a question that i always asked when some representatives of the president's office, and not only the president's office, told me that in the summer we would be in crimea, for example, i said , and if we are not, what will we do then, the president's office and certain special services will be there , that they will then sell, sell, of course in quotation marks, to the ukrainian society, how will they... explain this, were there any grounds for such a claim? and now we will have exactly the same situation, because if the commander-in-chief changes, or, rather, it should be said, when the commander-in-chief changes, i can also support the version of our western journalists that the question with... the change will still

arise and it will still end with the resignation of the hard-working one sooner or later, the remark, indeed, the president zelenskyi has full authority to do this, but at the same time, what if the situation at the front does not improve after the change of head of state, i.e. the situation at the front, the situation in the army. there is a situation with mobilization that, then, how will the president's office explain why it is not happened, well, accordingly , a person who will take the place of an industrious person will once again feel very dependent on the political decisions that will be dictated to him, otherwise he will fall into disfavor just like the industrious person, and this is her kind .

they said very truthfully here what to expect there, but you have to understand that when people there start to be led to think that there is no need to create an alternative to zelenskyi, they say that zaluzhny is aiming for some kind of, well, the next presidency or some other such things then i have a very simple question: have we already won? do we already know when the presidential election will be? do we know what positions zaluzhny, zelenskyi and other actors who we currently have in politics will take in these presidential elections? i have a very clear answer until the war is won, or at least the situation with the war is not clear, until we ... have conditions for the re-election

of the supreme commander, the president, until there are conditions for elections, until then generally about what elections should be considered, here, first of all, one should think about what to do with war, what to do in situations when we really have a lack of funds, a lack of weapons and a lack of manpower on the front line, absolutely, absolutely with you. one, mr. viktor, that in a situation where the question is about the future of ukraine, about the question of life and death, and the question of how we should win this war, in fact, and not lose both ukraine, and independence, and territories, then, in fact, already, already after that, you have to think about who will be a candidate there and... in what year a

presidential candidate or be at the head of some political party party, but among the arguments that have been heard over the past few days in the discussion, whether in absentia or face-to-face discussions between zaluzhy and zelenskyi, they say, there was the issue of mobilization, on february 6 the verkhovna rada of ukraine should start consideration of the draft law on mobilization, the updated draft law, the government has prepared , submitted to... the council of ukraine and let's see what is actually in this bill so that our viewers understand why zelenskyi and zaluzhny could debate there, and not only because of this, but because of what awaits millions of people who fall under mobilization , over the next few years, in order to understand what system they are trying to build in ukraine now so that this mobilization... works, therefore, the main

innovations of the government bill on mobilization are very brief: first, conscription age and terms of service envisages a change in the conscription age from 20... to 25 years and dismissal after 36 months of continuous service during martial law. second, the conscript's electronic cabinet is proposed to oblige conscripts to register the conscript's electronic account, where the tsc can send electronic summonses. the third is a mandatory verification of credentials within 60 days after the law comes into effect. conscripts must undergo a verification of credentials, which can be done through an electronic cabinet. the fourth. punishment for evaders in case of failure to appear at the tcc includes a temporary restriction on the right to drive vehicles, seizure of funds in bank accounts and electronic money in electronic wallets. the fifth is additional powers of the police. police get the right to check military registration

documents, detain conscripts and deliver them to the tsk. well, there are still many points, we have chosen just five of these most important points. it is clear that in this situation, zelenskyi says, the military has prepared such a bill for me, or the government has prepared it, and zelenskyi can at any moment veto this law, or not sign it, as was the case with the law, which, among other things, reduced the mobilization age from 27 to 25 , but this law has not been signed somewhere and has not been returned without a veto or at all it is not clear what happened to him. mr. viktor , i am appealing to viktor bobrenka, if... you will allow me right away on this draft law, look, if president zelenskyy wants to take all the responsibility upon himself by dismissing the head of the scumbag, then why does he not introduce this draft law himself, why do we

not hear , what the president actually wants , that is, now the verkhovna rada will first begin to break the spears there and what... to make some amendments, and then you rightly told serhiy that later it will turn out that some of these novelties that will be introduced will not coincide with the , as this situation is seen by the supreme commander-in-chief, accordingly, the law can be enshrined, so why fence off such a garden, if you can actually introduce a presidential bill on your own? he has the possibility of a legislative initiative, thank you, thank you, mr. viktor, i am turning to another, mr. viktor, why do you think zelensky constantly distances himself from the mobilization of the law on mobilization, because it is a direct

presidential duty and the duty of the supreme commander announce a mobilization or submit a mobilization plan or to announce that we will continue... the mobilization, it happened eight times, if i am not mistaken, during the last two years of the great war, that is, a bill was submitted, the mobilization continues, there are no questions, and when we came to this great conceptual law, it turns out that that there are some military personnel who are preparing, and zelensky for some reason does not associate himself with this vertical, although he is the supreme commander of the armed forces of ukraine. the law is not exactly popular. in the electoral group of supporters of zelensky, because supporters zelenskyi, again, we will not generalize, not all, but a significant part, and they see it through focus groups very simply, yes, they understand that there is a target audience,

well, an electoral audience that wanted to fight with the remote control to the advantage, yes it's like shouting on the sofa, and some of them don't come. the norms of the law, first of all, the reduction of the conscription age from 27 to 25 years, that is why, seeing this, zelensky wants to distance himself, i am not me and the house is not mine, so that the associative series of mobilization is associated with zaluzhnyi, not zelensky, and that is exactly why therefore not the president introduces this bill, yes, he introduces it... the government, but all the time they will emphasize that it is the military, that it is the military and that the conflict of the zelensky militia is precisely because of the law on mobilization, in fact no, we have already said it before , that in fact, in fact, jealousy, yes, and this is just a cool

excuse, here is the opportunity to once again smear zelensky, say, like, i don’t want, there is no need to call up 500,000 people, although how do you... is going to win, it is not known how in the same law, they prescribe a norm of 36 months, which means that already on february 24, 2015, a large part of the military can demobilize, who will replace them, and the replacement is prepared, and it takes three months to prepare, and what will we do if putin holds his, well, so-called elections on march 17, and will announce additional mobilization, another 500-600 thousand will be brought, and what we will do, how we will respond, what will be our response to chamberlain, is unclear, and that is why zelensky would like... that, as in a game of backgammon, we take a machine gun with which you can shoot from around the corner and they

said fuck-fuck-fuck you are all killed, yes, no the politicians who are not experts in war at all are fighting, they cannot impose their will on the military, and they have to listen to them, even on what stalin was already a usurper there, and he tolerated it, even though he did not like his generals, well, later. marshals, yes, by the way, zelensky should do the same, take an example from stalin, from hitler, who really, really disliked their generals, but still had to endure, and don’t like it that way , just don’t like his power, like you can do more, bring shells, cartridges, sign laws, make a regulatory framework, everything is fine, and and and and not invite even an industrious nastala to you, and that's all, thank you, mr. igor, what... the problem now is with mobilization, and whether this law should have been special, or whether

it was simply necessary to follow the norms that existed in ukraine, because yesterday i spoke on the air with serhiy kryvonos, he said that there are no problems at all in carrying out this mobilization, then there is the entire regulatory framework, everything is defined, who should behave, how, who should do what, of course, this whole system that existed . from the soviet union and was a little modernized, probably needs improvement and or, sorting through, it must be assembled in a new way, but in the conditions in which we are now, in the conditions of war, in principle, this system could continue to work, but why is there such a stir around it now? well, you see, the hype arose for one simple reason, and that reason is purely informational. at first , society was swayed for more than... a year in the sense that there is no need for any additional mobilization, we have the whole situation under control

and in general we will be drinking coffee in yalta soon. and i note that they talked about it, by the way, politicians, i.e. people who are related to political activity. i am from the military, well, maybe, except for mr. budanov, and mr. budanov should be noted later, well, he apologized, you, let's say, and made corrections to his statements, but i have not heard such forecasts from other military personnel. they were very careful with all the forecasts and did not comment or forecast anything, and that was done by politicians, and then , well, society, you know, how they hit it on the head with an ax, they said that it turns out that we need a lot of people, we have a problem with people, boys and girls who are at the front , they are tired, they need to be replaced , the number of troops needs to be increased, because russia does not stop and pre, respectively, further, and the society perceived this as a kind of deception on the one hand, and injustice on the other. because there are still some doubts and , by the way, this law is partly in

the format in which it was submitted to the verkhovna rada for the second time and it does not solve the problem of this particular justice by and large, although it tries to do so on some points, but strange enough method, and the second point, by the way, when i mentioned at the beginning that today the office of the president probably launched a certain anti-crisis there, trying to present a thesis about dismissal for meritorious service, as it goes without saying... that there is no problems , they blamed him for the failed work of the territorial assembly centers, that is, they say that he did not get things in order there, that is, it is his, let’s say, the problem there, his area of ​​responsibility, well, there is a bit more manipulation here, because, well, they are in general under the command of the ground forces of ukraine, which in turn is subordinate to the general staff, but there is still a specific other person who is responsible for it, and there is a second point, the same employee... said that i also understand it, mr. kryvonosa confirms to a certain extent, that the system was working, but when the mass dismissals of these

heads of the central committee began, some of which were absolutely well-argued, substantiated and connected with some kind of corrupt actions, there is no point in arguing with it right away, it collapsed the entire system in general, because there is no one to replace them wanted to go, people from the front, they do not want to risk their image and their reputation to go to this position, where they are a priori guilty, where the presumption applies. guilt, not the presumption of innocence, and this system, well, it was overwhelmed for political reasons, i remember the president's address that we are firing everyone, cleaning up and so on, so we just needed this law eh... well, let's say yes, to modernize, to introduce certain actions, starting at least from the middle of the 22nd, as a maximum from the end of the 22nd, the beginning of the 23rd, and not to do this is at the end of the 23rd, at the beginning of the 24th, well, and one more key moment, the law really does not change much by and large, it just tries as much as possible

to notice who is where and who does what, let's say, so that society clearly knew that who fights, who works, and accounting, it was put, let's say, on a new stream and with the help of those tools that are prescribed in this law, but will these tools work and do they not violate the current legislation, that's it the question will be the verkhovna rada is already analyzing, especially since they have very little time for this analysis, they are planning, as i understand it, and arahamia actually spoke about it, and they want to adopt the law and put it directly into effect almost by the end of february. thank you, mr. igor, gentlemen. let's take a short break, we'll be back on the air in a minute. do ordinary things become unreal? heavy bags are not for my sore back. for back pain, try dolgit cream. long-acting cream relieves pain, reduces swelling and improves joint mobility. with the cream

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on thursday, february 1 at 5:45 p.m., watch the judicial control program with tatiana shustrova on the espresso tv channel. vasyl zima's big broadcast. two hours of air time. two hours of your time. two hours to learn about the war and how the world lives. two hours to keep up with economic and sports news. two hours in the company of favorite presenters, presenters who have become like family to many, as well as distinguished guests of the studio. events of the day in two hours. vasyl zima's big broadcast. a project for smart and caring people. in the evening! on espresso. fear of an opponent is something i have felt more than once, and that is normal. recognize fear, study your opponent, teach your body, defeat it. it's like fighting with veel. if due to fear of not doing regular tests, the ox

may enter the stage of breakfast. you may not feel the symptoms, and he will win. it 's not easy, but... science has learned your enemy for you, with regular antiretroviral therapy your body will learn to keep it under control and you will live a full life without fear. knowing about complex things is important. knowledge about the ox saves lives. this is the verdict program. we continue our broadcast, i am serhiy rudenko, we have three political experts as guests, ihor iterovych, viktor. shlinchak and viktor boberenko. during our broadcast, we we conduct a survey. we ask you, friends, whether it is necessary to block the accounts of the petitioners and deprive them of the right to drive a car. if you vote on youtube, that's all... not for nothing, if you're in front of the tv, watching us on the air, pick up your smartphone and vote 0800 211 381 if you support this initiative,

if you don't support 08021 382, all calls to these numbers are free, at the end of the program we will sum up the results of this vote, gentlemen, before the break we mentioned the verkhovna rada, which will adopt this the law on mobilization and they mentioned... david arahamia, the leader of the servants of the people parliamentary faction, arahamia says that in general they are almost on the verge of survival there in the parliament, because everyone is fleeing, he says, 17 deputies are ready to put down the mandate and it will be a parliamentary crisis, of course , there will be no parliamentary crisis, probably david darakhamiya has not observed parliamentary crises in ukraine before. 25 years or 30, so for him 17 deputies is a parliamentary crisis, what is with the parliament now, they hold this parliament and

will they not keep their majority, or will they still have to look for a new coalition, and this monomajority will be forced to share powers with someone, i am now even afraid to name the political force that will support them in this situation, or will they still be in. .. to work in such a manual mode, as before, and in principle to make the decisions that are expected of them. mr. viktor, shlinchak, please. well, let's start with the fact that the parliament is actually excluded from the agenda, and from the possibility of making decisions, any political, economic, structural, and military as well. now it looks like the parliament is... the right hand of the president's office, this has been going on for more than one year, it's all clear, uh, when david rahamia says that he's 17,

he has a statement that with his factions only want deputies to leave, well, i know at least up to three dozen deputies from other political forces and non-factional forces who would also like to... leave this ship, because they do not see the point of staying in such conditions, where there is no political debate, i.e. our parliament has become a place for political discussion, and given that it is in such a closed information space, i.e. there is no broadcasting anymore, journalists are not allowed in the parliament. this is such a structure simply to sanctify certain political decisions, so far david arahami manages to gather some kind of

majority in order to vote certain initiatives, but it very often happens that the meeting of the verkhovna rada ends very quickly, because there is simply not enough elementary votes, if in the service of the people there... more than 230 deputies, who make up this monomajority, then 160 to 170 deputies come to the meeting of the council , some are still on business trips, some are sick, some simply do not go to work, that is, here the issue with the parliament is so philosophical, what to do with it, but to say that that is very often all the same. the parliament played a really historical and defining role in the history of ukraine, but since we have a parliamentary presidential republic, we really want

to return to this model sooner or later, also taking into account the phenomenon that we will have after the month of may, when i will actually reach the end of the term of office of the president, and the parliament will still remain legitimate. thank you, mr. viktor , mr. igor, well, look, i agree with the fact that now the parliament is in such a very elevated state, and after the month of march, in the month of may, well, certain questions may arise regarding the return to a real parliamentary-presidential republic, i'm not talking about the scenario where power is transferred to the speaker and so on, no, it's not about that, but about that, nevertheless, from a formal point of view and from a real point of view may emerge... a slightly different reality, and this reality will no longer be the same as it was modeled by the president's office, and that's exactly what it's about, just not directly, i think i said arahamia because he is not

so much concerned about the 17 men who will leave. and they will not gather the necessary number of votes, as much as the formal existence of the so-called monomajority, because if it disappears, yes, they will have to form some new coalition, but it is far from the fact that this coalition, it will is under the control of the president's office, and now they are working very actively on this, the tools, well, the whip, which were used there before, they do not act in principle the way the representatives of the government , no , not the legislative power, would like, they hope precisely because that the key such tool is the law enforcement and anti-corruption bodies there, but very often this leads to the fact that the deputies there are deprived of their mandate, and accordingly they lose the bayonet they have in the verkhovna rada. therefore, i do not rule out that now there will be a certain attempt to collect, well , to start acting again with the mechanisms of these gingerbreads, which were very common until february 24, 22nd year, then they were abandoned, and by the way, this affected the motivation of many deputies, well

, the test. there will be a vote for the law on mobilization, because he, if he, well, although he must somehow enter the society and the society at least somehow perceived him, he must gain more than 300 votes, if it will be much less, then relatively speaking, he is a servant of the people, plus them satellites from several groups and the former opzh, well, the citizens will react accordingly and demonstrate their attitude towards the verkhovna rada. thank you, thank you, mr. igor, mr. viktor, or do you... do you think that the law on mobilization will be just that test, a test drive for the servant of the people? of course, they will bring motivational envelopes , of course they will allocate them to those who need them, and in this way, if they would avoid a parliamentary crisis, they will continue to use this method of motivational envelopes, and in the future...

not every month, as before, but once. again , i agree with my colleagues that we have, in general the verkhovna rada is an element of facade democracy, or office democracy, if you like, in ukraine. but i wouldn't put much faith in arahami. i trust arakham even less than nikiforov, who reassured me yesterday or the day before yesterday that zelenskyi didn't want anything there, and it's all hostile ipso, yes, regarding the release. so, don't believe it, arachami, well, list writers. it's easy to replace, but uh, majoritarians, they understand that most of them are serving their last term, they came as nobody, but they have become wealthy people, and they will use the opportunity to be to influence well in their constituencies, including sticking something from subventions to themselves somewhere, and we know, well, at least i know such examples in my region, so they will

use their status. for, let's say, securing your resources so that your grandchildren will have enough, so don't worry about it. thank you, mr. viktor, gentlemen, i thank you for participating in the program, viktor shlinchak, igor reiterovych and viktor boberenko were guests of our program today, you were wonderful as always, and your comments were relevant to the current situation political in ukraine. friends, i would like to remind you that on... our broadcast we are conducting a poll, we are asking you about whether it is necessary to block the accounts of the petitioners and deprive them of the right to drive a car, so on the broadcast 60, 55% yes, and 45%, no, on the youtube channel, on the youtube channel 41 yes, and accordingly 59%, no,

well, it is roughly related somewhere. all the same, these are the results of our survey today, we will put an end to it, you still have the opportunity, those who watch us on social networks and on youtube, put like this video in order for this beautiful broadcast to be promoted in youtube and facebook trends, i'm telling you, goodbye, i wish you all the best, take care of yourself and your loved ones, see you tomorrow at 20:00, be healthy! it's 2 p.m. in ukraine, news time on the espresso tv channel, in the studio of iryna koval, congratulations.