for the state to dare to take such a step is very uncharacteristic for itself, because the instinct of the state prescribes controlling the maximum of all subordinates, all subordinate institutions, and on the other hand, this is a test for the public, which must also be able to mobilize, which must also be able to defend its voice, to do itself visible to the same authorities and to be an interlocutor for them, which causes both trust and... and a desire to communicate with them, so when we talk about the state, then in this situation the state is represented in the supervisory board four people, yes, there are two people from the president's office and two people from the ministry of culture, by the way, the ministry of culture somehow communicates, we already know the candidates from the ministry of culture to the supervisory board... kf bohdan, no, we don't know,

well, i would said that at least four, yes, because most likely six people represent the state and the bi-community sector, since cultural institutions are mostly also state-owned, and now the second question, here we are now coming back to the legislation, because you started talking about it like this it is enough, how to say, too optimistic, maybe the law which... which regulated, was written after the maidan and which actually determines that the office of the president, so delegates two people to the supervisory board of the ukf, are there any such precedents in general, firstly, whether there are such precedents in the world, when the presidential administration delegates its people to a cultural institution, for example, there are such

presidents, you know, you know, i would say that it depends a lot on the role of the president, since the role of the president is representative, yes, we know democracies, where the president has very limited powers and is more a symbol of democracy than a branch of government, uh, there are precedents like, if we talk about... the role of the president, who holds all the responsibility for everything that happens in the cabinet as well , and in the parliament and in any state department, yes, well, this additional burden on the president is absolutely absurd, well, you know the person in the office at the bank who deals with the cultural sphere, you know the person personally at... which: i only know

last name, it seems to me that this is done by mr. dniprov, who used to be tabachnyk's deputy and is also the president of the badminton federation of ukraine. unfortunately, i don't know anything more about this person, and i never had the opportunity to meet her. volodya, how about, what is your opinion about the presence of people from power in the supervisory board? from the presidential power, well, this is such an unusual precedent for cultural institutions, i mean in ukraine as well, of course, it seems to me that this is the only institution that has the right to delegate to the supervisory board the president of his candidates or the office of the president, there are actually different political cultures in the world, the french, in my opinion, is very close to ours, there it is a presidential republic, and there

the culture management vertical is very sensitive to the wishes and orders of the president’s office itself, it is us testified to this on their own experience, having launched a representative office of the ukrainian institute in france, and i know that a number of especially national cultural institutions in france, they actually listen very much, hear and carry out assignments presidential administration. french, yes, we have a slightly different management system in culture, but in terms of political culture and the rules of the game, it seems to me that france and ukraine are similar in many ways, but here i think we need to look at things in a slightly different way. this situation, the delegation of candidates does not mean, that is, it should not mean, so in an ideal world, and that is, it should not mean further.

control or manage through these people the decisions of the institution, again in an ideal world, the entities that delegate or. elect their representatives to the supervisory board, they should choose the best, the most conscientious, those who meet the very clear requirements for candidates for the supervisory board of the ukrainian cultural fund, in our case, defined in article six, according to the law on the ukf, that is, people with impeccable business reputation, people with extensive work experience in the field of culture, virtuous and so on, and so on, in principle, the function of delegators ends there, because... so on, the supervisory board is an autonomous, independent collegial body, which so on should no longer carry out someone's political orders or other, conditional assignments, so there is no subordination here, at least there is none in the law, and it should not be in practice, but in ukrainian political

culture it does not work that way, that is why i asked the question here in this way, as i put it, look, ivan kozlenko, by the way, the former director of the extension of the center, writes that... what last time in the last time is meant in this supervisory board, which is now in the ukf, there were such prominent cultural figures, such as a traveler artem surin, the director of my beautiful nanny and other quarters, russian kiryushchenko. i understand correctly that this kiryushchenko, who, as ivan kazalenko says, has a russian passport, he was specifically delegated. from the president's office, well, if i'm not mistaken, then yes , it seems, yes, actually, this proves a certain, certain, actually political culture in ukraine, but that i, for the sake of justice, should say that the same legislation was written under

president poroshenko, and we remember that in the supervisory board, correct me if it is not yes, there was maryna poroshenko, she was the head of the supervisory board, the head of the supervisory board. entered the supervisory board, there were different opinions about this or should and for what purpose , what was the purpose of this, and well, on the one hand , to ensure stability, so that is, quite often , it also depends very much on the political culture, but in many countries, the first order deals with culture. ugh, and that’s why there is logic in this, that the first lady should at least be on the supervisory board of the ukrainian cultural fund, i don’t see anything wrong with it, it seems to me that olena zelenska could also would be in the supervisory board of the ukf, at least it

would give the ukrainian cultural fund a little more publicity, yes, because for these three years the ukrainian cultural fund disappeared from... due to the fact that most of these elected people, they are very few public ones, well, only mr. kiryushchenko, a fairly well-known star, and therefore, actually, in my opinion , there is nothing wrong with this, and for obvious reasons there is no such rule in the legislation that the first lady should still be in the supervisory board, because it must be her personal decision for sure and decision. the president, maybe, but i don’t see any risks in this, perhaps, volodymyr , and regarding this, my actual question also concerned maryna poroshenko, but also that in the legislation, these two candidates from the office of the president, it was already established during the presidency of petro poroshenko, and not during the presidency of volodymyr zelenskyi, that is

, what, as you see, is the expediency of this, is it already in the new law, well, but, again, maryna poroshenko was not elected... from poroshenko's office, yes, because she was as the head of the supervisory board, she was actually elected by eight other members of the supervisory board, as the ninth member, and actually as the head of the supervisory board and the head of the ukrainian cultural foundation itself, because these are the positions of the role of the association. i correctly understand your point of view, that the problem is not that there are people from the ministry of culture, or from the office of the president, so in addition to... culture and public organization, that the main problem, the main one that you see, is these fake eyes public organizations that can be created, pockets, and which then vote in favor the necessary people, let's see who owns who, so

i will definitely express my opinion that it seems to me that the triad is the healthiest of those subjects who have to form. the supervisory board is such that it is the ministry of culture in the case of the ukf, it is cultural institutions or cultural institutions, and it is the public, that is how the competition selection works. elections for heads of all other institutions and institutions of culture, state and municipal in ukraine, in fact, this is also one of our post-maidan reforms in the field of culture, in order to conditional parity to represent the interests of these three groups of subjects, in the case of ukf, i would like to see a greater representation of the public, it seems to me that the supervisory board should have the majority of votes and people who will represent the independent public sector. then it will be a healthier story, yes, but it is possible to create a mass , but, at the same time

, the procedure itself must be improved, yes, that is, there cannot be 40 organizations registered to vote in the elections in the ukf, yes, this must be organizations with some reputation, perhaps the ukf should accredit them before this vote, and these may simply be those organizations that directly participated in the competitive procedures of the okf, that won, that successfully defended theirs. projects, yes, and, well, that's already, that's already the public formed by the ukrainian cultural fund, and this is essentially a retribution to the ukrainian cultural fund, because it is these organizations that should shape the future. among others, i will also add, among other proposals for reforming the selection process, which are put forward, in particular by the cultural community, this is preventing the organization from voting and nominating candidates that, for example, have been established for less than two years. therefore, and which , for example, organized less than a certain

number of cultural events or projects in a year, that is, are inactive or not very active in the field, and also organizations that, for example, had experience, previous experience of breaking agreements, grant agreements with ukf due to non-fulfillment of obligations "liabilities before the fund, and a number of other safeguards that would allow, and actually also the evaluation of organizations that are obviously related to each other or related. by persons who are candidates for membership, and well, that is, the conflict of interests must be mentioned in the law, that is, it cannot be the case that the person who is the founder of these organizations, in fact, starts all his organizations, even if they were candidates for the ukf, yes, it is still possible, well, that is, they participated in some projects of the ukf before, it must still be a conflict of interests, i have the impression that very good and decent people have gathered here in the studio. they live and talk about some ideal world, for example, i read it while preparing for

programs, before the conversation, i read that more than two years ago, the coalition of cultural activists developed these proposals for changes to the legislation, and some of them could be implemented at the level of the ministry of culture itself, there was no need to re-vote in the parliament, and it has not been done yet. that's why... what is the coefficient of usefulness of the fact that we are now having good conversations with you, as it should be, yes, we just see that , again, in the political culture of ukraine, it happens differently, in my opinion, these conversations extremely important, because i was at the same election in the artistic arsenal that kolinyak almost won, and i was the only representative of the media in the audience at that moment, and it seems to me ... that insufficient attention, it also leads to the fact that various suslen

companies are climbing out of their holes and starting to take over independent institutions, and now , to show, so to speak, the brutality of the methods, we will now show the post of the chairman of the board of public broadcasting, mykola chornotytskyi, who six months ago announced that public broadcasting was offered. jeans vs possible the head of the ministry of culture, yulia fediv, at that time they were saying, oh, no, no, no, after the ministry of culture itself, because just then there were talks that yulia fediv could head the ministry of culture, and here is the message, you can see it, that my colleagues from public, public, vlada tsurkan, who calls herself a representative of one of the ukrainian workers. of the current cultural fund, yes, offers a material reward for black pr against yulia fedev,

this proposal is underlined in red, and these are actually the methods that, as i understand, act, act people who do not want an update of the ukf, again, let's talk about the most positive ones. the scenario in this situation, which is now, yes, when half of the public organizations, let's say, as they say, belongs to one of the members of the supervisory board. what can be the composition of the supervisory board in the most positive , most optimistic version? what can be done? bohdan? well, in the most optimistic way, now the ministry of culture and the president are going out for an open, open dialogue with cultural actors, i think a few hours are enough for

to decide on worthy candidates , to discuss them, to plan the activities of the future supervisory board, and well, it could even be all eight people from it, well, that is, we still have voting for cultural institutions and public organizations, and there are less than half of suslanskyi, so we have there are still chances of victory from public organizations, so well... as for me, we can hope for a majority, if there is a minority, it will be difficult. volodya, what is yours, the most optimistic, what, what will be a victory for you? the victory will be democratic the majority in the supervisory board, as we now speak among ourselves, that is, these are people who share,

firstly, common values, and secondly, a vision of how the supervisory board can help ukf get out of this pit. which he is now, unfortunately, if this majority becomes a minority, then at least we like-minded people who make up this minority can talk to each other about how we can communicate, at least talk about what is happening in this supervisory board, if there are questionable decisions made by it or violated procedures, then at least this democratic minority will be able to talk about it publicly, attract public attention and mobilize again. the same public sector, yes, which i believe should be the main stakeholder in this process. i understand correctly that these funds allocated for this year are more than last year, but they are less than before the war, yes, before the full-scale, big war. i correctly understand that these

215 million hryvnias will not be enough and it will be necessary to attract them. funds from international donors, that is a logical assumption, it seems not very realistic to me for several reasons, the first is the exhaustion of the same international donors during two years of full-scale war, this is from my own experience, i also say, the experience of the ukrainian institute, now donors are reorienting themselves to infrastructure projects or to direct . support, for example, of regions affected by hostilities or occupation, this is such a hard, hard investment in ukraine, it seems to me that there are fewer and fewer donors and various international grantors ready to invest specifically in the sphere of culture, here the situation can partly be solved by the activity of the ministry of culture itself, which, in cooperation with

the ministries of other countries, can talk about a certain mobilization of funds and resources that would be directed to the ukf, but for this, trust in the ukf is needed, and the supervisory board will act as the face of this institution in one way or another. no international donor or even a ministry or private foundation will give funds to an institution whose face is compromised. well, here i can only add, that ukf had joint programs with international donors, to the current supervisory board. ugh, they're gone now. now, i'm sorry, this amount that the ukf should attract from these international donors should be more than the funds currently allocated by the ukf, the state this year, so that this activity makes sense, because the needs of the sector, and the sphere of culture, and the state and independent, several times, it seems to me, exceed the amount currently allocated to

the okf budget. my last question will be for those people we haven't convinced. what is the topic culture is important even during the war, here i call this amount 215 more than millions, and i think that obviously there will be people who will say that it is not necessary now, it is not necessary now how much, it is better to make drones, it is better to give it to the army, to the army and so on, as you answer, this is why culture is important in wartime, this should be the last question, uh, this is a question that... we, for example, in the ukrainian team, probably ask ourselves every day, yes , because we also collect for our institutional activities, to spread ukrainian narratives in the world, and...how to talk about it now, well, it's quite difficult to talk, but we have to understand that drones save our lives

in the short term, narratives in the long term, and since this is a narrative war, well, we have every chance of losing it , if we do not form our own culture, our own narratives here and do not spread them, we will not spread them to the world. volodya, i would like to quote pavel makov, a ukrainian artist who recently published an interview a few days ago, an interview with him came out in which he says that if we had not started this work, so with the communication of cultural ukraine in the world much earlier, then perhaps this war would not have happened, he puts forward such a hypothesis, since the europeans would not have defended ukraine then, but rather their own, i.e. they would... accept ukraine as a part, definitely a part of the european space, and this defensive defensive war of ukraine would be perceived by them not as someone else's war, but as a war for the protection of their own, and

this, too, is probably a somewhat utopian thesis, it is very important to me nevertheless responds, because without the subjectivity of culture in the world, we will not win this war, i believe that without this culture being created internally, we will have nothing... to demonstrate or communicate abroad, and that is why these post-maidan institutions, in particular ukf, are so important. and by the way, i highly recommend reading the interview with pavel makov, about which volodymyr sheyko speaks, it has such a very piercing title that if there is no ukraine, then what is all this for me, that is the name of this article, and volodymyr sheyko , director of the ukrainian institute, bohdan logvynenko, founder. of the ukrainer project were our guests, we talked about the fate of the ukrainian cultural fund, we hope that this institution will stand,

in particular, with our joint efforts with you , thank you for being with us, thank you for watching the espresso tv channel, see you next week, thank you. there are 15% discounts on optimal at podorozhnyk pam and oskad pharmacies. there are discounts on pshyk, 10% in the pharmacies psyllanyk, bam and oskad. 93 separate mechanized brigade kholotny yar is in dire need of fv drones. to effectively hit the enemy and increase losses of living and non-living forces of the occupier, for the approaching victory, which all of ukraine is waiting for, glory to ukraine, glory to the heroes.

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watch this week in the judicial control program with tatyana shustrova. catastrophic lack of personnel, where to take half of the judges. there is a high probability that certain appellate judges will be suspended. but how did judicial reform progress in ukraine last year? we have a chance to choose normal judges of the constitutional court. congratulations, this is a court order control and i tatiana. shustrova. we received the status of a candidate country for joining the eu, but on the condition of fulfilling the so-called seven steps , the criteria defined by the european commission, among which are anti-oligarchic reform, the fight against corruption, changes in the laws on national minorities and the media, and one of the key points is the implementation of judicial reform. and over the past year , ukraine has managed a lot. today we will tell

you the extent of this reform. moved from her place, but first to the news. the appellate courts of ukraine lack half of the judges, out of 1,350 700 positions are vacant. in the last 10 years , not a single judge has come there. this affects the terms of consideration of cases and their quality. there is a high probability that certain appellate judges will be suspended. yes, currently only four judges work in the sumy court of appeal. in... but this is both a criminal and a civil chamber, taking into account the fact that in appeal courts cases are heard as part of a collegium, that is, by three judges, with two judges in each chamber, in fact it is impossible to create a collegium, and they involve the criminal chamber of the civil , civil criminal, so how long they will last, let's say this, it is unknown in this condition and in this mode of operation, in the kharkiv court of appeals out of 60...

there are only 13 full-time judges, in the largest kyiv court of appeals there are not enough full-time judges out of 145 70. the higher qualification commission of judges plans to start interviews with candidates for vacant positions of judges in appeal courts in the autumn of next year. the competition has already started, more than 200 candidates, the most willing to take up the position , are applying for 550 vacant positions of judges in the general appeals court, 912. the least in the appellate commercial judge - 183. the assembly of judges of the cassation civil court of the supreme court elected judges olga stupak and serhiy pogribny to the grand chamber for a term of three years. according to the estimates of the foundation's experts, the appointed judges are dishonest. according to the conclusion of the civic council of virtue , the property of olga stupak's family does not correspond to income. also, the judge allegedly deliberately understated the value of the purchased

real estate in the declaration. olga stupak assured that she bought 10 hectares of land in kyiv for allegedly 149 00 uah, and a new house with an area of ​​380 m2 and 13 acres of land near kyiv, her mother-in-law managed to buy almost three times less than the market value. from the conclusion of the public council of virtue. in particular, unconfirmed sources of income for the acquisition of a 380 m2 house and a land plot of 0.13 ha by the candidate's estate. below it, which are located in the village of stoyanka, kyiv-svyatoshyn district, kyiv region. according to data from real estate sites, the market value of such buildings is from uah 5 million. in the candidate's declaration , the value of the house is not indicated at all, but in in her explanations, she reported that the house and land were purchased for uah 1,862. the national anti-corruption bureau conducted an investigation into the fact of a possible

false declaration. information by supreme court judge olga stupak and verified the compliance of the judge's income and assets. detectives found many violations, but the judge was lucky. the constitutional court of ukraine annulled the article for unreliable declaration. there is also a negative conclusion of the public council regarding serhiy pogribny, who was elected to the position of judge of the grand chamber of the supreme court virtue in particular, it refers to his decision with signs of political influence regarding illegal construction in odesa uzbe. and about the transfer of land to the kyiv zoo, which the judge allowed to be built in a very quick time in one sitting, 10 days after accepting the lawsuit, the judge also forbade filming in an open session, although the parties to the case did not object, and thereby violated the principle of openness. last year, despite the large-scale war unleashed by russia, ukraine confidently continued its way to europe.