i believe that we should not give up, we should press on, because if you remember even the same introduction of the touch button, when everyone was against mps voting in person, and now they are already voting, it took nine years , unfortunately, these are some turning points, they are given very, very hard, although they must be done immediately, and it must be understood that everything that we did not break through in the 22nd year immediately after the start of a full-scale war, it ... will be given everything is more difficult, but you can't back down, because we are responsible for all decisions delayed in time we pay for life and iryna, if this is what they say about it honestly, the movement honestly stated that it will be a vote that is a marker, they will study it, how it should show this vote, what we should know about people who will not vote for, when it will eventually appear on ta. a paid position is clear, and

such information must be collected so that when the elections come, and they will come, because there will be a victory, we could convey information to the voters, and here i want to appeal to people's deputies, majoritarians who do not showed their position and did not sign that the draft law should be brought to the floor, when you return to the districts, you will simply not be given this, and in reality before the elections it will be mentioned to everyone who... how did you vote? zhan beleniuk, yevhen brahar, maksym buzhanskyi , danylo hetmantsev, pavlo halimon, georgy mazurashu, yuriy koryavchenko, serhiy kalchenko, oksana dmytrieva, yulia yatsyk, who recently left the servant of the people faction, maksym pavlyuk, artem kultenko, nataliya loktionova, maksym perebeynits, margarita shol, pavlo yakymenko and there are many other servants of the people, about 60, more than 60 deputies from the word of the people party, who did not put their signatures in support of this bill, dear friends, if you suddenly,

it will at least affect someone, certainly not a cultenka, but someone. i mean , for us, for our ukrainians, for citizens, for voters, you have these surnames, and if you do not support the uoc mp, then look at your, for example, the elected official whom you voted for or whom you sympathized with in servant of the people, does not want to put his signature, then think for the future, what, what to do with it, i also wanted to ask, mrs. iryna, at the end of our conversation, this... a personal question, but uocp, i know that you live in virpen, if i am wrong, you can correct me, as in irpen, in buch, in gostomel with the uoc , mp, after what these cities experienced at the start of a full-scale invasion? well, i'm from prierpinia, this is the village of kotsyubynske, quite close, well, from the experience of my community, we picketed under the moscow patriarchate for six months, we stood, the village council did not respond to us. from

the servant of the people, serhiy danish, this representative developers, and he tried not to interfere there, this is a small community, and in fact it is very difficult, despite the fact that if you look at the activities of the moscow patriarchate in the region, they have their own mafias, they grow like mushrooms, that is, their local the authorities gave an opportunity to breed, and they also look at it like this, and what to do with it and hope that the issue will be solved by the central government, and the central... not that the local one, well, then it will never be solved, of course, and such and people look at, ukrainians look at those who they elected, what they will do, that's why we will closely monitor and watch this vote, which will be a marker, who will remain with the russian measure, who will support the uoc -mp. thank you, ms. iryna, iryna fedoriv, ​​head of the public initiative golka, was with us, talking about the draft law that should be voted on in the verkhovna rada. which is actually

about the ban, about the ban of the orthodox church of the moscow patriarchate in ukraine, about its activities? yes, and we, in the meantime, i think i will have time to finally tell you about what i announced is a very interesting study by one of the experts who participated , in fact, they took into account his information in the economist when they said that russia will have enough weapons only until 2025. he himself does not think so, he believes that he says, first of all, that there are no very, very reliable methods of counting, they count, in particular, by open ones, well, in russia they just keep the equipment, as a rule, they kept it in the open at least until the war, and therefore there are plus-minus data, and they really interesting, for example, as far as bmp, bterov are concerned, the russians here, about what richard vereker writes... vereker has already

lost in 2 and a half years of war, lost 65% of all its reserves, i.e. then this is all the equipment that was and the equipment that was already deconserved and so on, that is, from the entire amount, in the 21st year they had 16,000 bmps, now they have only 5,781 left, but of them, a large number of them are also broken, there are 3,615 of them, well, they are simply very old, they have been there since the 50s, from the 10s, that is, in principle, there are not so many of them left, but there are still a few, that is, on such a combat, so to speak, still has up to 600 working in total, that is, it is still many, many 600 battleships, that is, they can still fight and fight, as for tanks,

they actually lost all the tanks they had, somewhere about 40%. there are about 58% left, but here it is also very interesting with tanks, that although there are still 3,600 of them now, only 700 of them are in good condition, the rest are in bad condition, and the same with doves and so on, here is his conclusion , that there are bottomless stocks of russian equipment, but it is necessary to actually give ukraine weapons now, and not wait until they are completely exhausted, this is the conclusion of the expert, we agree with him and... in the meantime mykola ryabchuk, a ukrainian public intellectual, journalist, political analyst, literary critic, translator and the writer, mr. mykola, we welcome you, good day, mr.

mykola, i actually wanted to invite you to the air so that we could talk about about, you are known, in particular, for the fact that you are the author of books. research on the topic, you began to deal with post-colonial topics, post-colonial theory about ukraine, probably one of the first in ukraine, even before the time when it became some kind of mainstream, that is, today in our country , the ministries and the deputies and so on talk about the post-colonial anti-colonial policy. your main concept was that in ukraine, that ukrainians are to a certain extent a crooked... polish nation, partially, at least you have this concept of two ukraines and so on, as you now from a distance of years from the last two in particular, which ukraine spent in the war, as you can see now, is ukraine now managing to build a monolithic one the nation and whether it remains, well, so to speak

in creole, that is, it is meant, let's say this, but now i am just worried that we do not lose the audience, as far as they keep up with us, but to put it very briefly, what is the meaning of this in general. post-colonial theory, whether it can be applied to ukraine and how we are moving in the creation of a political nation. mr. mykola, you have the floor. i will not repeat the post-colonial theory in two minutes, but, well, first of all i will say that ukraine was a disjointed nation, no, maybe not divided, but disjointed, and i was talking about what is, there have always been two projects, yes, which had the support of a large part of society, the european project, the central european project, the project is so neo-soviet, well... russian type, i would say, so russian-belarusian. today, in my opinion, one project has clearly won, the other is completely compromised, but they do not know that society is becoming monolithic, no society is monolithic, you have to entertain the illusion, because all societies are fragmented, people have very different interests , during the emergency war

situations, people are able to mobilize, well, but this is a relatively short period of time, because there are still particular interests, we will not get anywhere from this, so we should not entertain ourselves with excessive illusions, there is temporary mobilization, civil mobilization, there is a certain unity, but it is not is not eternal and is not absolute, there will still be a political struggle. you know, emond valera, the first president of independent ireland, is credited with saying that it would be better for ireland not to be independent than not to be irish-speaking, and it is it happened that there was literally one region left there, where people still speak irish, there, by the way, there are many ukrainians, now refugees, and... nevertheless, well, in general, it became independent and successful. what about ukraine? i just remember our conversation with you somewhere on the eve of the revolution of dignity, where you said that language can be a compromise, there can be no compromises on the values ​​of the western choice, let's say so. how

do you see it now, that is, what is the basis for this new ukrainian political nation? well , you know, language, language is also a value, i am that not for... you don't have to make it absolute, it's not an absolute value, it's really one of the important values, like a flag, like an anthem, like many other things, but of course it's not, i don't i don't support formulas that but there is no language. people, we know many peoples who live quite successfully without having any separate language, so it is not necessary to exaggerate, the other thing is that we have a chance to preserve it, and in my opinion, a pretty good chance, and everything in this sense seems to be quite a good event are developing, so i don't see a big problem now, obviously always too there will be some friction, and this is also not inevitable, but in my opinion, if we kept everything we could and got out, i think that it's just... you are generally good, well, at least when it comes to the ukrainian language, culture, it is no longer

a big problem, this war, from the very beginning, it seemed to be about history and about identity, and this is what putin continues to say, how do we eventually have to completely disassociate ourselves from russia, so that it became obvious to us that we have nothing in common with russia and russians, or at all in principle maybe, well, of course, what is needed, it is necessary to distance yourself as much as possible, to distance yourself as much as possible, it is absolutely right , absolutely right, here, unfortunately, a large part of ukrainians during those previous centuries and decades internalized, that is, assimilated, assimilated the russian view of history, of themselves themselves, and this is a demeaning view, that is, from here there is a great sense of self, self-contempt, we, we could observe this for many years, but disillusionment is necessary, i think that the war is largely a war for identity and about identity, well, those from the russian

side, they simply cannot, er, cannot live, the russian imperial identity cannot function without ukraine, because ukraine is its main central part, that is, without ukraine, it is simply empty, it crumbles, a huge black hole, another thing is that they have a chance to create a normal national identity, well, but this is a political decision, this is a painful process, they are not ready yet, they have to suffer a very serious defeat in order to somehow... rethink completely their history, their identity, so far it's a war for identity, but it's a certain trap for us, because for the russians, yes, it really is, but unfortunately, the world does not understand this, that's the problem, the world does not understand behind the russians, they think that this is some kind of threat to nato or some territories and the like, and here i think that it is important for us to explain, at least in the international arena, to explain that this is primarily a matter of principle, it is a matter of international agreements, international treaties, international... borders of international law, this is the main thing, it is the easiest thing to explain in the whole world, in particular in the global

south, which does not want to hear and understand us at all, which looks traditionally at moscow, but international law also reaches them, because they too have borders that are vulnerable, they also have post-colonial problems, and here of course we also have a chance for our propaganda, well, actually that interview of tucker carson with putin, when he simply did not understand what putin was saying to him, but ... putin seems to have been completely sincere at this moment, he did not understand why this was a historical excursion. i think it's true, it's true, it's true, history is very, very slippery and to explain to foreigners who don't know anything about this region, to explain these historical subtleties, nuances, is a very, very difficult matter. i think you know what you're talking about, because you 've been doing it all the time, as far as i understand, in recent years, unfortunately, is there a chance that eventually the ukrainian version, relatively speaking, will also become and be heard, or all- still here, timothy

gartonege recently gave an interview, very good, it seems to me, to the ukrainian edition of hb, and said that change the rhetoric, do not try to convince the world that russian culture is small or secondary, what are you doing this for, think about how to promote your own culture and prove that you are part of european western civilization, how do you like this advice? well, i also think that it is not necessary to repost, here, i do not see much sense in fighting on the international arena with russian culture. another thing is that we should avoid any singing, any putting us in the same row, holding these parallels, any hints about the possibility of some kind of dialogue, understanding and so on, it cannot be until, until, until russia loses the war, until it pays all reparations, until the criminals go to the international court. and so on, that is, here is what is important, it is important to avoid a very dangerous slippery symbolism that can

arise from our from our, from our combination, so on on the same platforms, the same publications and so on. well, of course, it should be emphasized that this culture is imperial, it can be great, may be outstanding in certain phenomena, but it is definitely a culture, a culture that whitewashes imperialism, that glorifies it, or at least silences it, this is also very important, because today... in the world, all imperial cultures, cultures of the former empires, one way or another, they interpret that heritage and critically interpret it, well , look at least at american cinema, how many films are there that are very ... critical of the problem of racism, and the problem of the extermination of indians, and so on. i realize this is a belated regret, but there it is repentance. there is no remorse in russia. they exterminated dozens of peoples of siberia, the east, and so on. they still oppress all these minorities of theirs. they conquered all the neighbors they could, and there is practically no reflection in their culture about this russian

imperialism. this is the problem. and here we need to emphasize, to emphasize that it is not because... it is bad, that it is russian, but because it is imperial and that it whitewashes, silences the crimes of russian imperialism, i would say that, you know, lesya vokulyuk today also raised the topic of the fact that in odesa, for example, the odesa film studio, they are considering that it would be possible to make a ukrainian remake with electronics added, and we are talking here with you about the fact that we need to separate all this all this rootedness and ... into russian, soviet culture, and it turns out that it is not so simple, and we can , on the contrary, replicate it, so to speak, because the children no longer remember any electronics, so let's make them a new electronics, so that they didn't break away from that heritage, well you know, i'm not me again i cannot judge clearly, because here it depends on how to do it, it is possible to do it, it is possible to beat some colonial artifacts,

colonial phenomena and rethink them in a completely different way, to rethink them effectively, that 's what... all the jargon, some jokes that in we function because a lot of anecdotes have survived from soviet times and they, they have become a kind of memes, so we use these formulas, and again it is a question of the context, how we use it, i always tell one very instructive story, i once in during the post-soviet period, i saw two productions in kyiv and in lviv, in kyiv it was sold out, it was very successful and nothing threatened it, in lviv it was filmed literally after... the first premieres for a very simple reason, it was the same text, but in kyiv these parodic characters were perceived through a russian-speaking prism, because the main audience was russian-speaking and this discourse dominated, that is, they saw this play as a mockery of the khahls in general, in lviv this play was perceived by ukrainian-speaking audiences,

and they perceived it as a mockery of these russified khokhlas, i.e. not ukrainians in general, but precisely those... from russians, i.e. completely different, a different context gives a different perception, but i think that we just need to build a healthy context, and then we won't be afraid of any of this russian heritage there, since today it is not scary there for the poles or the czechs, because they, for them, it's just one of many world cultures, well, okay, someone doesn't care, let is interested, but there are many alternatives, i think, about this perception, but now behind us there is a symbol that i tried to somehow connect. with ukraine, leonid kuchma, well, at least he appeared for him, and there, i will not even think much about his artistic value there, about another symbol that somehow formed and settled, this is the mother's family, it is now the mother's homeland, or it is possible to do it like this, to work with it like this, just be a serb and young and attach a trident to it, or it will become

ukrainian from that, that is, it was the soviet union, a totalitarian sculpture, they made it ours, well again, i do not have a clear answer, i am aware that the technical demolition of this monument is very difficult, that is, there is also a technical problem here, besides, in addition to symbolism, it is quite technically difficult to implement it demolition, this is roughly the same problem as with this warsaw palace of culture named after josef stalin, which is so beautiful in the center of warsaw, there were great discussions about what to do with it, because it is like a symbol of colonialism, it is... a gift from stalinska russia and so on, but somehow, well, it was decided after all not to demolish mainly because it was technically very difficult, and nothing, it somehow somehow it fit in, obviously this monument is controversial, as well as this mother family, controversial, but i think that in time we will provide new and new meanings and there will be more and more detachment, irony in relation to this

soviet symbolism, so, well, as time goes by, he gradually puts everything together. in its place, and maybe someday there will be technical support, it will all be painlessly removed, although i think that over time we will simply forget what it is, what it was so historically, well, there is some kind of monument there, well, a lot of monuments that we don’t pay attention to, well, the poles, when they say that let’s meet near the palace of culture and science, which they call ours beijing, because that’s where beijing comes out, then they immediately, if at least they know me, they immediately say that... a gift from stalin, or even the last time i was in poland and met a person who supports ukraine, there i reported for ukraine to a pole, and he said: "let's take a selfie on memory, but oh, no, let's..." this gift stalin did not fit into our frame, that is, they label him precisely as a remnant of the colonial era, but it is stalin, it is the soviets, it is the occupiers,

you know, i think that it is a little bit of the war and the presence of ukrainians, a large presence of ukrainians , she sharpened her perception a little, because for a long time, as if it had already been forgotten, and here a certain galvanization took place, yes, that means, of old traumas and old, old memory, i will say that... no, i do not justify , i do not defend, i do not idealize this heritage, but in certain cases it is there and we have to put up with it, because, well, even for technical reasons, yes, so here we have to somehow learn to bypass it, appropriate it, assimilate it , desymbolize it, give it some other meanings, well, we have to try, well, in the end, in warsaw, they also try to build some kind of horachosami this beijing, give some kind of light so... what fun there is to him, well and so on, that is, there are different, different ways, there are different attempts to assimilate, so domesti domesticate, so these

these, let's try, it remains with us two minutes, it's not enough for actually for such a question, but nevertheless, i will very briefly try whether ukraine, in principle, russia , can be described with the help of post-colonial studies, in principle, where russia does not have a clear national core. ukraine was probably at a higher level of development than the colonizing state, is that how it works, and you know, obviously, always, i always make a caveat that obviously this is a specific kind of colonialism, because there is no racial difference, there is no racial discrimination, it a completely different type of colonialism, but there is the main thing, there is domination one group over another, there is a systematic extermination of the active members of this dominated group, and the main thing is that, what is colonialism from... differs from the usual memory, is an ideology, an ideology that legitimizes, that explains the right to dominate one group over another , it is very important

who theorizes, and here of course, well, the russian empire developed a very, very sophisticated ideology, and what's more, the mass of ukrainians assimilated that ideology, adopted it, adopted it as their own, learned to look at themselves through russian glasses , that's the problem, that's it the problem of colonialism. yes, when the colonized, they accept the same self-contempt from the colonizers, that is, the ideological aspect is very important here, and of course, of course , in certain aspects, certain parallels can be drawn in other aspects, well, i already wrote somewhere that black is our black skin was our language, it was an object of stigmatization, an object of contempt and so on, it is also easy to explain, by the way, some foreigners understand this, especially people of color, they perceive it better. have, they understand what it is like to be marginalized for one way or another a sign mr. mykola, thank you very much for this conversation, unfortunately it is rather short, but i am glad that it took place. mykola rebchuk was

with us, a translator, a writer, a public intellectual who represents, in particular, ukraine now abroad. one of our viewers, vitaly shevchenko, wrote that there is nothing wrong with electronics, dear friends, i don't know, mr. vitaly, whether there is, but that syroishkin from the adventures of electronics. went to kill ukrainians, he wrote about it, and siroyeshkin, so i don't know, there is nothing bad electronics, is it still there, then a question to think about, dear friends, thank you, thank you for uah 23, which today was added to the bill for quad bikes for the evacuation of our wounded soldiers from the 93rd separate mechanized brigade, donate even further, because the air of the tv channel continues and will continue to be our colleagues... colleagues and you will continue to be able to support our army. stay

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and mobilizations in ukraine, they continue.