responsible. i've only been here 11 years, i'm still there's some historical precedent for it, but not recently have we tied a foreign policy objective to an unrelated domestic policy issue. i understand the passion there is on the border. i understand the problem there is on the border, but it's not a foern policy question, and the idea that we are going to let ukraine get taken, kyiv will be in russian control because we haven't made appear border deal. we haven't made a border deal

since i've been here for sure and five years prior to that. that stuff's hard. you don't take literally the most difficult issue i can think of in the congress to forge a bipartisan con sensies and say -- consensus, if we don't get it, i'm sorry, kyiv is going to fall. that is no way to run a railroad, that is no way to be the indispensable nation. you walk into any global convening and i'm sure the presiding officer knows this, if you're a governor people want to know what you think, when you travel abroad, even when i was appointed as a senator, we remain the indispensable nation. everyone wants to know what we're going to do. everyone wants to know what we think, they want to know what we're funding, they want to know what our priorities are. and so we cannot forfeit that

global leadership because we're fighting about something else. now, again democrats have demonstrated by their negotiations, by all of our public pronouncement that we are willing to stretch a little bit on this because it's that important. but it would be an hell of a thing for us to allow vladimir putin to win because we're too busy in a partisan battle about something totally unrelated. i yield the floor. mr. schatz: madam president. the presiding officer: the senator from hawaii. mr. schatz: i ask unanimous consent that the senate proceed to the executive session and the senate be discharged from pn083, jamie fly, to be a member of the

broadcasting advisory board and the senate proceed to the following nominations, pn802, and calendar numbers 159, 160, 161, 162, 163, and 164, and vote without intervening action or debate en bloc, if confirmed, the motions to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table and the president be immediately notified of the senate's action. the presiding officer: is it there objection? the question is on the nominations en bloc. all in favor say aye. all opposed, no. the ayes appear to have it, the ayes do have it. the nominations are confirmed en bloc. mr. schatz: i ask that the senate consider the following nomination, calendar number 206, dante quintin allen, to be commissioner of rehabilitation services, department of education, and the senate vote on the nomination without any

intervening action or debate, the motion to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table and the president be immediately notified of the senate's action and the senate resume legislative session. the presiding officer: is it there objection? without objection. the clerk will report. the clerk: nomination, department of education, dante quintin allen, of california, to be commissioner of the rehabilitation services administration. the presiding officer: the question is on the nomination. all in favor say aye. all opposed, no. the ayes appear to have it. the ayes do have it the nomination is confirmed. mr. schatz: i ask unanimous consent that the committee on judiciary be discharged from s. 3250 and the senate proceed to its consideration. the presiding officer: the clerk will report. the clerk: a bill to provide remote access to court proceedings for the victims of the 1981 bombing of pan a.m. 23. the presiding officer: the

committee is discharged. mr. schatz: i ask unanimous consent that the counteramendment at the desk be considered, and that the motions to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table the presiding officer: without objection. mr. schatz: i ask unanimous consent consent that the committee on finance be discharged from further consideration of s. res. 445 and the senate proceed to the en bloc consideration of the following senate resolutions -- s. res. 445, s. res. 487, s. res. 488, s. res. 489, s. res. 490. the presiding officer: is there objection to proceeding to the measures en bloc? without objection. the senate will proceed to the resolutions en bloc. mr. schatz i ask unanimous consent consent that the resolutions be agreed to, the preambles be agreed to, and that the motions to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table, all en bloc. the presiding officer: is there objection? without objection. mr. schatz madam president,

ask unanimous consent that the appointment at the desk appear separately in the record as if made by the chair. the clerk: without objection. mr. schatz i have eight requests for committees to meet during today's session of the senate. they have the approval of the majority and minority leaders. the presiding officer: duly noted. schatz i ask unanimous consent skal mr. schumer: i ask unanimous consent that when the senate completes its business today it stand adjourned until 10:00 a.m. on thursday, december 7, that following the prayer and pledge the journal of proceedings be approved to date, the morning hours be deemed expired, the time for the two leaders be reserved for their use later in the day and morning business be closed, that upon the conclusion of morning business the senate resume consideration of the motion to proceed to calendar number 30, h.r. 815. further, that if senator paul makes a motion to discharge s.j. res. 51 from the committee on foreign relations, the senate vote on the motion at 11:30 a.m. further, that the cloture motion filed during yesterdays session ripen at 1:45 p.m. the presiding officer: without objection. mr. schatz: if there is no

further business to come before further business to come before >> tonight a discussion about using ceased russian assets to fund ukraine defense and reconstruction from the u.s. commission on security and cooperation in europe. also known as the sinky commission watch tonight at 8:00 eastern on c-span2 c-span now free mobile video app or online at c-span.org. ♪ ♪ american history tv saturdays on c-span2 exploring the people and events that tell the american story. at 8 p.m. eastern on lectures in

history a look at the life and legacy of world war i general and civil rights leader with donaldson at texas a&m university corpus christi 9:30 on the presidency a virtual discussion looking at first lady julia tyler how her marriage became politicized and tied to 184presidential election and an of texas and saturdays c-span2 and find a full schedule on program guide or watch online any time a c-span.org/history. ♪ ♪ >> c-span is your unfilted view of government funded by these television companies and more -- including media com. >> what you have here -- or right here or way out in the middle of aer