temporary territory, their votes were counted for president putin, and how can he be considered the legally elected president of russia, if he basically falsified the election at the expense of these 2 million, can this be so, and if it happens, what will it mean for putin, will he be called the self-proclaimed president of russia, like the self-proclaimed president of belarus? this is a very difficult question, probably in... in general globally and from the evaluations that i hear in the comments, well , it seems to me that it is unlikely, of course, that that the elections, the so-called illegal elections in the occupied ukrainian territories, are not recognized by the world, as they were not recognized before, this is an important point, but is the west ready to simply cut off all ties with the current russian government, that is the question the question is also that... will the majority

of russian citizens really not vote for putin if we do not take the occupied territories there, for example, because there is already legitimacy in this or not, and in belarus, for example, we all watched people who went out on the street, tried somehow to resist, but they did not succeed, but they came out, does the west see the same efforts of russian citizens and the same mistrust there in the current government, which is going to be re-elected, we heard... from the president of the european council , charles michel, that he already congratulated putin with victory, that is, it is not a secret for anyone at all and it is not a surprise in any way that vladimir putin will take this seat again, but is it worth it for the west to break absolutely all diplomatic ties with modern russia, as it is , everyone understands, and, but how ready are you to isolate in this sense, well, this is a big question, i think that it is not enough

... well, you mentioned charles michel, we will now look at the tweet on twitter or on the social network x, as charles michel's tweet is now called, it is sarcastic, of course congratulated the russian dictator putin on his victory, he said that he would like to congratulate putin on a convincing victory in the elections that begin today without opposition, without freedom, without choice. oleksiy, if there is an autocracy, an autocratic regime, a dictatorial regime in... russia, why does putin have these? pseudo-elections, in order to demonstrate that he and the people are one, that they have a single choice, a single thought, a single action, why should he go through all these procedures, where there is no democracy, and where, in principle, the result has long been known. look, why

were elections held, why were elections held, so to speak, it is obvious that to some extent for him, for him, for him personally, this is an element of legitimizing his own power, because the system is built in such a way that it imitates, imitates democracy , imitates eligibility, to refuse. he can’t do that, obviously, although in principle, if they decided to proclaim him a monarch or even a god, i don’t know, there would be nothing to prevent him from doing so, given that there are no countermeasures or competition mechanisms in russia in russia, obviously , that he still adheres to this way of proving his legitimacy, so to speak, but for the world it does not matter at all, the world... can

communicate with monarchs, with, i don’t know, people who proclaim themselves prophets by god, because in principle there are no internal, so to speak, procedures, they are not important, the question is that putin actually seized, announced the annexation of the territory of a neighboring state, and here, from my point of view, the world has nothing to do with it. . so to speak, to put up with it, and if we say, well, in fact they recognized the parliamentary elections, despite the fact that some of the deputies were elected in the captured territories, well, it is bad that they did not recognize it, i think that we should insist on whether it will lead to any immediate consequences, maybe not, but at least this is a principled position that allows us to build further policy, again, not recognizing...

legitimacy does not mean that it might be impossible to communicate on some issues with this government, well, that is, putin leads russia, because he was elected in the previous election in fact, and ... until his successor was elected, he still remains in power in russia, but remains an illegitimate, illegitimate president who has not confirmed his mandate for the election. this is a perfectly normal position, yes just like the perfectly normal position of ukraine, when we say that we cannot recognize russia's membership in the united nations, because it is also illegitimate, or does this... mean that russia is now not allowed to attend the security council meetings, on sorry, no, but this does not mean that we have to abandon this line, well, but the current election for president putin is completely different, because he enters and speaks in these elections as a candidate who

has a warrant from a criminal, international criminal court, he is the person who started the great war against ukrainian state that is, i started, started, i want, by the way, serhiy, i want to emphasize one more point, it has the so-called nullified term, er, which was introduced by a completely illegal referendum, which was also held in the occupied territories, and already this referendum should not be recognized, and because of this, this undermines its legitimacy. well, but the totality of these facts and factors. well , it can obviously make the world look at these elections and the future of putin in a completely different way, although i do not rule out that the next there will be no elections for putin, he will simply take and hold a coronation, say that he is the king

of the russian empire or the russian federation and that's it, that's all, if only he sees that he has some competitors, although we see how these competitors , by the way... and navalny should be mentioned in this context, no matter what, but at least the murder of navalny also during the election campaign, that is, he relapses and he looks like a st. petersburg recidivist who got into power , who is trying now in prolong this power and seized this power and does not give the opportunity to other political forces, leaders of political forces to move forward. here it is also important to understand that for putin this is also a procedure, so to speak, not only of his own legitimacy, confirmation, but also a test of the loyalty of his population, and especially his own, so to speak, prist on the entire official,

official vertical, they have to prove that they are in control of the situation, make such, you know, as they said in the old film kutin, that we... well, these prematures have already begun voting, early voting, and already in moscow, in st. petersburg, in rostov, there in various autonomous districts there are already arson at polling stations, dyes are poured over zelenka and others, well, is it possible... they are protesting, let's see, we have a small video yes, let's see how it all happens, you see that people are trying to protest about these elections in some way

, they are pouring zelenka, that is, this is only the beginning of the protests, of course it all looks very unconvincing and... in copper, despite the what, what could the russians do, and on the other hand, i don't know, katerina, what, what, what else they could do, they will protest there at 12 o'clock on election day and remember navalny, what can those russians who do not agree with putin's policy and the fact that he is re-elected for a second presidential term do, what do you think they could do and if... did everything they could, i mean just on the day of navalny's burial, and then indeed there several tens of thousands of people took to the streets with flowers, and it was, perhaps, this is the maximum , you say protests, we see these shots, probably

ukrainians do not associate it with such protests, a single protest yes, but the mass one and the one that has an effect, which we are used to, then of course not, well, for sure... we should n't expect anything extraordinary like that, we also see official russian sociology there, including those sociologists like the levada center, which, which... you can supposedly trust, which you can orient yourself plus or minus, and there is some kind of zero support for putin, but no, he has a high one the rating has always been maintained, and it is probably important for putin himself to do everything within the framework of, well , if only the law, in order to confirm this not just visually, that here and there the crowds will vote, but really, it is probably important for him to understand that this support exists, well isn't she there, the majority trusts him, the majority re-elects him again and again, this one... well , you can say there, monarch, he will declare himself, and maybe it's not necessary, and maybe it's not necessary, because for him again there are 4 - they will

vote for 5 years, and he has this support, he has hers feels and has such legitimacy for these certain actions, he is quite confident, and when we saw him unsure about this again in the pre-election, in my opinion, absolutely the interview that we saw this week, because there was a lot of talk about internally there are russian some beautiful things, so fantastic when... you listen to it and understand that it is about russia, well, it sounds unrealistic, but nevertheless, it is not intended for the domestic audience, and it probably has such an effect, such parallel reality in which they live, and probably suits them, so i don't think we will see any super-global protests. oleksiy, that's what, what we saw and these fillings of ballots and these urns by zelenka and some others. pickets, protests , it is very reminiscent of what used to be during the soviet union, there were loners who went out

there and protested against something, don't you think that there is no such concentrated protest movement in russia, at least in some part there in russia, who would come out and say that putin is gone, unfortunately... no, this also applies, especially, it is a pity that it also applies to the so-called national entities, which actually could have at least the motive of self-preservation, which in fact russia is now destroying these peoples, but we do not see a great potential, well, they got out a little in bashkiria, bashkartistan, something is happening in ingushetia, or there were some protests in dagestan, but they are not massive. unfortunately, now, but again, well, in such

regimes as the russian one, in fact, they fail at all not in the elections, well, that is ceausescu did not lose any elections, he won with a huge, excellent result, but it did not help him, and in fact, even we can remember that yanukovych won the last elections, so to speak. he was removed from power in a completely different way, so it seems to me that it is simply obvious that the fate of this regime will be decided not in the elections, especially not in the simulation of elections, although, of course, any attempts by the people to somehow fix my position, express a protest, even individually, you know, me i remember those times when... we went out alone, but again, drop by drop, it leads to something, to something,

and the main thing, actually, is that people themselves feel their responsibility for what they, they they do, and it seems to me that this is important, because sooner or later this regime will convert, the question will be what will happen next with russia or in place of russia? by the way, i will add very briefly, from this same interview again, dmitry kiselov is there, he tells putin that he is a nazi. regimes, they do not dissolve by themselves, they disappear in the case of a military experience of a military defeat, they did not say this about themselves, of course, because everything is absolutely the same there, but they understand this very logic, and they can call the ukrainian state a nazi state there and a fascist regime in ukraine, any different, but still they understand the very logic and the very meaning and rules of the game, and this is very... thank you, dear tv viewers, viewers, i remind you that today

we have oleksiy mustafin and kateryna nekrecha on the air, kateryna nekrecha is a radio journalist svoboda, oleksiy mustafin - journalist, media manager, historian. in the course of this broadcast, we are conducting a survey, we are asking you whether the west will dare to send its troops to ukraine. so, if you watch us on youtube, vote yes, no, or write your comment below this video. if you watch us. on the air, pick up your smartphone or phone and vote if you think the west will dare to send its troops to ukraine, 0800 211 381, no 0800 211 300. 72, all calls to these numbers are free, vote, at the end of the program we will sum up the results of this vote, well, to ukrainian realities, to ukrainian politics, this week the verkhovna rada of ukraine gathered very briefly for its session, after which the people's deputy of ukraine yaroslav zheleznyak announced that the verkhovna rada

is approaching of the parliamentary crisis due to the inability of monopolies to make important decisions. listen. what did yaroslav zheleznyak say? so far, it is not possible to say that this is a direct crisis, but it is obvious that the parliament began to malfunction very often, it is obvious that i have the majority have a huge problem with votes, it is obvious that without support, as the partners call them, in the people we call them opz, they will not be able to pass any law, obviously. that last time the session was canceled not because there was a report to be made for the senate, it was some kind of nonsense, which, frankly speaking , was inexplicably invented for what purpose, or someone went there to inspect something, no, because there were no votes, well yaroslav zheleznyak thinks , that we are on the verge of a parliamentary crisis,

katerina, what do you think about the parliamentary crisis the crisis means the end of the monomajority, and accordingly... the reformation of all central authorities, including the government, because this same majority, it was formed by the servants of the people, and in the 19th year they did not need anyone at all, they would have created his government, shmyhal is already the second prime minister, four years in office, a record, i think, yulia tymoshenko was the prime minister twice with a general term somewhere around this, and here is the question. so what, what should they do, this means that they need to share with the authorities and whether at all the concept of a parliamentary crisis or an operation this concept is inappropriate during the war. it is important to note that yaroslav, as an opposition deputy, and solomiya bobrovska also spoke about it on my broadcast, and we asked mr. vanislavsky fedor about it on

the broadcast, that there is no such definition now, that there is already a parliamentary crisis, on the threshold yes, solomiya said that too. and it is important to understand what options we have, we cannot hold elections in ukraine now, the verkhovna rada is a legitimate body elected by the people, and we have a parliamentary-presidential republic constitution, and the situation is extremely difficult, and the question is whether that body can and wants to correct it, or those people who led to this, about what yaroslav zheleznyak is talking about, there and... other deputies, some of my sources, those who are publicly pro-government deputies from my majority, they do not talk about it on the air and are very careful in their statements in general, this is understandable, but really, what everyone in ukraine understands is that there are a lot of decisions, and yaroslav generally says, that even the agenda of the verkhovna rada, he is formed precisely in the office of the president and is descended by a deputy, under such conditions,

especially during the last year, the deputies of the monomajority, they felt someone, well... uselessness, someone was simply fed up that his interests were not taken into account, some interests that, in principle, should not be taken into account , but nevertheless, people there are used to it, someone just feels that they are not being heard and that the deputies who can rationally offer something are not being heard, but they are being completely ignored, and the situation is such that it can be called a riot there for sure not it is possible, but the fact that there is a certain resistance or reluctance to work, there are also some... there may be reasons for this, mr. zheleznyak wrote a column about it there, he made such an analysis and named these reasons, well, for me, for example , my sources there said that if the deputies do not take the initiative and do nothing, then they say what to do, and on the other hand, mr. yaroslav writes that the initiative in general

is being beaten on the head so much that it is better to do nothing to do, and most importantly, will they hear... this one, will they feel this one the moment that a parliamentary crisis is possible precisely in the president's office, and whether they will somehow react to it and whether they will begin to interact in a different way, that is what we have to look at now , because there is no other option for the verkhovna rada, absolutely, no alternative, while we have martial law and elections cannot be held, well , elections cannot be held, and the verkhovna rada remains in power, it's just a matter of reformatting the majority and what will happen in the verkhovna rada. oleksiy, we have witnessed more than one parliamentary crisis in ukraine, here is can what yaroslav zheleznyak is talking about be considered, well, a prologue to the parliamentary one. crisis and is it similar to those crises that we witnessed before, well, if we talk about formal things, then i want to remind you that

the current verkhovna rada was elected in the elections that were announced after, well, that is, on the basis of , that there was no majority in the previous parliament, so obviously there will always be a reason to say that if there is no more... then it is a crisis, on the other hand, well, deputies can mention that that, in principle, we do not have an imperative mandate, they represent the voters and can unite as they wish, we actually remember the situation during the revolution, when the parliament still found strength and even when president yanukovych fled to gather and take responsibility, the question is that... do these deputies want to take responsibility, but again, they were elected precisely for the purpose of taking responsibility, even according to our constitution,

it is not the president of the verkhovna rada who speaks on behalf of the people of ukraine. with we remember the other side, when you know, we often cite the example of cherchel, well, of course, each with its own implication, but let me remind you that cherchel came to power not at all as a result of the elections, but as a result. purely internal mechanisms in the parliament itself, and he had a working majority, so to speak , well, that is, it was outside the party, for most of the second world war, and when the war was almost over, he lost the elections in general, so the question is that if the deputies feel responsibility, they have and and feel that there is a crisis, they have to find some way out by themselves. and actually they should wish for this, because simply escaping responsibility by simply running away will not

work, if someone tries to do so, there will be very serious consequences for the country and for these deputies themselves. it is very interesting and very quick that a few weeks ago there was a meeting of the servant of the people faction with the president, and as if these concerns should have been voiced there, and even the fact, the moment that annoys all the deputies, that... that they are not being released, for example, abroad, that they are simply ripped off there are some international trips and so on, and this opportunity to ask these critical questions, judging by everything, as they tell what happened there, it was not there at all, that is, even officially those deputies from the servant who told, reported on this meeting , they did not say anything about these critical moments, this also says a lot, well, but, but it is not only about the servants of the people, but also about the whole parliament in general, since they make a collegial decision, well, that is... everyone votes, this is the verkhovna rada's decision of ukraine, and not just the servants of the people, well, here the question is whether zelensky is ready to share, well, power, i don’t know if it is appropriate

to say during the war to share power, but well, that’s how it turns out, what if it’s about reformatting majority, then we are talking about reformatting the government, if we are talking about reformatting the government and it is about quotas of some political forces, is he ready to tolerate a representative there... of the motherland, of european solidarity, of the voice , that is the question, whether a duo, you know, they are ready tolerate, everyone else can be tolerated, well opzzh, they simply tolerate not only in the verkhovna rada, oleksia, but also in all local bodies, local councils, there are more than 400 deputies, i looked at the statistics, in 2020 they were elected to all levels of government and this... is also a very open question, by the way, why are these people in power at all, i mean, they changed their colors in local authorities, the party is banned, and

there are deputies, that’s also a question, you, you, by the way, as a person who is well versed in construction and the functioning of parties, whatever you say, party members sit in the verkhovna rada of the opzh, party members sit in local authorities, here they pass laws, there they divide... budgets and allocate land plots, here is the question, why is this happening , and because no other decision has been adopted , you cannot say, go for a walk, or , i don’t know, look for another job, unless some decision has not been taken, some decision regarding the termination of the powers of these deputies was adopted, no, it was not adopted, they should work accordingly. i'm talking about something else about the fact that, er, if decisions are not made regarding the opz, then what are the problems, er, with the perception of deputies from other factions,

why do they... "no, we cannot unite with them in any way, because they represent other political forces, well, well, that is, i do not understand this logic. thank you, literally 30 seconds, katerina, how do you think this crisis or the prologue to the crisis will end, from a journalistic point of view, it is interesting to observe these processes, but i think that for the citizens of ukraine, in general, for the country as a whole , it would be good if it ended with that deputies will fully feel their importance and their place here, and finally the verkhovna rada will work, probably the way you should be. thank you, kateryna nekrecha, oleksiy mustafin, were guests of our program today. thank you to my colleagues for participating in the program. during the program we conducted a survey, we asked you whether the west would dare to send its troops to ukraine. 44% - yes, 56% no, these are the results of a television vitamin complex that cares for the heart and strengthens the body. gerovitalal+ - good health, active

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veresny. saturday 17:10. around 18:15 on espresso. good evening, we are from ukraine. a terrible day in odesa, as of now 19 people have been killed, more than 70 wounded, the enemy hit the city with iskander m missiles, sincere condolences. of course, endless revenge on the enemy, and of course we will talk about this a lot today, and many other topics, today the military results of the week with serhiy zgurets, there is something to discuss both on the fronts and around the fronts, as well as the economic results of the week with oleksandr morshchivka, and actually there will be informative two hours, plus everything that will happen during these two hours, we will of course tell you about it promptly to report, well, now let's start.