"i don't want to ascribe bad intentions, but the fact is that i had the impression that president zelensky adopted the rhetoric of our president's bagpipes when he spoke in the context of the smolensk disaster, but it was nonsense, he simply repeated a lie?

in fact, we must admit that these relations collapsed due to the fact that the pro-ukrainian rhetoric was largely reluctantly

accepted by the polish electorate as much as possible, because in fact it is in our interests, polish interests, ukrainians protect not only.

this is the same turning point as in the 1930s, the struggle between fascism and anti-fascism, and again there were many unpleasant things from the anti-fascist side. there was british

colonialism, there was racism and segregation in the united states. but one creature of the conflict was lying down.

for example, to bolsonaro and others, so if we are talking about ukraine, this is, in my opinion, the most important moment in the history of ukraine from the beginning of its existence. ukraine consciously paying the highest price, blood, sacrifices, suffering, builds its new national

identity. in fact, ukraine has already won this war, has already won. if putin is unable to break ukrainian resistance in two years, i...

i don't know, of course, but i believe that he has no illusions about putin or orban. and to fully understand the situation, he is a high-class politician. the fact that he was able to win this election is simply a masterpiece, the way it was done. in this sense, i think he has a lot of maturity in him.

interfere in the war, which russia will probably win anyway. this is a return to the history of negotiating, not waging war.

sometimes they say it louder, sometimes more quietly, they don't say it very loudly, but they say it, and it's such a putin message, disdain for gays, for jews, for forward-thinking people, for lgbt people, all that putin rhetoric they use.

well, there will be time to negotiate, but it is better than living under the kremlin's shobut. it's true, it's

true. this is true, i completely agree, but at one time marshalok pilsudsky became a hostage of what was called the polish endezia. of course, different times, but 100 years ago, we saw something similar. i'm only afraid of one thing, that at some point tusk won't say, i'm sorry.

in 1988, no one in poland believed that we would overthrow the dictatorship without a single broken window. without gallows, without civil war, that we will go peacefully to democracy,

they say to give money to everyone in need, let it be such leftists who recognize the right to compromise, the right to compromise, recognize the right to gradual changes, but always at the same time side, side of agreements, agreements and hysterical understanding, how much misfortune have brought ukraine and poland interpersonal?

i realize how much still needs to be done in poland, and these eight years brutally showed it. there is still a lot of work on consciousness, how easy is it to instill and revive all kinds of nationalism in poland? this is a big problem, but not a whole one, behind it is the historical memory, it is

the feeling that we are innocent by nature, that we have never done anything bad to anyone. something that rests on a sledgehammer, you talk about poland in such a way that sometimes i am it i convey to ukraine that we are not to blame and that our mykola gogol was only a good writer and person, but he was also an imperial tool, but the writer was great, taras bulba, what taras bulba was about, and we understand that it was it was written after the uprising that the russians... gogol was a kind of good angel of the orthodox world, praised the white tsar and so on, and all this was on corpses, but dead souls is a masterpiece, it is only about the fact that we are also in ukraine should be critical and to our past, just as we must, the kulish

who worked in warsaw, as a tool of someone, the occupation government, the occupation... rits want to manage, and not engage in such small matters, where money and influence are not involved. but that's what we're here for, you and i, to

offer other options for looking at polish history, polish modernity and polish-ukrainian relations, that's what we're here for. on the polish side, for a long time, there was such ignorance regarding ukrainian issues, and gedroyets has a great merit here, because he... we in poland had very little, we only started it was actually discovered only at the end of the 80s, but it is priceless, ukrainian writers of the sixties. we suddenly heard

a completely different voice of ukraine, and it is a voice that fascinates, interests and commands respect, great respect. i agree, but you know what i am afraid of, the village does not listen to zhadana, the village listens to orban. you are right, but everything always starts with something, if you start by explaining to people in the province, in the villages, who was rudnytskyi the fox? then they will look at you as a person from another planet, but once upon a time they also looked at shevchenko, and shevchenko became a national hero, a symbol. similarly, in poland , mickiewicz wrote that he wanted his books to become public property, but they did not become public property now . that's why everything always starts with the elites.

yes, but what do we have now? competition between summers? tusk's proposal, for example, to a polish village, or zelenskyi's proposal to a ukrainian village, and so on. maybe earlier, orban's proposal to the polish village. orban is a friend of yaroslav kaczyński. polish orban, he will be found, and not alone. and they will hear him, slovaks have already heard fizo, no other ears, and this is a threat. it will be a challenge, but it is largely up to us. who will take whom by force, by force.

on hostility towards others, not aiming to rule

over others, lithuanians, ukrainians or jews, to show how to build an identity, but that is not what can be done, in any case , putin does not give us another chance, except for our central european integration, but how far will putin go, that is, he said openly: an existential war. we have been talking about it for almost half an hour, but they were always afraid of it, they were afraid at 17 century, feared in the 19th century, feared in

the 20s. "i do not agree with this, because they did not fear it so much, and even rather took it lightly, they essentially believed that there is no ukraine, there is little russia, there is no ukraine, and ukrainian is a corrupted russian, it did not occur to them that it can all be serious, it was broken by pilsutski, and he tried, but that's how the story turned out then, but..."

until now, it's obvious that yes, it's no accident that they included in the idiotic bill, to that project, a penalty of up to two years or three, i don't remember who questioned, no, who wrote about polish co-responsibility, pisze o polskiej

współodwipodzialności. did he object to writing something about the upa. i don't remember exactly the responsibility of the upa for the murder, but it was so distinctly anti-ukrainian, entered at the last moment. i remember, i remember, a guy who is a kremlin enthusiast, he comes from the psl, no, it was a moscow strategy to sow discord here, it was done deliberately. of course, i also feel the influence of the environments connected, maybe with the kremlin, i no longer believe in useful idiots. but we also have very strong historical legislation. i don't know how to build polish-ukrainian understanding with historical arguments. and to discuss this

legislation, it is also a problem, it can be explosive. it will happen, i agree, but the path to heaven is not strewn with trojan petals, there are also thorns. i will also walk through thorns, we must win in this, we must leave it as a legacy to our children and grandchildren. this will be our great success.

again, again and again.