on the so-called president of the russian federation, we can already see how the offensive of the russians is unfolding in the direction of kharkiv, they are already talking about the fact that this offensive may also affect the neighboring sumy region, well , they have been talking about this for a long time, what can we expect from the crowned putin? well, actually, i just read on the spresso website that heavy fighting is going on along the entire front line, zelensky. listened to sirskyi's report, indeed putin perceived this procedure of his inauguration, legitimization, as permission and the attention of western countries to him, as permission for further aggressive actions, for further escalation, and of course he uses there are still moments, we know that the americans have so supported both financial and military aid to ukraine, but in order to transfer... weapons directly to

the places, it takes time and the first, for example, planes the f-16s will come only in the summer, now the first one, not a mockup, but the first simulator on which you can train directly to ukraine, and the planes themselves will come later, will actually stop the offensive when the russians use cabs, such heavy bombs alone. usual for us it is impossible with the means of struggle, because this is a real innovation of theirs, which did not exist before, and what kind of crap they have been using on the front line for the last six months and many losses, well, we will monitor the situation at the front, of course it can change, and we can already see that there is a reaction .

the supreme commander of the armed forces of ukraine, he talks about what he spoke with oleksandr syrskyi, there is a rather tense situation, we on the spresso tv channel and on radio svoboda monitor all these processes, and of course we comment on them live and we present the situation in our news and in our programs, we discuss what is actually happening at the front. however, colleagues, before moving on to another topic, i would like to remind our... tv viewers that today we are conducting a survey and we are asking you: do you agree that democracy is more important for ukraine than a strong leader? everything is quite simple on youtube, yes, no, if you have an opinion, please leave it in the comments below this video, don't forget to subscribe to our youtube channel and our social networks, and most importantly, if you watch us on the air with a smartphone or phone and vote if you think that democracy is more important for ukraine than a strong leader, 0800-211-381 no 0800-211-382 all

calls to these numbers are free, vote, at the end of the program we will here are the results of this vote. another event, but already an internal one of our domestic political life, which happened yesterday, is the resignation of oleksandr kubrakov from the post of deputy prime minister for the reconstruction of ukraine, minister of community development, territories and human infrastructure. which was enough close to the office of the president of ukraine, to the president of ukraine himself, and it turned out that on the eve of his dismissal, kubrakov refused to come to the profile committee of the verkhovna rada for a report, he himself wrote on social networks that the resignation came as a surprise to him, but he was ready to report, to quote mr. kubrakov, i am always ready for an open dialogue and a detailed report on the work of the ministry in all areas of my responsibility. the leadership

of the faction, including the head of the government, denys shmyhal, did not discuss this decision with me. at the meeting faction and profile committee was not invited. the day before, the servant of the people faction spoke about the need to divide the ministry of community development of the territory and infrastructure into two separate departments. but the most interesting thing is that it was the representatives of the servants of the people who molded this great ministry. now they say, listen, kubrakov is gone, we don't need such a big ministry. so watch. or from this, kateryna, what conclusion do you come to that, in principle, there is a single decision-making center, sometimes those who believe that they too enter this decision-making center, find themselves outside this center, well, that is, these five or six managers, about whom zelensky once spoke at the final press conference in the 23rd year, it turns out that those who even think that they are included in these five or six...

managers, like kubrako, for example, they are simply dismissed and not even warned or there is no prior conversation with the prime minister, how should this be perceived? well, this is perceived very badly. it looks very strange that the decision-making center is at the bank, well, we just hear about it from everywhere, somewhere from our own sources, somewhere from the sources of journalists who specialize in these topics there, sidelined from deputies, and you can hear it, well, it’s obvious, it’s already like a fact, but i just can’t understand why it can’t be at least it would be more understandable to conduct these processes in public, but if there... the minister who is fired, he really spoke in the verkhovna rada, so that the deputies could ask questions or express their dissatisfaction with some decisions, processes that took place there in the ministry, when he led by mr. kurbakov, so that the society

at least sees that there is a dialogue and what is happening in general, we understand that in our country, in principle, citizens of ukraine should know the faces of all the ministers. er, and such important top officials, well, this is also true, i.e. there are faces that are familiar, that are recognizable, and there are people whose activities are not recognizable, among the things that can be said to be a person who, about which is not spoken so badly, for sure, which presents ukraine well enough there, has its own connections with western partners, and the team is strong, i am there i don't know anyone there personally, but there from a professional point of view, you see that the people there are... worthy, for example, and that is , there is no such impression here that the person did not do well there at all, so we will not even say goodbye to him properly, well in in any situation , a normal office, it is a person, probably calls hr there, at least, and will tell what the issue is, what the problem is, what is the reason

for the dismissal, communication, well, as always, not very well, it is not worthy, because ukrainians should would explain in general what the activity of the ministry is, what is there now changes, and so on, this is not enough and not for the first time. oleksiy goncharenko from european solidarity says that the history of kubrakov's dismissal and the plans to split his ministry indicate the absence of a systematic personnel policy in the state. let's listen to what honcharenko said. all this looks strange, the result is the same, there is no subjectivity either in the government or in the parliament, all decisions are made in the president's office. a command comes, this command is quickly executed, there is no systematicity in this, then this is some kind of kindergarten, united the ministry, united the ministry, just so you understand, it is not such a simple process, it is millions of hryvnias, it is months of time, it is the fate of hundreds of thousands of people, and it

is lost time for work, and it is during the war, me such a personnel policy is frightening, its complete lack of system policy, such a government policy is frightening, because de facto there is no government, that is, andrei, there is no government as such, there is a parliament, but it works in manual mode, five or six managers governs the state, this is all during the war, what is the danger of such state administration, shall we say yes, mono-power, as it is customary to say, but when we talk about mono-power, we should probably talk about mono-responsibility. because yes, i would argue, it is, of course, the only decision-making center that is concentrated in the president's office, but to legitimize these decisions, parliament, no matter how obedient, is still there, there are people with their own point of view , very often

they have to be convinced, or forced to vote with some other incentives, so kobrakov's dismissal was known in advance, it is true that such a disinformation fake was spread that... the ministry will be divided and he will be appointed to manage the infrastructure ministry again, but the part that deals with development and restoration will be in the hands of another minister, or another person, this did not happen, as far as i know that there are no votes for his appointment, which means that the president's office does not really want to appoint him to ministers again, and what is it about, what was in the hands of this minister? money, or at least the tools to spend multi-billion dollar recovery tranches, apparently, there were hopes that the recovery would be quick, that the war would end quickly, and that these billions would already be in the country, we see that the situation is dragging on, that perhaps this

money will not be there for a long time, and in the meantime, the minister gained weight and, as my sources say, he began to communicate very openly with... the american embassy, ​​and of course the president's office did not like it, we generally have such a dual system of state management for a long time, it's just that all the time this part is... a share of formal power structures and informal power structures, it is different proportionality occurred, if before zelenskyi formal authorities still played a role and ministers had their own political weight, now under zelenskyi we see that the government has actually turned into a decoration, and informal methods of managing the country are flourishing and all kinds of advisers , well, now there, for example, about the ministry. of defense of ukraine say that the information policy there is managed by advisers,

not officially appointed persons, well , i think the same can be said about other ministries as well, but kateryna, in this story with kubrakov and in general with other appointments and resignations, obviously the political responsibility lies with the leader of the state, because he has a monomajority in the verkhovna rada, he. there is a government that is appointed by a monomajority, it has its own managers who run the state, but in all these stories, let's say, where the political responsibility is borne by volodymyr zelenskyi, the president, we rarely see this direct political responsibility, because the same mykola solsky, who was the minister of agrarian policy, who is accused of flooding state land for 291. million uah and attempting to seize land for another 190 million uah, well, that is, there is no such sign

of equality, or is this sign of equality that what happened to solsky is a sign that zelensky's team is equal whether or not zelenskyi directly, president zelenskyi, er, as ukrainians, they understand that these are the same thing, and that the political responsibility lies with the leader who actually, well, brought all these... people to power, that is, this not some big majority there, which consists of different political groups, it's not, it's not, there are some foreign people there, because it's all their own people, after all, they've been in power for 5 years, and it's not a government of national unity, and to which it can also be distributed, for example, it would be this responsibility, but because there are such ideas as well, but here it is such a difficult question, because on the one hand, yes, everyone understands who is the president, who has... not the majority, and there are all opportunities, but on the other hand, so is

the president, he cannot be responsible for the actions of everyone, and he does not directly appoint, that is, there where he directly appoints ministers, that's one story, where it doesn't happen directly, in fact, it's legally and technically completely different, so what's the responsibility here, the law must work, the investigation must work, the court must work and that's how it happens there for society to see. that the officials also saw, the powerful saw that something would be done not according to the law, there would be corruption, well, there would certainly be responsibility, but the global responsibility for this lies with the leader of the state, you can say, for individual actions of individual officials, well here is a debatable issue, no one can control everyone to such an extent and guarantee that a person who is cool there today, whom you trust, will not do something illegal tomorrow, and on the other hand , there is no question at all. again, i return to the attitude to the ministers, because there is a story about how there is a shortage of personnel, as

we know, we have a number of ministries there without heads for a long time, there is also a ministry, for example, of culture, information policy, and it is very strange that at the moment when for some reason it is impossible to find people, to put in this place, is it just convenient for departments to be without a head, well, i don't know what the logic is, but at the same time saying goodbye to people who did their work for a certain time, well, it... means that the next applicants who will want, or who will be offered to occupy these or other positions, they may well think for a long time, will think a lot and maybe even refuse one precisely because, well, obviously for some reasons they can say goodbye to them very badly, and their there rating and all their work, it will simply be reduced not even to a rating, but simply the work of people, it will simply be reduced to nothing precisely because. such and such public communication and such a public attitude, well, such public communication,

by the way, i will remind you, colleagues, that there was also in march of the 20th year, in fact, when the government of oleksiy honcharuk was dismissed, because one way or another we see that in in principle, during zelenskyi's time , denys shmehal has been sitting in the prime minister's chair for the longest time, and that government was changed quite quickly, and they were looking for these ministers, political ringleaders very quickly they told that some, some people who were called, they simply did not pick up the phone, because they saw what the first ministers ended up with, regarding the absence of some ministers, well, the question in... including the ministry of culture, or rather, to the question of the ministry of culture and information, the absence of a minister, well, the ministry is working, of course, there are acting ministers, but during the war, information policy is a sufficient component, culture is such an important component in the war against the russian federation, but there is no tkachenko dismissed, there is no such minister, regarding

the future of andriy, about these things about... recovery, about the prospects for the recovery of ukraine. obviously, we will see such stories more than once, because big money requires a lot of control from western countries, donors, and our anti-corruption bodies. what do you think, in this story, will we have the narrowing of zelenskyi's entourage to three or four managers, because they... want a control center of some government or whatever it 's called, that is, some reforms there to conduct so that, in principle, the ministers performed the role of, well, simply the heads of departments, conditionally speaking, but no more, that is, they were not too independent figures, by the way, as was the same kubrakov, and actually, if we recall the government of hancharyuk,

no matter how strange it was, sometimes outrageous and... and all these scooters around the cabinet of ministers and pathetic speeches that sometimes promised us some miracles, but that government was such a government of naive romantics, they followed procedures, maybe not all procedures, but they at least they declared that they wanted turbo changes, quick reforms, set ambitious goals, and well, it was something alive, well... it was perhaps something from the category of a tv show, but it was alive, emotional, interesting, and that government, which was replaced by a government of obedient technocrats, yes, former top managers who worked for ukrainian oligarchs, then it looks rather gray in such an emotional field of information, so vague, eh,

and against this vague background, of course, the representatives of the office the president looks better, and the president himself looks better, no of political competition, as soon as a person appears who more or less draws attention to himself, well, let's remember the industrious one, let's remember how many budanov interviews there were before and how there are none now, let's remember kim, who became very popular at one time and as it is not on the air now, on the airs, and well, you can just analyze it. the telethon is completely managed despite the fact that there is no minister of information policy and culture there, but it is clear that it is managed from other offices, just a content analysis of the telethon will give us an understanding of who is in favor today, who doesn't thank you, andriy yanitskyi, kateryna nekrecha were guests of our broadcast

of our journalism club today, ladies and gentlemen, thank you for participating in the program, i will remind you. that during this broadcast, we conducted a survey, we asked you, friends, whether you agree that democracy is more important for ukraine than a strong leader. so, let's look at the poll results: 89% yes, 11 - no, these are the results of a television poll. it was the verdict program by serhii rudenko. i say goodbye to you until monday, until 8:00 p.m., at 8:00 p.m yuriy lutsenko, the former prosecutor general of ukraine, will be on our air. let's talk about... everything, everything, everything, everything, about foreign policy, about domestic policy, about zelenskyi's team, wait, and for now, rest, have a good weekend, take care of yourself and your loved ones, bye, bye, there are discounts,

koko presents may discounts on edem, 20% in podorozhnyk, bam and oskad pharmacies. moscow spared no expense to promote its culture. russian culture was imposed on us as the culture of a superior nation. name tchaikovsky in the name of the kyiv conservatory ominously hangs over the symbolic cemetery on the maidan, mocks the memory of the dead and warns the living. we will be back. exclusively on the air of our channel. congratulations, friends, politklub is on the air on the espresso tv channel. more relevant topics of the week: russia's war against ukraine, the war in the middle east, the crisis on the border between ukraine and poland. topics

causing resonance in our society: drone attack on kyiv and other cities of ukraine, drone attacks on moscow and others cities of russia. analysis of the processes that change the country and each of us. the country must get the right to start negotiations. stepping does vitaliy portnikov and guests of the project: we are bored, because there is nothing to fight about, let's invent something, they help us understand the present and predict the future. for the world, a second trump presidency will be terrifying. a project for those who care and think. political club. every sunday at 20:10 at espresso. verdict with serhii rudenko. from now on in a new two-hour format. even more analytics, even more important. topics, even more top guests: foreign experts, inclusion from abroad, about ukraine, the world, the front, society, and also feedback, you can express your opinion on the bad day with

the help of a telephone survey, turn on and be included, the verdict with serhiy rudenko, every day on weekdays from 20 to 22 for espresso. congratulations. today i will talk about three children from the kherson region who have gone missing and whom we are trying to find. i will say right away that, unfortunately, not much is known about them, so we really hope for your concern and help please watch this video carefully, and if you recognize any of the children in question, do not delay and immediately notify us on the hotline 116.30. so, oleksiy khrustaliuk. stella naydenova and bohdan kotenko. all of them disappeared during the occupation and until now nothing is known about them. the connection with oleksiy was cut off at the very beginning of the war and

there was no more news from him. we only know that he is 17 years old, and before the start of the full-scale invasion, he lived in the village of nova-zburivka in the skadovsky district of the kherson region. what happened to him and where unfortunately, we don't know where the guy is now. and i emphasize once again that there really is a great hope that one of you will recognize oleksiy, so look at his face, if you suddenly know something about the boy, report it to the hotline of the children's search service at 116:30. we will be grateful for any information. and this is 14-year-old stela naydenova. she, like oleksiy khrustalov, disappeared at the beginning of the full-scale invasion. it happened in kherson, when the city was under russian occupation, since then there is no connection with it either and where the girl is is unknown. unfortunately, it

is possible that she could have been taken out or deported to russia. in general, the deportation of children is a component of the crime of genocide, so i want to note that if you know about any crime against a child, in particular about abduction or deportation, do not leave. indifferent and immediately report it to the police, or report it to our site stopcrimeua. you can even do it anonymously. bohdan kotenko also disappeared in kherson region, he is 15 years old, and we know that when the full-scale invasion began, he lived in skadovsk, kherson region. just like in the situation with oleksiy khrustalov and stela naydenova, due to the fact that bohdan disappeared during the occupation, about him. in fact, there is no information, but it is very important that we have his photo, and accordingly there is a chance that one of you will recognize him, so once again, please

look as closely as possible into the faces of oleksiy khrustalov, stela naydenova and bohdan kotenko, and first of all, i appeal to the residents of the temporarily occupied part of the kherson region, who can see this video on youtube, if you have information. about of these children, who may still be in the kherson region, immediately notify us on the hotline 11630. if you are under occupation and you do not have the opportunity to call, you can contact us by writing to the chatbot of the child search service at telegram, or on our website. let's not be indifferent, and let's try to find oleksiy, stela and bohdan together. and at the very end, i once again ask you to take just a few minutes of your time and go to the website of the children's search service. here in the section "missing

children of ukraine" you can see. boys and girls who are currently wanted. look carefully at their faces, i will be very grateful if you share information about missing children in your facebook or instagram, because, of course, the more people see the ad about the wanted child, the more chances there will be to find him. if you suddenly recognize one of them, immediately call our hotline 11630. free of charge from all mobile operators in ukraine. we have created a resource through which you can report any crime against a child. in in any city, at any time, just go to the site and report, and we will launch all possible mechanisms to punish the criminal. stop ua. of course, i want to reach the kremlin,

like all soldiers. my call sign is vitaminka, i serve in the 47th brigade of magura, in general, it all started with the maidan, it cannot be done otherwise. there are historically important events, how can i not take part in them, it's strange. it all happened gradually, as the heat increased, increased, that is, first the maidan, then everything went like a crescendo, that is, everything increased, the tension increased, whoever took on a job, did it, and did

as much as they wanted, there, well, there were no responsibilities, so i took on the medical one, because i at least a little i understood this, at first i lived in tents, then i moved to the kmda, because there was a shower, a separate one, i could hear sokil, then the battles were maidan. it was interesting, it was dangerous, at that time i did not want to kill, that is, i had an upbringing and that was all, i only wanted to do some essentially humanitarian things, and in the army it is a little changed, on the maidan i understood one of my peculiarities in some critical situation,

when someone is in a stupor, someone is hysterical, someone else has some kind of reaction, i am very calm, i will have a headache afterwards, but right at the critical moment, i am calm, i am not afraid of explosions, i can be useful, why vaidar, because at that time it was the only welfare at... the ministry of defense, that is, i did not want to go to the ministry of internal affairs, well , i think, after the maidan, it is very logical. aidar - this is the aidar of the 14th model , this is a typical cossack army, not there there was armyism, that's what still triggers me a lot, because what i call armyism is what we have in common with the russian army, it confuses me a lot.

well, in aydar, i was 22, 23, 24 years old at the time, and these were precisely the years that i lived without my parents, the first years, respectively, where a worldview was formed, certain life attitudes were broken, i understand that it is necessary to kill the enemy, but on the other hand, this is murder, as it were... i had an argument, today i believe that it is even, well, as preventive medicine, in fact, in the 15th year i physically returned to civilian life.