opinion, if you watch us on tv, pick up your smartphone or phone and vote, if you think there is a parliamentary crisis in ukraine 0.800-211381, no 0800-211-382, all calls to these numbers are free, call, at the end program, we will sum up the results of this vote. today we have political scientists maksym rozumny, doctor of political sciences, mr. maksym, i congratulate you, good evening, thank you for being here today. with us, oleg sahakyan, the head of the platform, the unified coordination center, mr. oleg, i am you congratulations, thank you for joining our broadcast, my congratulations are the same, vitaly kulyk , director of the center for the study of civil society problems, mr. vitaly, i congratulate you and thank you for joining the broadcast, i congratulate you, well, since gentlemen, we ask our viewers about whether, in their opinion , there is a parliamentary crisis in ukraine, i will ask you, forgive me, obviously, it is much

more visible inside the parliament, but since you are one of the best political experts in ukraine, i will ask you, mr. maksym, whether there is ukrainian politician parliamentary crisis? well, it is obvious that a parliamentary crisis is something that should be very clearly visible, most often a sign of a parliamentary crisis is the parliament's inability to make important decisions, the blocking of the legislative process. or failure to form a government and so on, to date there are certain hints or prerequisites for a parliamentary crisis, but in some acute phase and hopeless situation, it has not yet occurred to me. thank you, mr. vitaly, there is a political crisis in ukraine, it is not a parliamentary one, it already is is political, since it covers other areas as well, it is relative. between the center

and local self-government, this is the relationship between the state, more precisely, the bureaucracy and the government and business, this is the relationship between the government and civil society, and this is, strictly speaking, a parliamentary crisis as well, i see signs of a parliamentary crisis, i see the inefficiency of parliamentary mechanisms, the coordination of some contradictions within the parliament, even within the so-called monomajority. therefore , we will all see the active phase, the acute phase of this parliamentary crisis in the month of april. thank you, mr. olezh, i would say that we are half a step away from a parliamentary crisis, we already have certain signs of it, but here i am closer to mr. maksym's opinion that we really do not see it yet, and so far it does not look like it will be reversed , but we can observe a management crisis, which manifests itself in the institutional crisis and in the crisis of the management model that we are observing.

for a long enough time, and in fact, if it was suitable for a short war, then the mode of manual control in the conditions of a long war, it shows all its weaknesses and in the end, today it leads to the fact that we are forced to talk about individual elements of the parliamentary crisis or the parliamentary crisis that has already occurred, and to argue about this, and not about how to work effectively with ukrainian institutions, and in fact, that tomorrow, for example, the parliament is going to adopt, well... together with this , information appears with reference to sources in the service of the people that the faction is now close to the final disorganization, and immediately several dozen people's deputies expressed the desire to draft a mandate due to a lack of motivation, about this, about the fact that these people wanted to leave the presidential faction, david darakhamiya, the head of the faction in the verkhovna rada of ukraine, also spoke about this, by the way, but there is another people's deputy of ukraine in the servant of the people, serhii demchenko , who stated that

the dictatorship in ukraine as a tool can help defeat the enemy, let's listen to what demchenko said. i can tell you that , indeed, the maximum number of decisions are made by the president, the maximum number of state bodies are oriented towards of the president, and probably, full responsibility for war issues, for international issues rests one hundred percent on the president. and we currently have it, and this is probably the only thing that now centralizes and optimizes decision-making for our country and in a timely manner, and probably quite, quite reasonably, for the country, for the people, a dictatorship is definitely always in the negative , but to win the war, maybe this is the tool that... can

help defeat the enemy. mr. maksym, mr. demchenko says that the dictatorship will help ukraine win the war with what could you say to this people's deputy of ukraine regarding the use of dictatorship during the war and obviously it will not end in victory? well, here it should be recognized purely in the theoretical political aspect that authoritarian regimes and totalitarian regimes quite often in war conditions have great advantages, that is... it is possible not to count too much, for example, with the loss of manpower, and he, as we can see, even does not lose voters' votes, that is, at certain historical stages, authoritarian regimes and others and forms of dictatorship, they

have certain advantages, so to speak, in some components, but i would like to say here that the situation in ukraine, the specific situation that we have today, it is, so to speak, the least favorable favorable to any dictatorship or such a monologue of power, that is, the government very often demonstrates such obvious helplessness and incompetence in its decisions that it is even scary to think what could happen in the event of an attempt even of some kind of dictatorship or something like that. monopolization of power, well, actually we see how, how can you win a war on the example of how the processes around the idea of ​​mobilization, around the adoption of a new law and so on take place, that is, well, it is done in the worst way, it was hardly possible

to organize additional mobilization or additional means for mobilization in a worse way than the way it was done, that's why i think that... well, these considerations, they only confirm that the ruling team today does not assess the situation and its capabilities very adequately, mr. olezh, is this the inadequacy of one deputy, or is that all- after all, testing society on this is a test of dictatorship, or how will people perceive during war, is it possible or is it impossible? and no, i would still make a statement. i would not identify the deputy with the tests, let alone with the position of the authorities , after all, we do not see there dozens of speakers who from different blyashynka say the same thing, and affiliated ones, for example, or public ones, you and i plus or minus understand how usually such things are tested, and

usually it is not one deputy who is released, but a whole cascade of similar statements is made, but the fact that this deputy reflects the opinions of a part of the government inside they are confused about how to get out of the crisis situation. of today's management model, that's for sure, in this case, it seems to me that it is sufficiently representative from the point of view of those opinions that circulate in the various offices that are in the part, in particular, the deputy corps. regarding dictatorship or democracy, then it is necessary to expand the horizon a little, to talk about it in at least two dimensions. first, dictatorships can be more effective in the short run. in a long, long confrontation that no dictatorship won in... in open and democratic societies, especially when we are talking about a general world-level crisis, and today the russian-ukrainian war is far from a local war, not even a regional conflict, it is already the first, i would say the first c-first global war is a world war, since it

has signs of locality on the one hand, and on the other hand, by its nature and its influence, it is already a global war, but the second aspect is important, it is a symphony or consonance between the social system and the model. rule, which is it is clear that if your dictatorship is built on a submissive society, where a paternal type of political culture dominates, or a subservient one, and accordingly, then for you an effective management model is to take everything under control and take it to the nail. war is not the time to change these patterns. the army is always an extension of society. in a centralized society, you cannot build a decentralized army. where in a centralized society it is decentralized on the contrary. you cannot make an army more innovative than it is capable of be your society, the same with governance models, you in wartime, if you try to change it from a democratic society to a dictatorial type of governance, it will break, and vice versa, if you try to play with democracy in a society that is used to walking

in formation, then you will succeed anarchy, that is why the wonder is here and the challenge is not how to optimize management models through their simplification. and taking manual control, on the contrary, through the construction of a management model organic to society, which would be legitimate in the eyes of this society, and it and will be the most effective from the point of view. organization of processes, because in a long war , a war of attrition, the winner is not the strongest, the best organized, who manages to work with the greatest coefficient of useful action, distributing efforts along the length, being able to renew them and synchronizing the front and the rear, this is the subject that wins, not that one , who simply concentrated all the power in one striking fist and tries to use it as a club to solve the problem. thank you, mr. olezh, mr. vitaliy, is it possible for the concentration of power, well, in this case

dictatorship, as the people's deputy of ukraine says, to overcome, not even the parliamentary crisis, you said that the political crisis in the country, can or is it possible for the dictatorship to overcome the political crisis, well, actually speaking, this is a simple solution, a simple solution to a complex issue, well, if in you have different tensions in different spheres of society, you have economic problems, you have misunderstandings. or, let's say, dissonance in relations with business, you accumulate problems in relations with civil society, with activists, you are constantly in the focus of criticism of means mass information , the bureaucratic vertical does not actually work, which where blood clots are formed, problems of a corrupt nature accumulate, management inefficiency in general, the inability to strategize processes, in addition, you still have problems related to the struggle of various groups for their own

political power, then obviously simple the solution is to centralize everything, to strengthen the power vertical as much as possible, to appoint people loyal to you and to manage in an annual mode, and indeed i agree with my colleagues, in ukraine there is a manual mode - this is always an attempt at such an authoritarian turn, it encounters resistance, and such a conscious, clear resistance from a large part of society and... the power apparatus, which is not ready to return to such methods, as a result we will have deepened political crises, and then they will not help even elections during the war, believe me, even a reformation of the government and a new prime minister will not help the current government, because these will be measures that will be delayed at the call and request of the society, which will rise against the attempt to tighten the nuts like this and installation. the middle of authoritarianism, and here is the fact that i was in this studio when this deputy

stated this, we were the next to enter the microphone, i heard the entire discussion in which he participated, he actually admitted that there were problems with relations with local communities, for example, he honestly said that all taxes should be taken from local communities, and this causes opposition, that taxes are followed by powers, that... there is an informal flow of power to state and military-civilian administrations from local local governments, and this means that in the part of territorial communities that have certain political ambitions, this causes not just sabotage, but it causes active political opposition, that is, people start somehow to unite, communicate, conduct certain political campaigns, and this is already a thawing of the entire political process and. .. we are, we are already observing it, the same thing is happening in business, well, with all the announcements about some

social, new social contracts, someone is going to sign with someone, they are going to form business councils under the president, they promise a moratorium on mask shows for business, but every day we see a dozen messages about law enforcement officers coming to one or another business. me and he is somehow connected or with the support of some forces that are not directly connected with the ruling political power , and this and all of this is starting to alarm me, this is surprising and questioning, because you say this is one thing, but there are whole bills of connected, for example, with video monitoring, which frankly says almost an eagle there. 1984 big brother is looking at you ending with

various initiatives related to increasing criminal liability for violations of various regimes, including increasing the number of military personnel for, say , statements that are interpreted as not unauthorized, these regimes are related to... on punishments, everyone is talking about the law, the draft law on mobilization, not the disproportionality of punishments and sanctions against the so-called evaders, in general there is some kind of pretext... and this is actually already becoming a socio-political narrative, and this justifies, by the way, the need to tighten the nuts and take tougher actions, as well as to build such a tough vertical, controllability of processes and the concentration

of power, because this is exactly what is tied to the banking idea, let's play authoritarianism, because in my opinion it is not just a big challenge, it is a very negative trend, because these are simple solutions to complex issues , they can lead to irreparable consequences for the entire country, i 'm not talking about this political force that is caught. thank you, mr. vitaly, people's deputy of ukraine iryna heradchenko on the espresso broadcast called the situation in the parliament a management crisis in which you are to blame leadership of the verkhovna rada. let's hear what she said. gerashchenko: i do not think that this is a parliamentary crisis, but a management crisis and a crisis of the faction, the servant of the people. and how to get out of this situation? there is only one way out, and sooner or later they will come to it, without it nothing will happen, it is a reformatting of the majority. if we don't have 226 votes in a single vote, we have to honestly

admit it, reformat the majority, it's true that then the government will have to be reformatted, but there is salvation in this. but davyd arakhamia, head of the servant of the people faction in the verkhovna rada, denies that the monomajority has disintegrated, he literally wrote the following in his telegram channel: since 2019, with some regularity, we learn that the majority does not exist, during this time we carried out reforms for which there were no votes in the verkhovna rada since the declaration of independence and provided a legislative framework for ukraine to obtain the status of a candidate for eu accession, everyone would like that. to give himself and called all these statements about the lack of votes manipulation, mr. maxim, considering that arahamia is now acting as the leader of the monomajority or the leader of the monomajority faction, just as the leaders of the majority, which did not exist in the verkhovna rada at the time

of zelenskyi's election as president, once spoke, do you remember when the parliament was prematurely dissolved, well, there was already a reason that there is no more. in the verkhovna rada of ukraine and early parliamentary elections were announced in july 2019. in this situation, the servant of the people should prove every time that they have this majority, or still go for the fact that this majority can be reformatted and distribute not only influence, but also responsibility for what is in country, on other political forces. well... in fact, you can recall not only the events and situations there during the period you are talking about, but also the earlier period there, the orange revolution - after the orange revolution of 2006-2007, after all, the situation in the verkhovna rada, when there are not enough votes for certain laws, is usual,

routine, and so sometimes it leads to serious... changes, but even the statement of the people's deputy iryna gerashchenko, who suggests a very simple and simple thing, in general, in my opinion, quite painless, if we proceed from the interests of the country solution, uh, shows that, in principle, it is not so difficult to cope with what is happening in the parliament, if, again, i repeat, it is based on the interests of the country and the principle of political responsibility. but i would expand here what my colleague, mr. vitaliy kulyk, said about the political crisis, i would expand even more, i would talk about the social crisis in the country, because we see that it is already very difficult to achieve national unity on key issues , i.e. when we see how representatives

of territorial assembly centers about... are simply beaten in some villages, then there is the question is whether we still have a social contract as such, or whether there is, so to speak , a sense of the justice of what is happening and the decisions implemented by the state and implemented on behalf of the state, i.e., in my opinion, the government, if she really wants to. to take the situation under control, should first of all try directly, at least communicate with the people, explain what they are doing, er... what is the consistency, so to speak, is there justice in the actions they are taking, and then already on on the basis of this agreement with

society and the obtained legitimacy, so to speak, to propose some political solutions or to express such, well, statements like arachamia would all fall apart like that, i.e., if we do not see a reaction to this political and... social crisis, then we establish ourselves in the understanding that the government inadequately assesses the situation and overestimates its capabilities. mr. olezh, is the communication that president zelenskyi conducts with ukrainians every day not enough, or is it somehow in your way, in a different way that the government should communicate, somehow explain and talk about what to unite the country, what zelensky once said, to sew this country together. well, so that, well, it doesn't happen that there are five or six managers who run the country, all the others act as extras, the question now is not

in words and not in the openness of communication of the authorities, this is just more than enough and openness and communication, but in the discrepancy between words and deeds, there are problems, and mr. maksym, as i think very aptly emphasized that the crisis is just a sense of justice, i would... i would also give impunity, that is, with part of the people you communicate, and they say, well , even there in yanukovych's time, it was clear how to get out of the situation, there are some mechanisms of influence, some formal, informal mechanisms, today, if a person faces injustice, he faces it completely , she doesn't know how to get out with her and there are no mechanisms to stop slavill in relation to her, it doesn't matter if they are some tetskashniks, but... who show their arrogance, or if it's a power block that comes and masks a show that arranges business , these are some other manifestations, despite the fact that we emphasize that there are tccs

that work effectively, there are security forces that perform their work decently, but any moments of abuse, and they become systemic, they face the fact that a person is helpless in front of the system, and how much the president did not communicate, and no matter what he says, reality is starting to mess with it, regarding the parliament, it seems to me that ms. gerashchenko here... offers a not entirely relevant solution, since if we are still dealing with a management crisis, like her she said voluntarily to mine opinions, then it is a question of developing a new model within the government itself, of interaction, testing, and if it takes off, then we will not have a parliamentary crisis, but the government of national unity and the parliament, let's say, a coalition of unity, is already a mechanism for overcoming the political crisis, to date, we have not yet stepped into it with both feet, and such... while it remains extremely painful for the authorities and does not fully meet today's level of challenge, it is quite likely that it will have to be done step by step, if no conclusions are drawn

for now and not to return the institutionalization of politics, that is, the exit from manual control with the return, at least in a partial phase , to the government of the functions that are inherent to the government, to the parliament of the functions that are inherent to the parliament, it is necessary to complicate according to the complexity of the challenges before us, short. gritting our teeth in the first stages of the war, we realized that manual control is better than complete flightlessness, it allows us to mobilize resources, but when we have to think about a long-term strategy, when we have to distribute efforts, then this model of manual control in five or six managers or 25, it doesn't matter here, this model itself, it is vicious, it limits us and weakens us, as a state, as a society now resisting russian aggression. vitaliy, why , why is this happening, why exactly... the team is not able to understand that this manual control, which they abuse, sometimes and even this

distribution between five or six managers of all the powers of the heads of state, is this experience? their predecessors did not teach them anything, well , wait, they did not live differently, that is, the servant of the people and bankov and zelensky, they always had... not shared, this is like the famous ring of omnipotence in tolkien, so he is alone and no one shares with him, accordingly, well, we are talking about the cabinet of ministers, give him the authority of a truly cabinet of ministers, so that shnagal does not work as prime minister a prime minister in zelenskyi's government, there would really be a government, yes, then we have to share powers with this government, and then this means that sooner or later between the government and the bank there will be... there will be a certain tension in relations, no matter who heads it , by the way, the cabinet of ministers, as soon as it begins to really play a certain role role as a collegial

policy-making body, accordingly, this... will show dissonance with the style of management that the bank has been pushing all these years, starting in the 19th year. they do not know how to do otherwise, they do not know how to share power. therefore, strictly speaking, these efforts to reproduce the mechanism of manual management, management, when the government is once again such a remote block of the president's office, when the verkhovna rada will receive ready-made decisions that must be sanctified, the majority is meant, and as soon as they will come to a situation of readiness to share a part powers, power is not even power, power, well, this means that it must be some kind of cardinal processes, when the top will not be able to at all, and the bottom will already be, well, as for a revolutionary situation, well, just don’t want to

and... by all means do to it opposition, at the moment they believe that they have everything under control, that the situation is under control and rahamia's statements directly indicate that the servant of the people is not going to recognize the crisis of the minority, it is obvious that they will try to somehow motivate the deputies, they will not let them go, as serfs from the supreme council, no one will sign statements for them, they will try to attract the votes of deputies... the club of opz remnants and majoritarians will try to negotiate with others there from batkivshchyna, for example, to vote together on some issue, but i very much doubt that even entering the political crisis now, the servant of the people and bankov will be able to share power with the institutional, not even with another political force, not with the formation of the government of national unity. even

to appoint some prime minister who would could really implement policy and be the head of the government as a collegial body, and not just work as a prime minister in zelenskyi's government, but if it happens, it will happen, i will believe that certain internal transformations really took place in them, they realized all these challenges that they faced, there is another option, because i also... said, that is to appoint prime minister yermak, and in this way they solve two two problems, firstly, the government really becomes a player, b ) actually solves the issue of legitimacy, and with this there is a problem, as it were you did not deny the existence of this problem, it is rather not constitutional, it is more legal and existential than constitutional.

the problem of the legitimacy of the president, in connection with the fact that we do not have elections, he has already postponed his term, because he is overstaying, that 's why i think, this is also the option that was talked about in the kulars until recently, his too should not be written off, and here you are, by the way, the government of national stability, what is not, what is not the way out of the situation, thank you, mr. vitaly, i will remind our viewers that we are holding today survey, we ask you about this, is there a parliamentary crisis in ukraine, yes, no, everything is quite simple on youtube, eh, either yes or no, write your comments under this video on youtube, if you watch us in tv broadcasts, pick up your smartphone and vote, if you think there is a parliamentary crisis in ukraine 0800 211 381, no 0800 211 382, ​​all calls to these numbers are free, vote at the end of the program, we will sum up the results of this vote, well while the world recovers from another re-election of the

so-called... re-election of putin and the president andrzej duda, the president of poland, said that in the next two to three years, russia will be able to accumulate sufficient military potential to be able to attack nato. let's listen to what mr. duda said in an interview with cnbc. in my opinion, this is a matter of common sense, new reports are appearing, and i recently saw the report of the germans. experts, according to which, perhaps already at the turn of 2026 and 2027, putin, having transferred his economy to military rails, will have such a military potential that he will be able to attack on nato. the alarm bell is ringing, there are still two or three years to go, during which we need to increase our efforts, stockpile ammunition, produce weapons, and increase europe's security capabilities.