200 miles is 320 km deep into the russian federation, how likely is the creation of this security zone on the border of ukraine and russia in this 3-kilometer zone, how possible is the creation of this sanitary zone, which putin once so dreamed of, but he wanted to do... it is on the territory of ukraine, can we create such a zone and will it protect ukraine for some time from the entry of russian troops into the territory of ukraine and shelling of artillery and s-300, s-400? well, er, such questions are definitely better to ask specialists, the military, there are more of them understand, i just want to answer and comment on the answer to this question, just me... as a politician, the fact is that at

the current stage of the conversation on this topic, they testify that, well, such persons as the führer, then it is clear , they are not able to objectively assess the situation, and such decisions are possible to implement at the moment when there is a deadlock, the so-called stable trench warfare, when the parties are entrenched, they do not fall into one or the other. aside, the dynamic war that exists now, in principle , does not allow such a factor, and it was it was clear even when this bald moscow führer started talking about this topic, because in fact, if we talk about the range of the attack today, then there is no front line as such on the ground, because you can see from what distance rockets are launched on the territory of ukraine, which including flying all the way to the western... borders, and this is no less

a threat than armored vehicles and everything else from the point of view of offensive actions. and in this case , you just need the right tactics. from my point of view, this is the ongoing discussion will not die in any way, let shoot, do not let shoot and so on. she is headless, thoughtless, stupid, to the point of madness. in this case, only an answer is needed. one issue is strategy and tactics, and strategy and tactics that would be provided with all the necessary resources. let us, mr. serhiy, think about what kind of strategy is being developed by the general staff of ukraine, or together with partners, how it can be ensured, when the resource provision of all these operations, tactics and strategies, it is limping on all legs possible. imagine in this process, times

the need arises, to strike, then it must be done, since one has to defend one's own territory, then one must provide it with anti-missile and anti-aircraft defense systems, be it irist or other models of air defense systems, but they must work, including offensive and defensive battles, the tactics of conducting them is a matter for the headquarters, and they must decide how, when and what to do. when politicians start talking about this topic and tell stories, you shoot there and you don't shoot there, but at the same time another american general is in the information space tells how brilliant the ukrainian military is, that they accurately bombard the enemy's territory, while having a shortage of these systems, and they do it so skillfully, well , it is clear that some people are able to understand this, but in such a nightmare...

information, where there is no understanding of strategy and tactics, it simply leads to an informational pun, and it begins to play the role of such an informational and psychological war, because the same biden and the same macron or anyone, or the prime minister, sunak decided, are not take it, i can baptize myself, i can repeat it, they will not take it upon themselves to determine where, from what and how to shoot, because they are as military as i am... and why should the president of the united states of america secretly give or not give permission to shoot , well, how can he answer this question, and just as the secretary of state says that we do not prohibit, we recommend not to do this and so on, from my point of view, the answer lies in the strategy, the tactics of waging this war, achieving goals intermediate, promising

medium-term and long-term, then we can say what, where and how it can be applied, at the same time it must be understood that the troops must be provided with everything. necessary in order to conduct successful military operations, but our western partners say that we will never allow the defeat of ukraine, because the defeat of ukraine will mean our defeat, but we have repeatedly talked about this with you on the air, but our western partners do not say that they want the defeat of russia, that is, is it possible to prevent... defeat of ukraine, without defeating russia and without demilitarizing russia, without denazifying russia as it is. mr. serhiy, i will do this until i hear from

the lips of the president of france, the president of the united states of america, the prime minister of great britain, not a word, defeat or. victory, the word to win or lose, everything that will be done, i will evaluate as not quite adequate. so, pay attention to how you phrased the question correctly, they are talking about defeat, well, what do they say about defeat, then cooperation, help, it is joint action or whatever, it must correspond to the meaning of the word: victory over a racist regime. that is, the defeat of the racist regime, not the words "play, lose, win." let them play football, be it european, be it american, whatever, but this is war. and in order to ensure victory, in this

war, victory, and for the enemy to suffer a defeat, for this, appropriate support is necessary, including an attack on the territory of the enemy, if there is no such... attack, then what kind of defeat can the enemy talk about in such a situation, because one of the conditions the conduct of war, which was written in xiunza's treatises, is to transfer the war to the enemy's territory, well, but i hope that our western partners will still focus on the fact that putin must... be defeated, that is, what do you think restrains our partners, to talk about his defeat, well no, not a banal answer, the nuclear weapons that putin has, well, come on, i

would put the same nuclear weapons in the first place and the misunderstanding of its role, which she will play, but if you answer the question, what restrains positive actions, the answer lies on the surface, actually, this is the position, then the electoral position of the voter, and on this, on this position, some, like orbán and fico, parasitize, some, stuck in the election campaign, like in the united states of america, have to say what says that some, like many world leaders, simply hid. under the bed somewhere for stuck there and sits, waits for him to talk, make noise, make noise and so on, and some people just pretend that he ignores this situation, this is roughly how the picture looks like, but the fact it is not about one or the other, the fact is that in

the current international relations there are leaders and there are those who are allies of these leaders, the situation depends on our position in front of washington, the position of berlin, the position of london, paris, and the coherence of actions, actually between these leaders, and actually forms both the agenda and the rules for answering the question of whether such a question can be formed, maybe, but at the same time it is necessary to show a certain will and, first of all, to convince one's own electorate that such decisions are extremely necessary, and secondly, not reflex on political events, as he did, in particular macron after the elections to the european parliament, we have to finish roman petrovych, thank you for the conversation, it was the politician and diplomat roman bezsmertny, friends, throughout the broadcast we conduct a survey, we ask you about this, whether we assume criticize the government during the war,

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presenters who have become likeable to many, as well as distinguished guests of the studio, events of the day in two hours, vasyl zima’s big broadcast, a project for intelligent and caring people, in the evening on espresso. every week, the saturday political club helps to understand the processes taking place in ukraine and the world. na yatskiv and invited experts give their assessment and forecast of the development of events based on facts. do you want to understand how ours is today will affect our tomorrow, see saturday's political club. every saturday at espresso. the verkhovna rada regularly passes new laws, but what about these changes? affect our lives. we analyzed the new decrees to inform you about the latest changes in

ukrainian legislation. how do legislative norms change our lives, what should we prepare for? leading lawyers of the aktum bar association will answer these and other questions that concern ukrainians. watch every tuesday at 7:55 in the legal expertise program on the espresso tv channel. greetings, friends, on the espresso tv channel, the second part of the verdict program, my name is serhiy rudenko, and in this part we will talk about the following. in time for winter, president zelenskyi in berlin called on europe to invest in the restoration of ukraine's energy sector. what help can you count on? shameful practices. censors in the ministry of culture claim that they did not know about the introduction of temniks in

ukrinform. how can the government's information policy affect relations with western partners? even tough and uncompromising, most ukrainians consider it necessary to criticize the government during the war. to what extent can we rock the boat? we will talk about all this in the next 45 minutes, in the meantime i want to remind you that in addition to the live broadcast, we also work on the youtube and facebook platforms, for those who are watching now... we are live there, please subscribe to our pages , and also take part in our survey. today, we, friends, ask you about the following: are we allowed to criticize the government during the war? yes no please vote on youtube with the appropriate buttons, if you have your own opinion, a separate opinion that does not fit into these two unambiguous answers, please write

your opinion in the comments under this video. if you're watching us on tv, grab a smart. background or phone and vote if you think it is acceptable to criticize the government during the war, 0800 211381, no, 0800 211 382, ​​all calls to these numbers are free, vote at the end of the program we will summarize this vote. i want to introduce today's guests of our studio, this oleksandr mereshko, people's deputy of ukraine from the servant of the people, chairman of the verkhovna rada committee on foreign policy and... interparliamentary cooperation, mr. oleksandr, i congratulate you, thank you for being with us today, thank you for the invitation, rostyslav pavlenko, people's deputy of ukraine from european solidarity, member of the parliamentary committee on education, science and innovation, former director of the national institute for strategic studies, mr. rostyslav, i congratulate you and thank you for being with us today, congratulations, thank you for

invitation, i apologize, with the lights off , it looks a little so steep, well... this, but this is the reality in which we all live now, so thank you for being with us today, and we are waiting for the inclusion of yaroslav yurchyshyn, people's deputy of ukraine , the head of the parliamentary committee on freedom of speech, and the editor tells me that there is already mr. yaroslav, mr. yaroslav, we welcome you, thank you for being with us today, good evening, so gentlemen, as we ask our tv viewers about the admissibility of criticizing the government during the war, i will... ask in the format poll blitz and you, what do you think about it, then we will talk about the results of kmis, what kmis measured and what sociology has to say about it, but since we formulated this question for our viewers, i will also forward this question to you, with mr. rostislav, shall we begin,

shall we allow criticizing the government during the war? see, not just suppose, this is a win function. criticism should not be general and criticism for criticism's sake, but showing specific problems and shortcomings and suggesting what can be done instead is actual prevention against the fact that, as they say, power corrupts, and absolute power corrupts absolutely, so of course let's assume, under one condition, criticizing, offering, thank you, mr. yaroslav, this is one of the foundations of those, but i will also agree with the fact that that criticism for the sake of criticism, just so that the government does not do everything badly, because we are not the government, this is not an approach, and this applies to both the opposition and individual representatives of the political sector, in principle it is better to start not with criticism, but start with a proposition, and if

proposal, well, in principle, there is no reaction, only then... to switch to the format of criticism, it worked very well at the beginning of a full-scale invasion, but, well, so that any government, government in the broadest sense of the word, the whole parliament, despite is it the majority or the opposition, did not relax, but of course, it is necessary to offer, well , constructive criticism, it is quite acceptable, thank you, mr. yaroslav, mr. oleksandr, well , of course, here i have a problem... i think that the issue here is rather not admissible or unacceptable criticism, within their limits. i would say yes, criticism yes, but spreading russian propaganda narratives - no. thank you, mr. oleksandr, gentlemen, i mentioned this sociology from the kyiv international institute of sociology, and this sociology

says that ukrainians believe that the government should be criticized even during war. at the same time, 50% are convinced that only constructive criticism is permissible in order not to destabilize the situation in the country, and 31% believe that it is possible to criticize the authorities even harshly and uncompromisingly, because this is the only way to avoid possible mistakes, only 13% believe that during the war period it is not possible to criticize the actions of the authorities, so as not to destabilize the situation, well here you, gentlemen, spoke... in the context of political activity, or opponents of the authorities, or political forces , or leaders of the public sector, questions. quite broad regarding criticism of the authorities, regarding actions, regarding criticism of the actions of the authorities, since we are also talking about mass

media, because here, mr. oleksandr, you are talking about not having these russian narratives, but under this concept you can anything to bring up, to say, well, serhii rudenko is saying something against president zelensky, this is generally a russian narrative and he is not... it is not clear where he picked up this narrative, that is, where it is about russian narratives, obviously the service should work of security, are they buying new houses for uah 48 million, who is buying them these houses for uah 48 million, eh, will there not be something here that we will talk about all the time, or the authorities will say, listen, but this is a russian dog, in general someone is driving, mr. oleksandr, well , actually. this question is solved quite a bit it's just that there are legal mechanisms, which you also mentioned, by the way, that allow us to separate criticism, which is a necessity in

a democratic society, in fact, we differ from totalitarian russia in that we have democracy and there is criticism, this is normal and desirable a phenomenon in democracy, and there is a court, there are judicial bodies that allow resolving disputes related to the fact that it is a permissible criticism that is defended. the constitution or is it russian narratives aimed at discrediting, for example, the authorities, that is , in the final case, it has it is up to the judiciary to decide, that is understandable, but how to decide in a situation when we see or learn about the facts of censorship or interference in the work of the media or restrictions on the work of the media during the war. restrictions on tv channels regarding access to t-2, attempts to introduce temniks in ukrainform, attempts to influence editorial policy or

public policy. mr. yaroslav, where, where is this limit here and do we always have these preventive measures that allow us to talk about the fact that it is not necessary to do this and... law enforcement agencies must also react to attempts to censor or restrict freedom of speech, the best countermeasure is self-organization, self-regulation of the media, and actually journalists even in ukrinform, not even in ukrenform, specifically in ukrenform we are talking about this, because this is the most recent example, so we decided not to go after the dark ones, that's in principle. but they chose the path without censorship, in relation to the actual cases when someone there forgets that ukraine has gone through a rather difficult

path since kochniai times, from the movement without censorship, through the creation of a competitive and a free enough media market, and is trying to implement some recommendations on who to invite, how to cover, then of course it is... this is at least 171 articles of the criminal code, obstructing the activities of journalists, in ukrinform, in principle, we will raise this issue before the ministry of culture and information policy has in general, the supervisory board, which can be appealed to in case of such situations, from our side, as from the committee, i know that colleagues and iryna gerashchenko here, rostyslav can confirm, turned to the actual general office of the prosecutor general. the office of the general prosecutor has transferred this case to the kyiv city prosecutor's office, asking for jurisdiction, we are waiting for their reaction, in ukraine any cases

of pressure regarding the actual disconnection of the channels are not acceptable, the matter is now in the legal procedure in the courts, but it is very important to talk about this, because our courts, unfortunately, have a tendency to delay such sensitive cases under various pretexts, if the party does not appear, the judge is busy and the like, therefore public attention to this process is critically important, and i i am convinced that the intensification of european integration will raise the issue sufficiently, and if there are no legal grounds, then restrict access, and the only legitimate option for restricting access now is imposing sanctions due to the affiliation of media resources. to the russian propaganda holding actually, that is, to the russian propaganda machine, that's basically what other

channels have. to talk unlimitedly with access to those frequencies and to those specific areas that they have in their agreements, and therefore, if we on the committee plan to raise this issue once again in the public sphere, just so we don't forget, public publicity and attention are very important here, well, it's unlikely to be forgotten, especially in the performance... oleksiy matsuka, how, how these dark people existed in the fact that in krinform, that's why i remember very well the beginning of the 2000s and the temniks that were from the office of the president of ukraine, which was headed by viktor medvedchuk, and what the resonance was then, people in 2004 were forced to publicly repent of the fact that they worked there under these temniks . karandeev, rostislav, is the acting

minister of culture and tion politician, stated in an interview with interfax that the department, which should in principle understand what is happening in ukrinform, did not know about censorship in the ukrinform national information agency, although the ukrinform information agency, a state organization under the control of the ministry of culture, information policy, the ministry does not interfere in its editorial policy, so the ministry was not aware of the existence of the so-called undesirable lists you mentioned. speakers, karandiyev also expressed confidence that with the appointment of a new the head of ukrinform, serhiy cherevaty, will not have such practices. mr. rostyslav, what happened in ukrinform, in principle, probably, if there had been no war, the publicity of this event would have been much wider, and yes, some people think, well, god knows, maybe censorship during the war, military censorship maybe it

is necessary, we understand it, but... but civil censorship, censorship, when they say take this speaker for commenting, don't take that one, cover this event, don't cover this event, as you think, if karandeev not about it i knew if it could be the artistic amateur act of the former head of ukrinform, well, actually, maybe it will all stop there, look, thanks for the question. censorship, because it really needs to be understood, because there are a lot of such general judgments that go against the law, because if you don't know how to do it, do it according to the law. point one: the constitution of ukraine clearly states, the constitution says, yes, that censorship is prohibited in ukraine, full stop, there is no civil, military, military,

gendarmerie, no. forbidden, that censorship, that, i'm sorry, the constitution allows, it allows restrictions on the dissemination of certain information, and restrictions by law, this is very important, not by the cabinet of ministers, not by the chairman of the verkhovna rada, not by matsuka, not by the president's office, not by an adviser to the president's office, by law, in ukraine there is a so-called principle. 3+1, what is prohibited by law in our country? three is something that directly relates to war. it is a criminal act in ukraine to spread information about the combat work of the defense forces, about the location of the defense forces, and about the movement of the defense forces. yes, that's why they say, they saw the work of air defense, well done, remember tell your children and grandchildren, but do not film and do not distribute, because this is the distribution of combat

work, a criminal punishment for actions. and so on , plus one - this is the spread of what yaroslav said briefly, this is the spread of messages.