he has the number, everyone else who is alive there, where they are in the mess, what is happening there, no one knows, then in fact they may be under the protection of the civilian population, as cynical as it sounds, well, yes, there were cases when not only the militants of hamas or islamic jihad or other groups took hostages, there were a lot of them, even just civilians, some families were taken there. not only did they capture people, there are videos of them collecting body parts to sell later, you understand, this is such a business, oriental, peculiar, because here, well, in principle, in judaism and in islam itself, death is treated somehow so very trepidatiously, and here, well, bodies are exchanged and sold for burial, that is, very, well, this is such a commodity for some such people. well, for these bedouin clans,

which are there and so on. thank you, thank you for this story, mr. vadim, we had on the air vadim polishchuk, an expert from israel, with whom we discussed the situation related to the crisis in the middle east, you know that there has been a war going on for 190 two days, which started the attack of the terrorist organization hamas on israel. and israel's special operation in the gaza sector aims to destroy this terrorist organization, which is supported by iran and russia. last night, iran launched the first ever direct attack on the jewish state, which ended with the destruction of all israeli and iranian aircraft in the israeli-allied air defense system. now we are waiting to see if there will be an israeli attack on iran or not and if it will start as a result. the exchange of blows, the great war in

the middle east, we will now adjourn to a few minutes, but you please stay with us, oh, there are no potatoes, you will bring, already, assina, the ham with dr. theiss and get up to work again, the ham with the ham is a german ointment for pain in the joints and muscles, oops, natural ointment with comfrey from dr. tyss, lacal fix on... really fixes, my dentist advised me, it also reduces inflammation of the gums, and the price is good, economical lakaka fix, read in the latest issue of ukraine magazine, exclusive interview with by the minister of foreign affairs dmytro kuleba: is the world ready to stop russia, or will it ukraine support the united states? volodymyr horbulin and valentin badrak: a formula for confronting a strong enemy. igor yukhnovsky's diary, how to live with dignity, overcoming losses and hardships. or faith

and science about these and other important topics in the magazine kraina, the new issue is already at the points of sale, damn stairs, my legs can't walk anymore, wait, i'm suffocating, that there is no health, and what kind of health is there in the sixth ten, and i thought so until i tried herovital. gerovital+ is a phytovitamin complex that cares for the heart and strengthens the body. gerovital+ is good well-being, active life. the herovital energy novelty is even more iron for good causes. herovital energy - reception once a day. the war continues, and not only for territories. it is also a war for minds. we are engaged in propaganda. russia is throwing millions of petrodollars into turning ukrainians into little russians. ukraine will become russia. let's counter with information.

attacks by the russians in the information war chronicle project with olga ley. tuesday, thursday at 5:15 p.m., repeat tuesday, friday at 10:00 p.m. vasyl zima's big broadcast. 2 hours of airtime, two hours of your time, two hours to learn about war and how the world lives. two hours to keep up with economic and sports news. two hours in the company of your favorite presenters. that many have become like relatives, as well as honored guests of the studio, the events of the day in two hours, vasyl zima's big broadcast, a project for smart and caring people, in the evening at espresso. the premium sponsor of the national team represents.

united by football, stronger together. we continue the politclub program on the espresso tv channel. with you. vitaly portnikov, our guest on the air oleksii haran, professor of political science at the kievogyl academy, scientific director of the democratic initiative foundation named after elko kuchrev, and we will talk now about how, in your opinion, mr. oleksiy, the sociological attitudes of ukrainians have changed during these two years of the great war. uhu, that is, you want a general picture like this, the scale, well, if you can, if you see the broadcasts, we can, look, i took part in the presentation. the last survey of the center for intelligence research was conducted at the end of march, two weeks ago let's present the results of our joint research with deminitiatives, that is, we are currently processing the materials, well, if we,

if we look at the dynamics, well, look, i think that such indicators, such as, for example, the predominance of ukrainian newspapers. the desire to distance oneself from russia, that is , such ukrainization from below, de-russification, rejection of soviet symbols, all these are positive trends that remain, well, of course , we can add to this nato and the attitude towards nato and the european union, but some the parameters are changing, well, let's see... we will analyze this correctly, because the media very often do not analyze it correctly, take it out of context. traditionally, sociologists ask questions about whether you think the events in ukraine are going in the right or wrong direction.

so, before the beginning, before the start of the full-scale aggression, only 20% of ukrainians said that events were moving in the right direction. in the country only 20%. on march 2, after the beginning of the aggression, this figure changed dramatically for the better. and it reached its peak on march 22, 23 year, it is more than 60%. well, it is obvious that hopes for a counteroffensive played a significant role here, and then a smooth, gradual event began, it was not abrupt. but gradually this belief that the country is going in the right direction, it decreased, and as of the end of march, according to those who believe that ah, the country is moving in the right direction, 38%,

and those who believe that the country is going in the wrong direction, it is 39%, which is a practical defect, it should be noted, however, that it is still twice as high. than it was before the war, than it was before the war, but we really see here certain, certain decline, and we understand that it is connected, there are several factors of action, here and disappointment, that on sukhodol, let's say, the counteroffensive failed, on the sea it succeeded, on sukhodol not, and the fact that we see problems with arms supplies from our allies, well , obviously part of the actions of the authorities. with which ukrainians are dissatisfied, and here i would like to draw your attention to the fact that we also traditionally measured, or rather, in this case it is the razumkov center, measured trust in social institutions, and on the one hand

, there are no sensations in the fact that which comes first go with a huge positive balance of trust and distrust , well, the armed forces of ukraine are 92%. volunteers 76%, this is the balance, trust and distrust, that is, it is very high, the national guard is 67%, that is , we have seen before that these structures are in the first place, and with a minus, we again have the traditional prosecutor's office, the government, and the parliament , and courts, but also anti-corruption bodies, that is, for example, nabu-18 and specialized anti-corruption. the prosecutor's office minus minus 30%, so it is obvious that ukrainians do not see decisive steps, steps in the fight against corruption, as far as the president is concerned, the level of trust in him too, he

went about the same way, he very quickly jumped up the mountain at the beginning of the war, and then began to decline, so now, well, already after his resignation for... at the beginning of february, he did kmis survey, and there the level of trust in the president was, before the resignation, 64%, after the resignation 60%. well, now we see that the level of trust according to this survey by the center for intelligence is 59%, that is, in principle, it is not bad, not bad, it is a high level of trust for the president of a country at war, however, that it is alarming that if we look at the balance of trust and distrust, i.e. plus-minus, yes, in january this balance was positive + 36%, and now it is... positive plus 26%, that is, for january, march, well, by 10% decreased, so

did this, and this is a serious, serious signal, yes, that is, obviously, the number of people who are satisfied with the actions of the president, it is going down, and that is bad, yes, because of course it is better when the commander-in-chief. trusts more, which is true, here, as you know, the opposition is sometimes so rare, but the level of trust is falling president, accordingly, our level will increase, in fact this is not the case, because when ukrainians were asked whether they see among the existing political forces those who could be entrusted with power in the post-war period, only two 25% of respondents gave an affirmative answer, again after all, in july 23rd there were 39% of them,

that is, this is a serious decrease, and this applies to both the government and the opposition, so i think that this is such a question for both the government and the opposition to think about, well, an interesting point, ukrainians always want new faces, well look... question there was such a thing that i think that maybe not even new faces, yes, but rather responsibility and an honest conversation with those politicians who are, yes, they are old or new, but our opposition is in principle already so old, so to say, it seems to me that this honest conversation is needed, you know, and definitely a struggle for the rule of law, but the question was: what kind of politician would this political force appear from, which can be entrusted with power in

the post-war period, and most often on in the opinion of citizens, it can appear from among the military, i.e. 45% of respondents think so, although this is less than in the previous polls, where there were 50% plus, and it seems to me that here... precisely when it comes to the military, it seems to me that here in a certain way, well, in a certain way, well it has to do with trust in the military as a whole, yes, which i already talked about, but, well, it is unlikely that we will have, you know, such a party of the military, it seems to me that rather this military, as the experience of 2014 showed year, when it will be time to think about you. about the elections, then they will split into different parties, and we

should understand, and ukrainians should understand, that to be heroes at the front is one thing, to be successful politicians is another, yes, we do not know whether these people will be as successful in politics, so to talk about some party of the military, well, i would really like to talk about the hope of ukrainians for such a party, i would bet on it. very, very carefully, and it seems to me that they also show that now such faith in the military party is decreasing, and perhaps, i think, it makes sense to say also about faith in victory, well, faith in victory, paradoxically, it is stable , i.e. 80% plus, this survey showed 83%, who believe in... mogu, however, the share of those who say that this victory will happen

before the end of the year and those who believe that it will happen in one or two years, or even in the future, has changed, well, i think it is clear , that is, 50% in march 23 believed that victory would come before the end of the year, now only 22% of such people believe, well, again , this is connected with the events on the... front and that the ukrainians also saw that their ee they were a little overfed with optimistic expectations, well, we wanted to believe it ourselves, of course, but... the reality turned out to be more complicated and we need to prepare for a protracted war, well, another interesting figure is that how ukrainians understand victory means 20, well, the majority yes, this definitely speaks of the restoration of the territorial integrity of ukraine and the destruction of the russian

army, the uprising inside russia, such in total 46.2. three, so it will be 69%, yes, quite a large number, but 26% will be considered a victory, even if, even if we have to, we have to give up a part of the territory, be it crimea, be it donbas, or part of the occupied territories from 22nd year, then and... at the same time, these 26% will still believe that this is a victory for ukraine. this share has increased somewhat. the last thing i would like to say, well, if we talk about specific numbers, then the attitude to the elections in ukraine, yes, and here, ah, 60% have a negative attitude,

that is, the majority, and only 22% do. positively to holding elections during the war, and ukrainians emphasize that yes, such elections will divide society, and therefore it is not worth it, that it will prevent a war with russia, and therefore it is not worth doing it, but here is the share of those who speak positively for election during the war, it increased somewhat, from 15% in september 23rd to 22%, i also think that this is partly related to disappointment, let's say, in the actions of the authorities and what makes ukrainians, ukrainians, not to be so categorical about the elections , that is , they are beginning to think that it is necessary to reset the authorities, but again the question arises as to whom to reset,

we see that the level of trust in political forces is low, that is. only 13% trust political parties in general, so this is a very low indicator, i.e. here both the government and the opposition, therefore the results, they are incorrect, after all , the majority of citizens believe in victory, but you are here far away, i see that the term is running, that kmist 20, the 22nd year, 80 ukrainians, and now 60%, i gave slightly different numbers. i just gave the numbers that still now 83% continue to believe, to believe in victory, although the terms of this victory, they are in the understanding of ukrainians, they have become longer. and tell me, how did the process with the resignation of the commander-in-chief of the armed

forces generally affect the rating of the president, can we say that it affected sociology? so, i already mentioned it right here the kmis poll that he had trust when it started, the kmis poll started in february, ah, trust in the president was 64%, at the end of the poll, it went down to 60%, yeah, but what i said the balance of trust lack of trust has decreased for the president of ukraine, without surnames, we did not put surnames, but it has decreased. by 10%, and this is a sharp drop, so from january to march, so i think that the resignation of zaluzhnyi also affected here, well, although we do not know what zaluzhnyi could have done in this situation, we understand that precisely here from zaluzhnyi and syrsky depends less than on the availability of weapons and the availability of the appropriate number

of mobilized, but i do, but in any case, i think that the resignation for... it is communicative, it was, well, it was carried out unsuccessfully, yes, that is, it is otherwise it had to be done, well, i think a lot has already been said about it, and there is nothing to repeat here, i think that society needs an honest conversation, you know, not that we will be there grilling shashliks in may or vacationing in the crimea or something else , needed, needed serious. a serious conversation and we understand that russia leads to a war for survival, that deadlines are being dragged out, the situation is difficult, and therefore it is not necessary to tell people: what to feed them on optimistic forecasts, but on the contrary, it is necessary to emphasize that join, if you do not

join the army, then continue to help our volunteers, continue to help the state, continue to collect funds for funds for the front, all this must be done, we know that these amounts have decreased. well, maybe it is also connected with the economic situation in the country, definitely, definitely, although ukrainians, by the way not so pessimistic about, about their own future, now i'll try to find these numbers, well, 31% believe that ukraine is able to overcome the problems within the next few years, 46% believe that it will be able to... overcome in a more distant perspective, well, but all the same , in total, this is a fairly high figure, and yes, we

can talk about the fact that economic life is becoming more difficult, but i think that not only this is important for helping the army, but also the feeling of personal responsibility, personal involvement, i think, that... if in the first months of the war these feelings, well, they dominated, now somehow it has begun to shift a little, that the war is going on, it is going there, ah, well, we somehow help, but there are fewer opportunities, and this ultimately led to to the fall, the fall of incomes for the support of our, our fighters, that is, it seems to me that there is so... an emotional, emotional component, and tell me, please, mr. oleksiyovych, when ending our conversation, do you generally think that this is such a static sociology from the point

of view that after the war, when it is over, the situation will be completely different, well it will obviously be different, yes, but again, now we see certain trends, yes, certain trends after the war... the situation may become different, and obviously it will be different, and when the question arises elections, some new political forces may appear, there will be a reformation of those forces that exist, but you know, now i, well, everyone says that we need to think about the future, we need to prepare, what will the country be like after the war, i think that for the most important thing for us right now is how to defeat the enemy and what... is the country now, that is of course, that this should be a country where we have no complaints about the authorities, where we see that

there is a serious fight against corruption, that this, that this will be a new country, and this is what will inspire our fighters on the front lines, and these , who is in the rear, people should see justice, well, i, for example, do not want to go into this topic of demobilization now, because i understand on the one hand... on the one hand, this is really a very sensitive topic, on the other hand , we understand that we have there are not enough people at the front, and yes, it is necessary to give rest to those people who have been fighting there since the first day, but how to do this without reducing the defense capability, well , it is very difficult, yes, but of course what needs to be done is to show that the government is fighting abuses within the government, it is tough. punishes those who try to use their wealth to enrich themselves during war, and indeed that we have justice, yes, that it does not

look like some people are fighting and others are sitting in restaurants and feeling normal. again, we understand that some part of people should be in the rear, including working at various enterprises in the service sector, because in the end these enterprises. they pay taxes and they bring money to the state budget, for which there is still not enough, so we must understand, of course, that the state itself would not take out social benefits and the financing of the army, that here precisely we should thank our allies , but there should be a sense of this justice. thank you, mr. oleksiy, oleksiy garan, professor of political science at the kyiv-mohyla academy, scientific director of the democratic initiative foundation named after him. kuchereva, we will now take a break for a few minutes, stay please be with us. what is bahmud? bahmud

is a place of fear and a place of bravery. no matter what anyone says, bravery is not the absence of fear. bahmud is an adventure that will stay with us until the end of our days. the children were born in the era of independence. who are they? there are many of them, and they are strong and brave. these are the guardians of traditions and... their art of their ancestors, these are boys who never cry. lemberk, mother, don't cry. a book by the writer olena cherninka. a mother's book about her son, a hero who was one of the first to volunteer to protect ukraine and went missing in the vast expanses of donbas. quarterfinals of the champions league

only on mego. barcelona-psg and man city-real. who will go further, who will leave all hopes on the field. find out on april 16th and 17th exclusively on megogo. try flebodia 600. pink french pills for acute hemorrhoids. flebodia 600. treat hemorrhoids without any side effects. the premium sponsor of the national team represents. united by football, stronger together. join the ranks of the 100th separate mechanized brigade of the armed forces of ukraine. protect yours. the result of their work is ours with you security. they, the boys from volyn, proved that everyone can be a warrior. strong in spirit, appreciate

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the inefficiency of the russian state body. it would seem that the country is waging a big war against its neighbor, vladimir putin continues to hope that ukraine will soon disappear from the political map of the world, huge amounts of money are being used for destruction of our state, in russia itself, why should an inefficient state wage war effectively. we will now talk with oleg magaletsky, researcher of romanism in the russian federation, co-organizer of the free peoples of postrossia forum. congratulations mr. olezh. good evening. well, let's try to understand what... conclusions we can draw from the point of view of the effectiveness of the russian state after this incredible flood in orenburg in the orenburg region, it is already moving to other regions of the russian federation, what conclusions can be drawn from the reaction of the authorities and the power's ability to respond to such challenges, you can do? actually, there is nothing new, this is yet another, yet another sign of previous actions, which speak of maximum ineffectiveness, rigidity and

indifference. ness of this entire state by this vertical. preliminary signs were the situation in the belgorod region, when they could not organize the evacuation from the front-line villages. the same situation was connected with the terrorist attack in crocus, when they cannot even guarantee safety in their capital. the same situation was in june 23, when they failed to prevent a half-coup within their own system, i.e., these are yet another sign of an impending collapse. of this statehood, well , in principle, russia has existed in this form throughout its history, there is always talk of collapse, but we see that the russian center is never interested in the russian province, and the russian province will do nothing to get the attention of the russian center, so why is it then a sign of collapse, you also need to understand that such complex things, they do not always happen.