she understood, he wants to have a guarantee that this law will be voted on, that all deputies will be present in the session hall, that there will not be any, well, there will not be any violations, procedural possible appeals and so on, it can be here to understand, because the law is really important enough and so on, but you see, this legal opinion of his is completely overlapped by the political one, he stated in this statement that we just listened to, that the monomajority. de facto restoration refuses to support this law, i.e there is not the required number of votes due to the position of the monomajority, which, in theory, should be the initiator and which should move this law and bring it to its logical conclusion, because the opposition, which advocates, well , it is simply not physically enough, especially let's not forget, there are a couple of deputy groups, there are former opzshniks, they are on the contrary...

to vote against, i do not rule out that if and when, or rather not if, when it comes to the consideration of this draft law, well, we will see, they will still rush to block it tribune, they will have nothing to lose and they will try to take advantage of this moment, but in fact the speaker, who stated that the monomajority, she does not want to divide, i am not saying she cannot, she can, they have enough votes, she does not want to consider this bill, and therefore he is, on the one hand, a speaker who is not related to a certain political force. but de facto has, we all understand this very well, he will look for as much as necessary, or as much as he can, some procedural points in order to prevent this bill from being considered in the session hall. i do not see now, unfortunately, the political will, both in the parliament and in the office of the president, in order to bring this law to its logical conclusion, although it seems to me that after the story with the american lobbyists, which this moscow the church hired in ukraine with

the assistance of certain oligarchs, the decision had to be made instantly, and the verkhovna rada itself had to demonstrate its subjectivity just then, because it was undisguised pressure, and the pressure is very manipulative with direct internal interference affairs of ukraine, but i, well, i remember that there was a corresponding appeal, there was a meeting of the committee, but that's all, but the best answer would be to really consider this law, vote for it, then, well, who would submit it to the constitutional court. .. so the constitutional court would consider it for how long, well, it would all depend on how and how quickly this particular submission would be submitted, or it might be that nothing would be brought to a logical conclusion, there would actually be no appeal , that is why there is a lack of political will, including in leadership of the verkhovna rada, unfortunately, consideration of this really important law is currently blocked, well , it leaves us in such an elevated state when we have, well, i won't say it directly there...

russian agents, although, judging by those cases , which are opened regularly by the security service of ukraine, which relate specifically to the priests of the moscow patriarchate, they are engaged in purely agent affairs, but from the point of view of a certain such leader of some narratives that the aggressor country uses against us. well, you are right, sir igor, that the constitutional court is, after all, the constitutional court of ukraine, and it should proceed from the interests of the state interests of the ukrainian state, and from the point of view of national... security and defense, that is , during a war, imagine that the constitutional court will make an illegal decision , which will contradict the concept of national security and defense, or let's say it this way, it will contradict what we are doing, defending against russia, it would be very strange, but in this situation, in your opinion, who is responsible for what the moscow church is working still in ukraine? i think that formally,

of course, it is primarily a mono majority, because they have the necessary number of votes to vote for it, i think that to some extent political responsibility, well, let's be frank, it is possible somewhere and according to the president of ukraine, in what sense? i understand very well that he has more important tasks, he deals with these issues, defense, diplomacy, aid and so on, but you know, if he had addressed during his regular evening address. would to of the verkhovna rada, as he did on some issues, and i would simply say that dear deputies, i expect, the entire ukrainian people expect that you will eventually bring to a logical conclusion, well, for example, such a story that concerns well, bans are not even the uoc mp, this is an important point, that ’s what this law is, it’s not even called a draft law, it ’s about other certain points, but if you bring this legislative story to a logical conclusion, then i think that then the political the will is quick... it would appear to the mind

the majority, but since this issue is not raised at the central level, the president does not mention it, it is not mentioned by other people there, who are actually in the president's office responsible for these... directions of state policy, the monomajority ignores this issue, because it does not want to take on this political responsibility, if there was a certain group, the one i mentioned, of people's deputies who would proceed from the point of view of national interests, the subjectivity of the parliament, i think that they could have come to an agreement a long, long time ago with the opposition to collect the necessary number of signatures, votes, and so on, and then even stefanchuk, well, formally, there would be no reason not to bring this law to the session hall for consideration, but since there is no such from... no one wants to take it upon themselves this political responsibility, the question has been raised, and well, i don't want to sound too pessimistic, but something tells me that it will hang for a long enough time, and it will be postponed as much as possible for later, closing it with some other questions, well, more urgent, perhaps from the point of view of the country's defense. so far,

mr. igor, the mobilization process in ukraine has not been postponed until later, and the updated system and registration of conscripts, and the procedure... of mobilization and notification of the mobilized, from may 18, 2024, changes to the law on mobilization entered into force, there is already a reserve application plus, queues in the tsk were searched, participation in combat operations is already allowed for convicts, 300 convicts have already submitted applications for conditional early release to participate in the defense of ukraine, about this... said the deputy minister justice olena vysotska, what are the first conclusions that can be drawn from the change in the registration procedure and mobilization procedure in ukraine, will everything be as planned, is it completely clear what

will happen next and are the steps that were adopted by the verkhovna rada motivated, and now also by separate resolutions of the cabinet of ministers. is implemented, you know, i have a personal impression, well, that i, like everyone else, probably most men, participated in all the applications, updating data and so on, i have the first impression, it is very simple, even banal, which could not have been done much earlier, i.e. there since the 22nd year, in fact, nothing so terrible is happening there so far, there is a certain update of data, it is clear that there are certain failures in the system, there are queues and so on , but a sufficiently prompt response, an electronic queue, the possibility to receive there... for example, a referral to the vlk in electronic format and so on, that is, so far i see, what i see in the first days, there is a certain attempt to stimulate more, still not to stimulate more with a whip, you know to a certain extent, there a gingerbread man, yes, there is an opportunity to refer to some ethical norms there, yes,

so that in order for the citizens of ukraine, well , first of all, to do what is necessary themselves, without any coercion, on the other hand, i think, i am in the principle has repeatedly spoken about it. it would be desirable with the start of this law on the 18th, its effect, to remove any street so-called mobilization, well , at least for a certain period of time, for these two months, when this data is being updated, because it creates too nervous an atmosphere, well there are still many questions that are not known how they will be resolved, we need to communicate more actively, to explain, including using the examples of some specific cases, and in the end, you know, i am only from... business representatives and economists , this is a strange story, but i only mainly heard from them approximate figures, how many people we need to mobilize, it seems to me that the military and political leadership should at least voice it approximately, of course, we do not need to name the figures in detail, but in modern

to hide from the world, for example, from the same russia , we are unlikely to be able to do this, but the understanding of this figure, it seems to me, would also significantly affect society, because at least society would clearly understand who it could affect... first of all , how many people can actually be mobilized there, in what way it will happen, so to continue, but to improve communication and minimize any repressive measures that are in place for now, because they still seem to me to do more harm than good, well on that this mobilization takes place effectively. thank you, mr. igor, for the conversation, it was igor reiterovych, political scientist, head of political and legal programs of the ukrainian center for social development. friends, we continue to work on... on our platforms in youtube and facebook, we continue the survey, which will continue in the second part of our program, we ask you today whether the responsibility for breaking the curfew should be increased, 83% - yes , 17% - no, these are the results of our television

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bam and oskad. vasyl zima's big broadcast. two hours of airtime, two hours of your time. two hours to learn about the war and what the world lives two hours to be. up to date with economic and sports news, two hours in the company of favorite presenters, presenters who have become like-minded to many, as well as distinguished guests of the studio, events of the day in two hours, vasyl zima's big broadcast, a project for intelligent and caring people, espresso in the evening. the espresso channel and ukrainian pen present the self-titled project with myroslava barchuk. a series of conversations with ukrainian and western intellectuals who reflect and comment. the most relevant public discussions, which news will be analyzed by the guests of the project

this week and actually who will be the guest of the studio, we will find out already this sunday, clearly, the topics will be relevant, the guests will be special, their own names with myroslava barchuk, sunday 17:10 at espresso. greetings, friends, the second part of the verdict program is on the espresso tv channel. my name is serhii rudenko, and today we will talk about the following. five years have not yet ended. volodymyr zelenskyi's presidential term will last until the end of the war. why does the head of state not want to summarize the results of his first five-year plan. scandals in high offices. andrii smirnov, the deputy head of the president's office, was charged

with illegal enrichment, how does zelensky's personnel policy affect his ratings, life under the new mobilization legislation, queues at the tsc, the reserve plus application and the military service of convicts, how will these innovations affect public sentiment? we will talk about all this in the next 45 minutes. i want to remind you that we work not only live on the tv channel, but also on our platforms on youtube and facebook, for those who are currently don't watch us on tv, take it. please take your smartphone or tablet and vote on youtube, today we are asking you about whether it is necessary to increase the responsibility for violating the curfew, yes, no, everything is quite simple on youtube, if you watch us on tv, you can also vote for numbers, if you think that responsibility for curfew violations should be increased

, 0800-211 381 no 02 08021. 382, ​​all calls to these numbers are free, vote, at the end of the program we will match the results of this vote, and we have political experts on the phone today, people who know everything, or at least everything, about ukrainian politics, oleg sahakyan, political scientist, co-founder of the national platform for sustainability and cohesion, mr. oleg, i congratulate you, thank you you are with us today, my congratulations are the same, and oleksii koshel, doctor of historical sciences, head of the committee of voters of ukraine, mr. oleksii, i congratulate you, thank you for joining our broadcast. good evening. well, since gentlemen, i, and our team, are asking our viewers about whether it is necessary to amplify responsibility for breaking the curfew, i will ask you, but i will say very briefly that today the verkhovna rada of ukraine

was unable to pass the draft law on administrative day for violation of curfew by citizens, there is an increase in fines and actions of the police against those who violate curfew, in your opinion, should responsibility for violation of curfew be increased , mr. oleg, in my opinion, this is not the most pressing issue today to decide, if we talk about the commander's office hour, then this responsibility can be strengthened, but it is necessary to remove the elements of the itc subpoenas when they talk about curfew violations. because this moment turns mobilization into a punishment, into another and around that, this is incorrect and the wrong approach, therefore, fines are a secondary issue in this solution, and if we talk about increasing responsibility, then there is a need to increase responsibility for and we have

certain problems with motorcycles in ukrainian cities, there were certain problems with communication, thank you, mr. oleg, mr. oleksiy, well, i think that there cannot be just one approach, and we generally need to change the very approach to curfew, that is, i am convinced that there are separate regions, there are tourist centers, the relatively calm lviv region, ternopil region, well, it is quite conditionally calm, obviously there you can change approaches and there, i don't know a coward. all the devil, other areas, maybe you should even refuse there, it ’s a different matter, chernihiv oblast, sumy oblast, where russian drgs can work, where they actually work, as far as i know, in the north kyiv oblast, they can too certain problems can be observed, it must really act, this mechanism must work hard enough, but at the same time

, full transparency is needed in matters of the so- called repo'. as for the curfew, as far as i know from reports from the media, it was used for pop performers, and for people needed by the authorities, and for those who try to visit bars and restaurants at night. well, there have been so many scandals that i understand that there has to be a tough enough approach, and if the local government does not deal with these things, well, obviously then the government should, then the government should deal with this issue. thank you, mr. oleksiy, well... gentlemen, i mentioned this unresolved decision of the verkhovna rada, and over the past two days we have been watching how a part of the parliament, the european solidarity faction, is trying to return, i would say, subjectivity in the verkhovna rada the council, when inside the session hall they demand to put

this or that issue to a vote and push the head of the verkhovna rada so that he considers these issues, those that have not been considered for a long time, at the ... conciliation council today, a temporary, special commission on the fortification and procurement of drones was created, and it was voted on, this issue, by the way, among the members of this tsk, deputies of the former pzh, most of the 15 deputies, members of the commission from the servant of the people faction, but the fact that this. .. stefanchuk did not want to put the question to a vote, but at the insistence of european solidarity , 277 deputies voted, and actually what is being said. explanatory note to this draft law on the creation of tsc for the purpose of researching the issue of use

a temporary special commission of the verkhovna rada is being formed for budget funds earmarked for the arrangement of fortifications and engineering barriers on the contact line, as well as for the manufacture and purchase of unmanned aerial vehicles for military units and units of the armed forces of ukraine and other military formations formed in accordance with the laws of ukraine. of ukraine, mr. oleg, what do you think, can it be considered that this subjectivity is being restored in the parliament, about the loss of which we talked quite actively during the last two years ago, there was only one decision-making center, the president's office, and the verkhovna rada acted as a division of the office. well, first of all, i want to apologize for the bad connection. now there are emergency power outages and i am communicating with you from batteries, accordingly , it may be his subjectivity, we have

very big problems with communication, if possible , please sort out oleg sayakyan, i think that this may help, of course, that the cattle there are blackouts all over ukraine, including in kyiv, we are in... unfortunately, we hear in fragments, now our editors will redial you, mr. oleg, mr. oleksiy, i am addressing you with the same question regarding the subjectivity, renewal of the subjectivity of the ukrainian parliament and the influence of the parliament on life in ukraine. you know, i wouldn't start speaking on viber, the problem is that i won't be able to, please, please, most likely i would speak in the format of such a word as "boiled", really. if we analyze the work of the parliament over the past 3-4 months, we see that the same issues are on the agenda from session to session, and

according to my, according to my subjective assessment, about a third of the issues that are put on the agenda, this is an issue that can wait a year or more, and until the end of the lashes, that is, issues that need priority vibi, priority. there is also the issue of cinematography, there is also the issue of hop production and many other issues that have already been discussed once on the air, so actually for many it is not clear what is happening with the verkhovna rada, why the ukrainian parliament worked for about 10 hours in a sessional format in march, about 10 hours per month, i emphasize specifically for the city. other questions arise, why, say, the committee on national security and defense. and intelligence, during the war, this is one of the key committees, cannot meet for a meeting in april for about three weeks, these are the deputy heads of it, and therefore

, quite a lot of such problems have accumulated in the verkhovna rada, and we have grounds to talk about a protracted , an extremely serious parliamentary crisis, which, by the way, manifests itself not only in these issues, but also in cooperation with the cabinet of ministers of ukraine, when... members of the government and the head of the government, well, let's say, to put it mildly, reluctantly visit the parliament, or simply ignore the work of parliamentary committees. in response, parliament fails government bills, well , the last figure i came across is about 65-70% of government bills are not accepted by parliament, that is, chronic problems have accumulated enough to say that... the disease is very serious , and it needs to be treated, which is why this attempt to block the rostrum of the verkhovna rada, expressing protest, this is an absolutely

normal reaction. yes, on the one hand , we are taught that during the war you cannot criticize the ukrainian government, that this is working against the enemy, you cannot block the parliament, this is working against the enemy, but at the same time , it is normal to make management decisions of very low quality. obstructing the work of the parliament is normal, but you understand, the issues are very serious, here i will give one example that is simply obvious to everyone, the law on mobilization, here are the changes to the legislation on mobilization, apply attention, they were delayed by at least a year and a half, but i am convinced that these changes should have been adopted in the spring of 22, and not in the spring of 24, and moreover, from development in the government to adoption in the parliament. it's been six months, well, i'm sorry, i understand that this is a complicated bill, but not so much as to drag on for six months, when the government shows its incompetence, they can't, when they couldn't

develop a quality law. final changes, when the parliament there starts with the same theses, ends with extremely soft ones, then changes its position, and moreover, i am convinced that now the law does not provide answers to all questions, and now i would like to talk about the fact that the committee on national security, defense and intelligence must prepare amendments to this law, amendments to legislation, well... at least to resolve the dodger issue, because it hasn't been resolved. in our country, a huge percentage of men are actually under house arrest, some for months, some for years, counting on the fact that representatives of the tsc will not enter the territory of private property, to the yard, to the apartments, to the house. well, we need to change the rules, we obviously need to make them tougher and clearer. and this is only

one of the problems, their outcome. enough, and therefore, actually, i think that the answer is in the form of blocking the work of the verkhovna rada, this is an absolutely accepted mechanism that works all over the world, it allows, firstly, to defend the position of opposition factions in the parliament, and secondly, draw attention to the fact that our parliament is paralyzed, we need to return it now at any cost parliament to the work format of the sample of the 22nd year. when everyone worked, when everyone passed bills, and moreover, for the first time in ukrainian history, we had unity, which was demonstrated by simply impressive numbers, when every third, every fourth bill was passed by a constitutional majority on average. thank you, mr. oleksiy, oleg sahakyan is in touch with us again, but only by phone, because unfortunately,

mr. oleg has no electricity. and the connection is unstable. mr. olezh, how do you assess the efforts of people's deputies to take on more initiatives, well, in particular, not only regarding the creation of a temporary special commission on fortifications, but also to push the parliament to adopt a law banning russian churches on the territory of ukraine, and to consider this issue and put a final stop to this issue. well, i would separate here a little the issue of the functioning of the parliament itself and, separately , the bill on the possibility of banning the church of moscow regarding the parliament itself, then we are simply observing a greater level of subjectivity and unwillingness of the parliament to the role that was assigned to him for a long time, and actually this is not yet a recovery of the situation, these are only signs of the life of the parliament, in principle, the crisis itself. the possibility of relations

within different branches of government, institutions, it continues, and at the moment we simply see how the parliament shows its teeth or its subjectivity in relation to other institutions, but for us the task is not that the parliament is in a cold war with the government , with the president's office, with other institutions, on the contrary, there was a constructive working atmosphere and normal mutual relations, and that's already... more broadly , the task for the government as a whole to ensure this communication and this model of work, institutionalization, re-institutionalization, it's even more correct to say, within the government itself, because now, first of all, the source of this tension is relations within the government itself of the power team, which is divided into various institutions, regarding decisions and motivation, it is clear that the parliament has this role, it is absolutely organic in being

connected by... society and relaying, aggregating this interest public to other authorities, and at least the parliament is a place for discussion and raising these issues and finding these solutions, therefore here are resolutions, not only laws, this is one of the mechanisms that exists in the parliament for just such a case, as well as statements, and appeals and others, because parliamentary activity is not only to pass laws, it is many other functions performed by parliamentarians, in particular in relation to other authorities. to the bill on the church, here i have quite, let's say, an ambiguous position, because that the draft law that exists at the moment, it will not satisfy the demand in society, due to the fact that it is already being communicated precisely as a draft law on the banning of the moscow church, and this is not in it, it does not ban it, the next day of life will not change, it creates a mechanism for , so that it can be banned in

court. and this is just the right way, albeit a long one.