continues, it is not a wave, there are no episodes, there are no periods, we have had a steady mobilization since february 24, 2022, when martial law was declared, yes, but it is important in order to, at least, really, to be able to to be understanding, worldview, well, this is a democratic country, it is also necessary to take into account certain mental traits of us ukrainians, this is also very good, we have this year and a half...or a year and a half to actually replace quality with quality, and this it is important, because only in this case we will be able to take into account the short-term perspective to conduct an analysis of all these changes , rotations, implementation of legislation , again, it is difficult to talk about legislation now, and personally i did not see the order before these changes, because in reality the order, not even so much the law, but the order, its embodiment, it and regulations all

actions can be seen on this, because the law is such a two-faced issue, let's be honest with you, the law will be sorted out by the honorable council at the meeting, and even then we will have more information, because so far this is only really a discussion, for now we thank you for that , who joined on the air, they talked about mobilization topics with ivan tymochka, head of the reservist council, command of the ground forces of the armed forces of ukraine, and the marathon continues in the next updated edition. from the social team chevoron news, approaching victory, dear dad, thank you, mom, thank you, my brother!

thank you, sergeant aunt valya, thank you very, very much , thank you for protecting me, my mother and our dog, our home, our country, and i ask you, very, very much, to protect saint nicholas so that he brings gifts to me and all the children, thank you for isa, that ukraine. can meet holidays? if i had plans before, now i don't even know, because i can't even build some of my dreams. help me see the future again. do you hear what this is about? free psychological assistance to children during the war at the children's voices charitable fund. call 0800 210 106.

warm country rules. bathroom. thank you for passing through the night at low temperatures, loading the drum as much as possible. let's beat the winter together. generations of ukrainians used to walk pushkin streets and squares for years and decades tolstoy, they ignored the monuments to lenin and the red stars on the buildings. moreover, we considered the imperial symbols our own, familiar. meanwhile, they marked the conquered territory. we didn't even realize it for a long time. for centuries, the russian empire was a communist totalitarian government that was here for more than 70 years. influence maddened consciousness of people. eventually. let's be honest, straight and

frank, we all got a colonial education, it doesn't matter what the street is called, because it's lit and paved, it doesn't matter which monument you're waiting for girl, most of us thought so, we did not understand the dangers of our condescension to the signs and symbols of the empire, moreover, we were proud of the fact that we knew so deeply and... persian culture. perhaps the most terrible metaphor for our mistakes was the story from irpen, when the russians killed

civilians on the streets and... russian poets. on pushkinska street, on lermontov street, they shot girls and women, and then drove over them with tanks. lermant, and turgenev, all of them are the quintessence, murderous, in the literal sense, greatness, not in the literal sense russian culture. and we also saw how russian troops, having occupied a ukrainian city, immediately knock down our symbols, destroy museums, monuments, seize and destroy ukrainian literature and history textbooks in libraries. pushkin immediately follows the tanks and it is not known, in fact, who comes first, pushkin or tankiv, if you are talking. because this is a matter of security, because having pushkin's monuments, mykrasova street, we recognize that we are part of a larger imperial project. i think that now people with the mentality of what's the difference, they are becoming

quite quickly ukrainians. thanks to the fact that people who could not make up their minds began to be fired with rockets. russia finally went to war against ukraine because it seemed that we were resilient, that we could be dealt with. god got tired of looking at us as a country of unlearned lessons, and finally put on the uniform of the armed forces of ukraine. how culture, language, historical memory are related to the issue of national security. i, myroslava barchuk, a journalist and tv presenter, continue to talk about this with my interlocutors. i am viktor yushchenko, elected president by the will of the people of ukraine, taking this high post, i solemnly swear allegiance to ukraine.

newly elected president yushchenko is starting a policy of returning historical memory, paying a lot of attention to the holodomor, and rebuilding what was destroyed by the russians. the hetman's capital baturyn was the capital that imperial russia took, burned a huge part of baturyn residents in the cathedral itself, which was destroyed to the foundation, descriptions have been preserved, how many thousands of people were hanged, how many were on stakes and so on and so forth, where at least one grave is dedicated to innocently killed baturians, children, women, families and so on, she was not there. russian political forces, communists, socialists, regionalists, immediately start a powerful campaign in the media and in parliament, print pseudo-scientific brochures and books. in the literature , which is quite legally published in ukraine, they write that the holodomor is a fiction, and openly warn that, they say, the memory of

the holodomor is a nation-building element, and that this memory threatens the unification of ukrainians on the basis of western values. it was easiest to oppose yushchenko by denying politics national memory, it was easiest to gather people who dreamed of the communist past under their banners. was it community resistance, or was it mass incitement and decrees. in this confrontation, there were always puppeteers who knew that... from the soviet one, on which the buttons must be pressed, the opposition in viktor yushchenko's humanitarian policy, connected with the memory of the holodomor, had two components: the first is that you you need to abandon the strategy of forgetting and you need to start remembering, remembering something that hurts, in your family there have always been

some difficult choices, and those choices may not have been ones you're proud of. the second part was purely pragmatic, because there was also a great need for pragmatic, economic reforms. political commentators often talked about the fact that the cultural policy is behind the supposedly necessary political and economic reforms, but to a greater extent, this was probably still connected with the traumatic nature of this memory. the terror of hunger in ukraine had the purposeful character of genocide. we share the pain of all affected nations. we ask you to jointly honor each national day a tragedy and to prevent the latest attempts to heroize the dictatorship of stalin and his regime. the politics of restoration of national memory, struggle against national sclerosis has always been a political struggle. it was always not a social act, a social

action, but always politics. when it became obvious that in order to save the tarnished image of the orange team, it would be necessary, anything... to play on the theme of hunger, then a kind of hunger-killing dreamer, dr. james, was urgently discharged from the united states of america mace. on the order of the day. i raised the question of the 32nd and 33rd years of the holodomor as a genocide, we won the vote thanks to one vote, if this vote had not been there, we would not have had a decision, the decision was made, thank you, the late yushchenko was laughed at, in particular at at some concerts, regarding themes related to the holodomir, the bee king, again not the tolodomor, spoke about the politics of national memory, it can be interpreted that it is from the politics

of national memory, it can be interpreted, i am inclined to be more likely that what was laughed at ominously out of revenge against yushchenko, no matter what time was not spoken against yushchenko, it was perceived maliciously, and that's how he should be, i'm sorry, let's call all these old scumbags by their names. technologies have been introduced into ukrainian society by this informational preparation for the capture and division of ukraine, they all cloud our vision greatly, we do not see where it was introduced and where ours, well, i think this is a specific red line, it is a mockery of these things, but it was generously reproduced by the party of regions, his political opponents, and accordingly, well, they are not... to devalue yushchenko in this way, but in fact they very much damaged the memory and dignity of those

people, which should have been protected by the memory of the holodomor, the crime of the totalitarian regime. laughing at the shrines was also part of the divisive policy, pretending that they were for the unity of the country, these destructive forces always sowed the seeds of discord, always fed on this discord. "if you lose your memory and talk about a national issue in the form of having boiled chicken in a pot every week, you will not lead the nation by that unless you you missed lessons about the nation at school, you missed about the foundation on which the state is built, the famine is not what it once was in the 33rd year and a series of pitiful stories about how..." slaves were kicked out of their houses and how they died in ditches and snow and so on. what of the stolen goods in ukraine, apart from grain

, have you already managed to sell to russia? you have a headache all the time about where and what to steal, and you think that everyone does this? if the famine is only the 33rd year in the past, which was and which must be remembered so that it does not happen again, it is just repeating itself, this whole grain corridor and all these are now bombed by russian missiles. grain elevators in the south of ukraine are a re-actualization of our memory of the 33rd year. surrender, i'm a pirate captain, i've come for your gold. in 2006, the cabinet of ministers issued a decree on mandatory dubbing in ukrainian of foreign films shown in cinemas. films with russian dubbing were bought in russia, immediately... they turned out to be useless, because the ukrainian one was the worst. like, this is my

hood, my hood, i haven't seen it in 20 years. and therefore, russian film distributors and their ukrainian partners were losing business. resistance to the ukrainization of rental cinema has begun. the pro-russian parliamentary lobby declares that no one will watch the classics of russian cinema, tarkovsky, godard or bonuel, in ukrainian. they perfectly understood what was open. it is precisely the broad masses that the tv can speak in ukrainian, including godard and buñuel, of course, they were against it, of course, they were furious, thank god, some political forces broke through this law, dubbing in the ukrainian language, and the fact is that our dubbing is ukrainian, it was simply incredibly high-quality, i know many russian-speaking people who watched ukrainian. because it was a qualitative reaction to the dubbing law of 2006

- it is an absolutely conscious continuation of the same policy, it is an absolutely clear demarcation of archaic and modern, modern in russian, archaic is allowed, that is, the little russian language is allowed as a cute curiosity, instead of the usual szeichna zdrovenki were. said, let's not, i'm not someone to you, no something, and i understand something, this is the consequence of such a consistent system. after all, the suppression of this civic consciousness, this fear of being different and such self-marginalization was brought up, i prefer this way, if you can't speak ukrainian normally there, then it's better to speak in russian. this psychological dichotomy is very deeply ingrained by the decree in badems and all this

badems policy, according to which your ho-ho is here. stall, but sorry, that means where the hands start, the press, newspapers, mail, telegraph, and lights shine, that means the boulevards of big cities, this is all in russian, the ukrainian language was banned for 400 years, by dozens of laws and circulars, both in the ukrainian ssr and during independence, ukrainian continued to be a sign of a non-prestigious world, a sign of involvement as if to a lower caste. to the margins. they searched, for example, imposed textbooks in an unnecessary language on the regions. the surnames kuguta, raguli, kolkhoz, movnyuks, banderas, national zabocheniya, were primarily related to the ukrainian language. this attitude was recorded in the collective consciousness of the whole generations of ukrainians, forced them to switch to russian. i like the way a person

speaks russian better. yes, i don't know what, it's some kind of language that is more gentle, something like that. people who mostly from the ukrainian -speaking regions, villages, small towns of these regions, which moved to a large urban place, switched to the russian language, russification, as well as the distorted ukrainian language and imposed this mockery of it, which was cultivated in the townspeople, these people, fearing to be a laughing stock , chose russian, and then they themselves were the first by the persecutors of ukrainian , i remember very well, i am a person from a ukrainian-speaking family, i left to call my mother, i did not want my fellow students, classmates to hear how i communicate in ukrainian, they did not ban ukrainian, because it would contradict fundamental dogmas the communist party of the soviet union was studied at school, books were printed, newspapers were published, there was a tv with a radio, but if you

persistently communicated in your native language at home or at work, you were automatically accepted. well, not as a ukrainian bourgeois nationalist, but, let's say, inclined to nationalism, that is, you were suspicious, resistance to ukrainization even 100 years ago, the playwright mykola kulish wittily describes the executed revival in the play of mina mazaylo, it is there that aunt motya from the city of kursk exclaims that it is more decent to be raped than to be ukrainized, it is interesting that already there kulish records the imperial rhetoric about ukrainian as " invention of the austrian general staff, the moloros of syatrusk, and some, you know, galicians, yes, that is, austrians, this rhetoric will be preserved and will resurface in 100 years in the theses of the fifth column of the kremlin in ukraine. i am against the lviv-galician dialects that littered

mass media today. i do not consider what is offered to us in the ukrainian language. this is a regurgitation of that part of ukraine, which was once constantly under some kind of oppression. even after russia's attack on ukraine, political resistance to de-russification of the language law will continue. in fact, there is no language problem anywhere, except in the building of this verkhovna rada, cursed by the people. this law, which creates a language ghetto, total violent ukrainization. the language issue will continue to be replaced by economic issues. in other words, a conversation about whether it is possible to smear the tongue on bread, because business, it feeds, language does not feed, you understand , you definitely cannot feed with language or language issues, you cannot spread language on bread, this is a statement of the status quo: you spread russian, but not ukrainian, russian feeds,

but ukrainian does not, we are still we don't understand that the war is going on, in particular, over what kind of language is spread on the bread, language is not a tool, or rather, language is not only a tool, as kant would say, therefore it is obvious that language becomes the space of some kind of cultural civilizational struggle and superiority in this struggle, it is necessary to cry, but it is very important to emphasize that it cannot be just a means, we have to protect her only because she is beautiful, when i gave birth to children, when... gave birth to my first daughter, and then i realized that i would never be able to speak russian with her , but at some point, one of my daughters came and asked: mom, why, why are we... ukrainians , and there are so few of us, and there are so many of them, i remember very well, she felt some inconsistency, she to ukraine, she speaks the ukrainian language, but at the same time she is

a minority. the ukrainian language is destiny. each of we at some point made a choice in favor of this culture, a choice that paid no, i repeat, no dividends. ivan franko could write in polish or german. olga kobylyanska - in german or. romanian, lesya ukrainka - russian, taras shevchenko - russian, vasyl stefanyk - polish or german. what was always important to me was not popularity in the literal sense of the word, but the fact that i was developing ukrainian civilization. that is why i imagine the thoughts of these people who were before me, who will be after me, who will choose the ukrainian language as the language of cultural choice. i am obliged to protect the life and dignity

of russian citizens, wherever they are. in august 2008, russia occupied part of the territory of georgia. the verkhovna rada of ukraine failed to vote on any of the seven resolutions to condemn the kremlin's military aggression, or at least express its position. go back to... again, the verkhovna rada, where the word russia was not mentioned, where we had, you know, such a photo shoot, we were talking about some aggressor, where is that aggressor, who attacked georgia, god knows him. the majority of ukrainian politicians and media people believed that it is better to observe neutrality. viktor yushchenko is even criticized for flying to tbilisi together with the presidents of poland and the baltic states. we came here today to say these words to you. georgia is our friend. georgians are our friends. the neutrality of ukrainian politicians, in the majority of ukrainian politicians,

is the reason that existed to a large extent until 2014, to some extent in 2022, this is the fifth column of ukrainian politicians, where targeting moscow was a key doctrine. i remember very well the summer of 2008 and... and the war of russia against georgia, i turned on ukrainian television and i understood that i did not understand, that is, no one could clearly give me information about what is really happening in georgia, and only including the voice of america then, i began to understand what, when, where, why and so on. i am not sure whether the elite understood to the end how important these steps were and how important it was to show. position just then, hide the camera, y the absolute majority of people who are familiar with putin's policy, its formulation

, the ambitions that he declared about the greatest tragedy of the 20th century, the loss of imperialism, the loss of the pole, the restoration of russia's geopolitical mission, and so on, this is all nonsense, then you have a very a quick conclusion, don't ask why... the bell rings for you, at that moment other ukrainian political leaders giggle and say no, i definitely, i definitely can have dinner without a cot, guests will eat, yulia was the prime minister at the time tymoshenko, clear, clear statements or at that time in georgia, we did not hear condemnation of russia's actions from the ukrainian elite, from the ukrainian politicians, and what can we say about ordinary ukrainians, that is, all this was... it was obvious, all this was predictable, it's just that the ukrainian authorities did not want to do it. many ukrainians looked at it through the prism of russian historians, yes, who

told us that russia brings good and development. this is what they are trying to convince the whole world of now. what they do in ukraine is for the benefit of ukrainians. in 2008, we found ourselves on one level, that the political class decided that the issue of georgia will be subordinated to political interests, conjuncture. from russia and so on, and the society in principle decided that, well , who cares about someone else's war, well, deep down there, there were more, there were intellectuals, there were small groups of demonstrators, but it did not cause a resonance. after russia's attack on georgia, the publication ukrainian weekly comes out with a cover: ukraine will be next. when we came out with this cover, it's so, you know, visual, compelling, and the reactions were unexpected colleagues and... friends said, well, well, well, it's too much, well, it can't be, well, it won't come to that. many see the cover of the ukrainian weekly as simply hysteria.

most ukrainians still do not understand. the importance of joining nato and lean towards the idea of ​​neutrality and non-alignment. the dates when we will actively hold mass protest events against ukraine's accession to nato have already been determined. and does ukraine need this block state at all. the vast majority of ukrainians were against ukraine joining nato. these trends have begun to change only after russia attacked ukraine and occupied crimea and donbas. and that is not very decisive. even. after the annexation of crimea and the occupation of the east, ukrainian politicians and diplomats still voiced ideas about neutrality and expressed skepticism about ukraine's membership in nato. we have to move sooner or later to various forms of multi-vectorism and neutrality. ukraine, i repeat once again, must always have a neutral status. the tutoring that came from moscow, the advice that moscow gave, this is your

place in the stall. cis and its security model, rather, a defensive model. defeat this evil. we succeeded just a few years ago: but why did ukraine lose 30 years to adopt this philosophy towards ukraine and nato at the social level, i think it is absolutely realistic. we are taking our decisive step by signing ukraine's application for accelerated accession to nato. it is clear that at the time of russia's attack on georgia in 2008, when it became obvious. threats

from moscow, nuclear weapons and their carriers, inherited by ukraine from the ussr, were either disposed of or transferred to russia. we are the same raised the authority of ukraine, the political image of ukraine. however, nuclear potential is not the only military asset that ukraine has lost, destroyed or sold off. at the same time , conventional weapons were also being reduced. and ukraine, as the successor of sovietsky. also became a party to the conventional arms reduction treaty in europe and proportionately undertook to reduce these enormous conventional forces. on the other hand, no one prevented us from developing our rocket and space industry, producing state-of-the-art weapons and military equipment for our own army on own defense enterprises, have we taken advantage of the opportunities? in three consecutive

ministers. defense of ukraine, i asked in plain text, well, it was a long time ago, we have a military doctrine, who is our alleged enemy, and as soon as i asked it, they simply froze and began to look for a hidden microphone with their eyes, talking aloud about what was once upon us attacking russia was an absolute taboo, a taboo for the armed forces to develop the military.

restrained development and restrained financing, we were disconnected from electricity, limited gas supply, and our specialists, our families of our aviators felt great hardship. ukraine inherited 44 strategic bombers, it was 19 tu-95 and 25 tu-160. and at that time the tu-160s were the newest strategic bombers in the soviet arsenal, they were not even in russia, and these planes, some of them were simply destroyed, cut up, some of them did not even fly for a single hour, and 11 strategic planes, three tu-95 aircraft and eight of the most modern with a minimum used resource of 160 aircraft were transferred to... russia,

except those specified.