and now is actually the time to honor and remember all those who died because of the russian occupiers on our land. we will observe a minute of silence in memory of the ukrainian military and civilian citizens of ukraine who died in the war that started it. siap.

hello, my name is volodymyr vyatrovych, i am a historian and this is a project of 10 days of independence. why 10? it so happened that over the past 100 years our path to freedom has been winding. i believe that understanding the turning points along the way... is our key to a future together, so i invite you to join me to experience these historical events, to see them through the eyes of the participants. i will always remember the night from november 21 to 22. in 2004, the whole day before that,

we, the activists of the civic company pora , did everything to protect the choice of ukrainians at the polling stations, it was voting day, the second round of the presidential elections of ukraine. i remember the attacks of bandits on polling stations, the theft of ballot papers, the transportation of paid voters on buses. we did everything we could, but the authorities still declared yanukovych president. everyone was very tired. but no one was going to sleep, everyone understood that a turning point in the country's history had come: either the people would rise up and defend their choice, or democracy would come to an end, so instead of sleeping, we went around kyiv dormitories to raise students to protests. the orange revolution became a big...

girl for the western world, there they barely learned to distinguish ukrainians from russians, and suddenly a bloodless revolution takes place here: ukrainians rise up to protect human rights and democracy, just as it was in other countries of eastern europe in the late 80s, early 90s. the orange revolution somewhat took us out of the context of the post-soviet region, because it is obvious that culture was formed there. which led to authoritarian regimes of influence, and society did not object to this, it was a consequence of the movement in the other direction from the democratic approach. the orange revolution put an end to the question of who we are. in fact, for those who followed ukrainian history, the orange revolution was not something accidental, because long before ukrainians already went out en masse on the orange maidan.' protests in the center of the capital, is

there a connection between these events? to answer this question, we need to go back to 1990. on october 2, 1990 , the square of the october revolution was not very crowded, it was an ordinary weekday (tuesday), two policemen on patrol watched in a daze. by an unusual event, about a hundred young people who appeared out of nowhere, in an organized colony, entered the center of the square and began to set up tents, right in the middle of the city. friends, the time has come choice, either we will achieve an independent democratic ukraine, or we will remain a colony of the empire, a spiritually poor, denationalized nation. this is how the text of the appeal of the participants of the student hunger strike, which went down in history, began. like

a revolution on granite. the main demands of the students were refusal to sign the new union agreement and re-election of the verkhovna rada under new democratic rules. day, but the people of lviv managed to deceive the kgb, sure that they would be arrested in the very first who followed the student movement, they rumors spread that the action would take place in mariinsky park, there were policemen waiting for them, who, according to the recollections of eyewitnesses, were more than trees, only a few people knew that the tent city would actually be on the christening. the granite revolution was initiated. generations of ukrainians who understood that there was a certain stage of transition from the empire, of which the ukrainian soviet republic was a part, to an independent state, and this is a key stage when one cannot be passive, other generations of ukrainians joined it, even those who nurtured

the idea of ​​independence at a time when one could only dream about it, but were not active enough. at the beginning of the action, most of its participants - 80% - were from three galician regions, but soon students from other regions began to join them. the protest was gaining an all-ukrainian scale. the turning point was the second week, when the communists tried to stage a provocation. under the pretext of laying flowers at the monument to lenin on khreschatyk. they formed a large column of military school cadets and directed it straight to the tent city. and something unexpected happened here. kyivans, who until now seemed indifferent to the student action, suddenly came to the defense of the participants of the hunger strike. thousands of people created

a human shield in front of the tent city and did not let the communists pass. this scenario will be repeated in one form or another on each subsequent square. it was not always started by the people of kyiv. but without their support, none of the ukrainian revolutions would have had a chance of success. in my opinion, the tent is an expression of the fact that the citizens who leave the protest are not going to go anywhere and are ready to long-term activity, on the territory where it is possible, where it is achievable, namely on the street. when you bomb, say, under the cover of night, thunder, public authorities, their buildings - that's one story, but when you go out into the open. with your faces, in fact, you sit down in the middle of the central square of the capital of your country, voice a list of demands and say, we will not go anywhere from here, this is a symbol of readiness to go to the end. a whole generation

of ukrainians has already grown up, who do not even imagine that this square once had a different name, in fact, even more than one, under the russian empire. years it was called dumska square. three names changed during the soviet era. first, soviet square. subsequently, the name of kalinin was such an associate of stalin, and the last 15 years before independence, the square of the great october revolution. by the way, the very word compound maidan nezalezhnosti was also born during the student hunger strike. mykhailo kanafotskyi, one of the coordinators of the action, wrote this on the signs marking the territory. a year will pass and the square of the october revolution will be officially renamed maidan independence. the revolution on granite strongly pushed the processes towards the independence of ukraine. but the country itself remained very soviet and dependent on moscow. after kravchuk, ukrainians

elected leonid kuchma as president. he was a typical red director, as they called the communist industrial elite. under kuchma , two things happened in the economy and politics, which for a long time determined the trajectory of the country's development. first, the economy has reached a historic low. gdp in 1999 was only half the level of 1990. this is the worst result among the post-soviet republics and the world anti-record. the second important point also related to the political culture in the country. under kuchma, there was a concentration of capital and assets in the hands. several financial and industrial groups that have established a monopoly in entire sectors of the economy. it was a business merged with the political system, and its wealth with the state budget. according to the russian tracing paper, these super-rich were called oligarchs. despite low voter support,

in 1999, kuchma was re-elected for a second term. the fact that two came in handy key competitors. could not participate in election races. former prime minister pavlo lazarenko was arrested in the usa for laundering corruption funds. the leader of the pro-western opposition, vyacheslav chornovil, died in the mysterious trofi car crash, which his associates still consider to be an attempt by the special services. kuchma was not against staying for a third term. he had someone to follow, because most of his colleagues in the cis did the same. unification of the former union republics that remained in the orbit of political influence of moscow. but it happened an event that overruled kuchma's ambitions. opposition journalist georgy gongadze has disappeared. the parliament released recordings on which... kuchma's voice spoke of the physical assault on the journalist. a decapitated

body was later found. mass protests began in ukraine. they were called ukraine without kuchma. that was the slogan of the protesters. this slogan proved attractive to a very wide range of political forces. 24 parties took part in the action, including staunch political opponents. ultra-left, socialist, ultra-right, unaso, national democrats. it was an experience of unification, it was an experience of a long-term struggle, because ukraine with kuchma lasted longer than the orange revolution, for example, or even the revolution of dignity, and this is the willingness to unite around, around an idea that denies something, then, like subsequent revolutions, it seems to me, to my deep conviction and feeling, it was for something. the participants of the ukraine without kuchma action, like

the students of 1990, set up a tent city on independence square, but later agreed transfer it here to khreshchatyk. the authorities closed the maidan under the pretext of reconstruction. the camp on the sidewalk proved vulnerable to a surprise attack, which eventually happened when berkut was demolished by special forces militia on the target town. later, this mistake is no longer enough. although kuchma succeeded in suppressing the protest movement, the gongadza case and the ukraine without kuchma action collapsed the president's rating. at the same time , the popularity of prime minister viktor yushchenko, who had a reputation as a pro-western reformer and pro-ukrainian leader, was growing. it finally started during yushchenko's premiership economy to grow. instead, the oligarchic clans chose a pro-russian candidate from donbas. it seems to me that there was no consensus of the elites around the name

viktor yanukovych, there was a consensus of certain small groups, and in particular there were nida kuchma and groups that were ready to continue in this clear spectrum of politics, rules, coordinate systems, the next political cycle, conservatives regarding the corruption system management rather invested in yanukovych as a candidate when those who wanted policy changes, changes in access to resources, even in conditions of uncertainty, they bet on yushchenko. on the eve of the elections , sociological polls showed that yushchenko would win. on september 5, he was invited to dinner by the newly appointed head of the sbu, ihor smishko. on the second day, yushenka became ill. with symptoms of acute poisoning, he was urgently transported to austria. clinic, where doctors discovered a toxic substance in him, dioxin, which exceeded

the limit by a thousand times. yushchenko survived, but his health was undermined, and his face was disfigured. this case was never solved. it was obvious that the election would be unprecedentedly dirty. the opposition already knew exactly how they would steal the victory from yushchenko. a few months before. that is why the scandalous elections in mukachevo took place, it was there that carousels, throwing ballots, thugs at the polling stations, beatings of the forger by the police were tested, as a result the candidate from the party of regions was declared the winner, it was a rehearsal of yanukovych's victory. at that time, i was an active participant in the civic campaign pora, black pora, a fairly well-known horizontal structure that united tens of thousands of activists, students, mainly in that period of time,

it was obvious that such cynical elections were being prepared, no matter who won, the right candidate would win. i was a member of the election commission, very young, in my experience there were also conversations with members of the commission from viktor yanukovych about the fact that the lights would be turned off, they told how it would happen, because even among them there were, for example, religious people, who went to church and they understood what in a very short period of time they were prompted to do what actions these are illegal actions, they cannot implement them to the extent that they were asked. the technologies were very simple, primitive, cynical, i would argue that ukraine is already progressing in many ways and there is not even a prospect of implementing them now, for example, the light at the polling station was turned off, at that moment, some of the ballots were being destroyed, some could be replaced, etc. else, we are already talking about it now, as such a wild, wild

stage of election technology, immediately after the voting day, without any special scripts, we sat... on buses and went to kyiv, because we understood that the drama would unfold here, and i was in kyiv for the entire maidan. after the first round of voting, among yushchenko's supporters , the color orange, or as everyone began to say in the western style, orange, became extremely popular. it was the official color of the election campaign, but very soon it became a kind of identification mark. this is what the online publication ukrainian pravda wrote on the eve of the second round of elections. now in kyiv. orange almost became the subject of universal psychosis. orange ribbons on taxis, whose drivers love chanson so much, and on mercedes, passengers who also love this radio station. orange people in restaurants and in the subway, in institutes and schools, although children do not have the right to vote. orange everywhere. oranges around, it seems to me, it still referred to an exclusive list of regions, not

all of ukraine, unfortunately, but because of such a dialogue. would you not have felt such a sense of mass in donetsk or luhansk, and this also made sense, because the other side tried to present hostility, then those colors, symbols and so on. on november 21, 2004, the second round of voting took place. the national exit poll shows that yushchenko won the election. he has 54%, yanukovych - 43. but the head of the cec serhiy kivalov announces other data: where yanukovych is leading. without waiting for the final vote count, russian president vladimir putin was the first to congratulate yanukovych on his victory. yushchenko appeals to his voters to go out for a mass protest. our actions will be peaceful, absolutely

in accordance with the laws and the constitution, but adequately to the actions of the authorities. at the same time, when the authorities were driving armored personnel carriers under the cec and government buildings, i was leading a column of students from the polytechnic to independence square. we walked through the sleepy city, and i was not at all sure whether several months of work on the deployment of a network of activists, their arrest by the police, hundreds of actions, or all of this was in vain. doubts were dispelled when we arrived at independence square, where there were thousands of people. with yellow ribbons and flags, the revolution began. after almost a month of protests, the authorities were forced to go for re-elections. december 26 viktor yushchenko finally won. this is how ukrainians defended one of the basic freedoms, the right to choose, which allowed their country to remain

democratic and therefore independent. ukraine became an independent state in 1991, but its citizens had to defend the basic democratic freedoms of speech, assembly, choice even after that, in confrontation with the scoop, which disappeared very slowly. maidans, mass protests in the center of the capital, became a characteristic ukrainian way of struggle. ukraine and the world know about euromaidan 2013-14, the orange maidan of 2004, but... ty was not the first, it was preceded by a revolution on granite, which had all the signs of what would later be called the maidan.

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only to screw in, but also to unscrew, even a very tightly tightened fastener. order the pro drill screwdriver for only uah 499 and receive flat and cross hardened bits as a gift. call! events, events that are happening right now and affect our lives, of course, the news feed reports on them, however, it is not enough to know what is happening, it is necessary to understand. antin borkovskii and invited experts soberly evaluate events, analyze them, modeling our future, every saturday at 1:10 p.m. with a repeat at 10:00 p.m. hundreds of thousands of square meters of damaged property, apartments, houses that need to be rebuilt, about the situation with

reconstruction in different regions of ukraine, about people's rights, opportunities and personal experience. this is what olga's house looked like last year, and this is what it looks like now. i don't waste money. about how to unite the country in the process recovery in the program project. structure and development of cities, every saturday at 18:30 at espresso. hello, my name is volodymyr vyatrovych, i am a historian and this is a project of 10 days of independence. why 10? it so happened that our path to freedom during the last 100 years has been uncertain. i believe that understanding the turning points on this path is our key to... a common future, so i invite you to experience these historical events with me, to see them through the eyes of the participants.

on the night of december 11, keyan was awakened by church bells. disturbing metal'. groaning was heard many kilometers around. for the first time in 800 years, the bells of the michael monastery rang the alarm. as in 1240, when mongol troops approached kyiv. kyiv. kyiv. that night was the first large-scale attempt to forcibly disperse euromaidan, a protest action that had already been going on for almost a month in the center of the capital at that time. they stormed for about 5 hours. in the morning the maidan residents managed to completely push out the berkut special forces and the fighters of the internal troops outside the perimeter of the maidan. this attack was repulsed, still without casualties, still with hope for

peaceful settlement of the protests, but this hope turned out to be illusory. and it all started as a fun adventure, although the reasons that led to the protest were disappointing. on november 21, 2013, the anniversary of the orange revolution, azarov's government canceled the signing of the association with the european union, apparently in favor of another union, with russia. since the beginning of his election, president viktor yanukovych purposefully limited the freedoms of citizens and strengthened the dependent ones. ukraine from russia. he began his rule in 2010 by canceling the constitutional reform, giving himself much wider powers.

in the same year, he signed an agreement with russia in ha, which allowed the russians to leave their military contingent in crimea. in fact, predetermining the future annexation of the peninsula. in 2012 , the so-called language law of kivalov kolisnichenko was adopted, which essentially abolished the status of the ukrainian language as the state language. this caused protests that lasted for about two months. and so at the end of 2013, the rejection of european integration. to say that they started in ukraine. mass protests precisely for european integration, maybe, let's say, a little covering the soul, because the vast majority of people who went to the european square in november 13, demanding the signing of the association agreement, never read the association agreement, what did people come out for? people stood for certain values, at that moment it was clearly understood that there were two alternatives: there is the european union, as a certain set of values, not even as an institution, and there is...

what was called the secret union, integration with russia, as a certain another set of values. a campaign started spontaneously in social networks, first in the journalistic environment on protest mobilization. about a thousand demonstrators gathered on independence square. taking with him, as mustafa naim wrote on facebook at the time, tea, coffee, umbrellas and a good mood. at first glance, it was. a one-time spontaneous action by public activists, there were already many of them during yanukovych's presidency. nevertheless, the authorities reacted instantly, banning all mass events in the center of kyiv until january 7. the next day i flew to kyiv from rome, where i had attended a conference on the famine, and immediately went to the maidan. there were already several thousand here protestors, in particular students who advocated rapprochement with europe. the mood of the protest reminded me of the orange revolution, with

its atmosphere. the crowd was almost festive, but unlike the orange maidan in 2004 , the action looked very disorganized, chaos reigned everywhere, there was a lack of coordination, opposition parties and their leaders tried to join the student protest, but they refused, the youth did not have confidence in political leaders. it seems to me that at that time the politicians were basically not ready yet before any mass events, they were preparing for a long run with the elections, which are somewhere ahead. in general, november is a time of such idealistic hopes, when the real balance of forces was still unclear. it became a revolution of dignity in december of the 13th year. after a week of protest, it became clear that these are not just rallies of pro-european youth and the parliamentary opposition. tens of thousands of ukrainians,

angered by the government's plans, took to the streets on sunday. the country's course towards moscow, but yanukovych ignored the demands protesters and did not sign the association with the european union at the summit in freedom, no one knew what to do next, and at that moment the authorities decided to show their strength. on november 30, 2013 , on the night of saturday , not many protesters remained in the euromaidan tent city, about four hundred. the protest gradually died down, politicians preferred to wait. presidential elections next year, student leaders also announced the cancellation of the action. around four in the morning , the square near the independence monument was surrounded by 2,000 fighters of the berkut special forces, armed with rubber batons. the assault began: people were dragged out of their tents, men and women were beaten with batons, lying down with their feet. the whole operation lasted 27 minutes. some of the students were able to break through the police ring and ran into

the street. mykhailivska. the berkut people pursued them all the way to the mykhailivskyi zolotoverhoho monastery. there the monks let the beaten students in and closed the gate in front of the persecutors. we still do not know who those advisers were, and what passports those advisers had who advised yanukovych to do this. it seems that one way or another he wanted to to demonstrate strength, having confidence that he has it, and it is on his side. and discourage desire. stand for something, actually we see similar things worked in russia, worked in belarus. that night changed everything. the orange maidan and the carnival of the velvet revolution have come to an end. in the morning came the day of wrath. on december 1 , half a million people took to the streets of kyiv. the militia, which initially tried to block the approaches to independence square, simply retreated before the morendim.