such an article. at the beginning of the 23rd year, prigozhin stopped recruiting prisoners, but his cause lives on. the baton was intercepted by the ministry of defense of russia. andriy, who spent the entire duration of the great war in the krasnoyarsk colony, says that recruiters come almost every month. for 2 years i didn't gather, i didn't even think about war. i didn't go to war for two years, i didn't even think about war. there were fewer and fewer people in the camp. to the war... they didn't send only those convicted of pedophilia and those convicted of crimes, they left all the rest who wanted, directly, left, left, left, wanting for two years ended, then the administration began to create, so to speak, more difficult conditions, those guys who went there, through their wives, handed over the phones to us, the convicts, who are already here, the locals, and they called on the phone, although they were still from school, they directly said , why are you sitting there, everything is good here, we don't deny ourselves anything, everything is fine, go, don't be afraid.

defense, this figure, unfortunately, was not found by us, our colleagues from the telegram channel, to be precise, it is probably plus or minus, here the accuracy is unfortunately, if it were walking, how many of these 350 thousand are still in principle, it is possible to recruit from the point of view of age, health and some other limitations , it is not clear at all, again, we understand that most likely the service of execution of punishments is somewhere in some colonies, it is difficult to assert here, it can force, push, and push quite actively convicts, especially. the fact is that

crimes are committed and cops attribute the commission of a crime to someone, and there, already at the investigation stage , they actually offer to sign a contract in exchange for the fact that the case is closed. it is worth saying that some part of the russian prisoners was able to survive the war and return home. for example, according to the vjorstka publication, at least 190 criminal cases were instituted against the wagnerites pardoned by putin last year, including murder. it is too early to talk about something like this in ukraine, especially since, i repeat, those who have committed particularly serious crimes are not accepted into the armed forces. humanity, i think, will not have to invent a better resocialization process than useful work for one's country, i.e. , this motivator to work off society for... but harm precisely in such a terrible period,

like military aggression, like war, and to be useful here and now in the most dangerous, shall we say, places, and to help side by side with the army, i think that for every man, because mostly we are talking about men after all, this will be the best, well, the issue of society should not be related to this person in principle. it's tough, it's a war, people are killed here, people die here, of course there is understanding, it is clear that i can go into the first battle and die, i can win the whole war, only this old woman knows that when we have every person has a fear, but these and these fears must be fought, they will be i went purposefully, like to go, well, to serve, like to protect my homeland, and i... i didn't think

, like, that we would be thrown forward there, like like meat something or something else, well, we are all people, we all understand everything, it may be like we are sitting here now, like, nothing is happening, like, but here there may just be some kind of shelling, and a person can wind up like this, it’s kilig m yes, yes, that's how it can be, everything can be spontaneous and unexpected, first of all, i want to understand that you are completely ready for it, and again every day. education, i understand that i have more and less and less this fear goes away, that you understand more, more education comes to you more, if they interpret, and you become both professional in your head and professional physically, because we are working here and shooting, you see, we are running, in general, there is no such fear, i will show the first battle, probably the first official footage of the participation of the former soldiers

directly in the battles was the video of the 47th brigade. battalion shkval on pokrovsky direction clears the landing with the support of bradley. all did not hide from the ukrainian convicts. they join the infantry, which is probably the hardest part of the army. of course, the ukrainian scale cannot be compared with the russian mass recruitment of people from prisons, but even a few thousand motivated fighters are a significant help for the armed forces. these were donbas realities. i'm yaroslav krechko, see you soon. big comeback. great lviv. conversations, discussions, search for solutions. the largest talk format of ukraine in the evening prime time. in general , i think we need two things. money and weapon. we did not start this war, but we must finish it and we must win. all the most important things every thursday at 21:15 in the

"great lviv speaks" project on espresso tv channel. events actions that are taking place right now and affect our lives, of course, the news feed reports about them, but it is not enough to know what is happening, it is necessary to understand, antin borkovskyi and invited experts soberly assess the events, analyze them, modeling our future, every saturday at 13:00: 10, with a repeat on sunday at 10:10. studio zahid z anton borkovskyi on espresso. and now the legendary polish dissident, one of the creators of the new democratic poland, founder of the no less legendary electoral newspaper adam michnik, will work on the air of the tv channel. greetings, mr. editors at espresso studio.

good day, thank you for these kind words, even though they are exaggerated. of course, every word is some kind of exaggeration, but the most important thing is that we... and many, many people, the most important thing is that this thing is strong and long-lasting. how do you assess these polish-ukrainian relations, which we dreamed about, there were a lot of them done maybe not to the end, but

the most important thing is that the polish-ukrainian security agreement has finally been signed. we understand that it may have taken too long. this is all evident in the shadow of war, now at this moment is the time to define the world we live in, the world we live in is a world in a state of confrontation. part of the cold war, part of the hot war, as it is here in ukraine, among all that is the anti-democratic totalitarian project of ideology. nationalism, understood not as respect for national identity, but as domination over others, this is great russian nationalism, but we see it

in every european country, just look at hungary, the whole of central-eastern europe. it is about institutions, it is about the destruction of democratic freedoms, it is about the destruction of justice. if you look at this war in that context, this war is actually a war of a totalitarian project with a democratic

project. and obviously, polish-ukrainian relations are absolutely key for this sphere.

of course, maybe they couldn't behave otherwise, but in any case, they did it

well, and we in ukraine appreciate it very much, but then something happened, right? and there was a very strange pause, some kind of silence on both sides, some people at the border, so-called activists, or pseudo-activists, blocking the border and so on. and now we see a thaw in those political polish-ukrainian relations. the last meeting of the president... ja się zdzagjam z tym, co pan mózi, że

polityka, i agree with what you say that the politics on the polish side at the time of the outbreak of a full-scale war was very good, powiedzmy, w gazecie, w korjej ja pracuję, myśmy tej polityki nie atakowali, mimo żeśmy and in the newspaper where i work, we did not attack this policy, despite the fact that we were in the opposition.

them, but first of all ukraine must win this war, and poland must help ukraine so of course there are questions, and we will return to many as soon as possible, because in fact, it is in our interests, polish interests, ukrainians defend not only themselves ,

a long way, i.e. many different twists and turns, many different points we have to implement, and the signed polish-ukrainian security agreement, this is very important, but the most important thing is also the readiness and maturity of the political elites in ukraine and poland to consistently implement it. we understand that we have no chance to correct any mistakes, because the war is going on, as it was defined in the kremlin, an existential war against ukraine and against nato, and of course against poland. perhaps now they are not ready to hit warsaw with a missile, but sooner or later it may happen. that is,

today i do not see any direct threat, but it is obvious that in that imperial logic.

this is the first stage, after finlandization it is time for the soviet kerelo-finnish republic. such is the logic of that imperialism, and it is the same turning point as in the 1930s, the struggle between fascism and anti-fascism. and again , there were many unpleasant things from the anti-fascist side.

spain has a problem with catalonia, in italy the prime minister is post-fascist, in france, in germany there are also issues, in scotland, obviously, on this side we have viktor orbán, a very dangerous figure, very dangerous, because he behaves as if he were putin's envoy.

for example, to bolsonaro and others, so, if we are talking about ukraine, this is, in my opinion, the most important moment in the history of ukraine, from the beginning of its existence. ukraine is consciously building its new national identity by paying the highest price in blood, sacrifices, and suffering. in fact, ukraine has already won this war, has already won. if putin is unable to break ukrainian resistance in two years, i thought he would do it.

but of course there are elements of the elites who have a different opinion, who believe that ukraine is not ours case. that this is peculiarly russia, and that we do not get involved in it, and in the russian-ukrainian conflict, we need to maintain a certain neutrality. orbán is essentially right, because what is the interest of the poles in interfering in the war.

and laws, that territory that looks like no matter who wins and the way the dog rules, it won't be like that, but it's a conflict, a very sharp conflict, which won't necessarily be read from the outside.

they don't say it very loudly, but they say such putin messages, disdain for gays, for jews, this cannot be said about poland, but it

is true, they like putin. so there will be problems here, but if we look at the long-term perspective, it becomes obvious that ukraine's victory is a chance for poland. if they say in poland that we will have problems with the victory of the country, i answer. ukraine and poland will have problems, because we have other interests when it comes to farming and so on. agriculture and so on.

poland is a country, so says my experience, where everything is possible, even changes for the better, so everything can work out, you have to believe in it, you have to to be an optimist, you can't be a pessimist, go forward. in 1988, no one in poland believed that we would overthrow the dictatorship without a single broken window. without the gallows, without civil war, that we will go peacefully to democracy, that

the soviet union will collapse. that we will border with independent lithuania, with independent ukraine, no one believes at all, it happened, so we must believe that a positive scenario is possible. we must, simply must, make any scenario positive, but there is still, for example, a trend, still there is a polish village, there is a ukrainian endezia, there is a ukrainian view of reality and so on, which...

but not the leftists who say that everything must be returned to the game with a bang, that a world revolution is needed, and without that nothing will happen, not the leftists , who say give money to everyone in need, let it be the leftists who recognize the right to compromise, the right to compromise, recognize the right to gradual changes, but always in one direction, in the direction of agreements.

but nostalgia.