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good morning. it's saturday, february the 3rd. i'm ali velshi. the israel, gaza war continues. it's steady creep outward, threatening to explode into a widespread regional conflict or worse at any moment. now, the united states has upped the ante, conducting what the biden administration says is the first in a series of strategic retaliatory strikes against iranian-backed proxy forces operating in iraq and syria. and their iranian handlers operating alongside them. these groups are among those responsible for more than 160 tags on u.s. troops in the region since the october 7th attack on israel. that include last sunday's deadly attack on tower 22. it's a u.s. base in the extreme northeast corner of jordan. right near the border with iraq and syria. more than 40 u.s. service members were wounded and three u.s. soldiers died in that attack. 24-year-old specialist, kennedy
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sanders, was posthumously promoted to sergeant. 46-year-old sergeant, william jerome rivers, and 23 year old brian anderson moffitt, who was also posthumously promoted to sergeant. yesterday, president biden attended the dignified transfers of their bodies at dover air force base in delaware. a short time later, the u.s. struck back and utilizing aircraft, including the one bombers, which took off with the continental united states and flew breathily 7100 miles to strike their targets. the strikes use more than 125 precision munitions, hitting more than 85 targets and seven facilities, four in syria and three in iraq. nbc news has been able to confirm the location of five of the strikes. you can see them here. u.s. officials say those facilities, including command and control headquarters intelligence enters, rocket missile drones and ammunition depots, and supply chain facilities, were used by iran's
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islamic revolutionary guard corps, the -- force and the military proxy that the proxy groups that they sponsor. directly linked to attacks against u.s. forces. and as i mentioned, there's been a sizeable increase in the number of attacks against u.s. forces by iranian-backed militants since october 7th. while iran has publicly stated that it does not want war with united states, when increasingly appears to be playing out is a proxy battle with the united states staged outside of iran, using a loosely associated alliance that iran has cultivated over several years, which is called the axis of resistance. that's a term and idea that was first coined in response to president george w. bush's axis of evil speech in which sorry vital is a shun following the american withdrawal from the iran nuclear deal, and subsequent economic actions in 2018. the access of resistance has grown stronger and much more aggressive since october 7th.
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notably, this entire situation potentially could have been avoided if donald trump had not unraveled the iran nuclear deal, which was intentionally, internationally certified to have been working. both to prevent iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon and perhaps more importantly, in terms of opening diplomatic lines of communication with iran. we are going to have more on that later in the show. the axis of resistance consists of groups that are trained, funded, supplied, and supported by iran, and it includes both large forces, such as hezbollah, hamas, and the houthis in yemen, and smaller militias like islamic resistance in iraq, which was responsible for sunday's deadly attack in tower 22. it's filled with groups whose ideologies do not historically align, but which have been unified, under an umbrella against the united states. they seem intent on drawing -- into another war in the middle east and potentially beyond.
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joining me now from -- iraq's nbc news she financial correspondent keir simmons. keir, you and i talked about 12 hours ago and one thing you were interested in seeing is what happens when the sun rises and how the region reacts. what have you seen? >> well, we are hearing from multiple observers and those involved here in the region, so the syrian observatory for human rights -- reporting in eastern syria, 26 sites targeted, 23 iranian-backed militia killed. according to the syrian observatory, that's a relatively independent -- that's been working since the syrian civil war to understand what's going on inside syria. then here in iraq, reports from iraqi officials that 16 have been killed in -- province, 36 in -- including according to those iraqi media reports, citing iraqi officials
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civilians. so, that's a picture of the casualties along the iraqi, syrian border. it's important because while this was clearly escalatory -- by the united states, it is a major operation overnight. at the same time, it is limited in scope in where it is. along that border, that runs along to jordan to where tara 22 is in jordan, where, of course, those three american servicemen and women were killed. by that drone strike. and it also does include targeting hezbollah, the group that's accused of carrying out that drone strike. so, you know, the message from the u.s., from the biden administration, ali, has been, -- messages don't kill americans and you can see from the geography of what happened here that that is very much what they have tried to stick to. that being said, iraqis, the iraqi government a sensibly is furious. issuing a blistering statement
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saying, effectively, that the u.s. is -- saying that it was warned about these strikes and saying that iraq is on the edge of an abyss. -- to point out this is a complex region that the iraqi government is both a partner of the u.s. and a partner of iran. so, that messaging is partly because there are pro-iran iranian forces inside the iraqi government and there are calls hearing -- today for the u.s. to be pushed out of iran. so, there is that aspect. just go back to what you are talking about at the beginning there, ali, you know, it gets harder and harder, doesn't it? to talk about this as on the brink of a regional war. when you consider that this operation took place at the same time as the refer the strikes against the iranian- backed houthis in yemen, the -- happening simultaneously and then just hours later, reporting syria of the israelis targeting iranian revolutionary guard -- south of damascus.
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so, across the piece, across the region, these iranian- backed forces are being targeted by the u.s. or its allies. i think frankly, you can see the biden administration showing -- whole trying not to have this escalate, but it is at the same time a very, very tense situation here. >> my friend, thank you for incredibly long hours you working to make this clear to us. keir simmons in -- iraq, we're checking in with you later in the show as well. right, joining me now is a democratic senator tim kaine of virginia. he's a member of some important committees here in the senate armed services and the foreign relations committee. senator, i want to pick up right from where here left off. here saying that it appears the united states is trying to achieve its objective and sending a message to these iranian-backed militias to not get involved and certainly not attack u.s. installations in troops. at the same time, to not escalate the into a regional war. starts to become very blurry as
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what an escalation is, about 160 attacks plus on u.s. troops and then what we saw last night. what's your sense of it? >> well ali, if you are asking the right question, -- the consequence from when you kills american troops. so, going against those troops identified as responsible for the deaths of these three reservists from georgia, very understandable. that's within the presidents self-defense powers. the president has said, with respect to the attacks on the houthis in the red sea, that they don't expect the attacks to de-escalate. more missiles fired at houthis is likely to lead to more missiles filed on ships in the red sea. and so, the strategy of these attacks, hoping to de-escalate -- working and i think there's only one path to de-escalation right now. the u.s. should pursue it with vigor and that's the hostage deal to release hostages still held by hamas. he will remember that in the
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first hostage release, there was a pause that enabled humanitarian aid to go into gaza and these groups in the region that were fomenting attacks on the united states dramatically de-escalated their operations. and so, the cia director burns is in the middle east working on this. i think all focus now should be on a hostage deal. that would be good for hostages and their families, it would likely be accompanied by a significant pause in hostilities and gaza, get -- much more humanitarian aid in and that would be the most likely path to see de- escalation right now. >> so, i'm glad you brought those in their. there are two separate issues, but they're deeply connected here. is there some concern? because i've spent the week feeling more optimistic than i have since october 7th about this deal that's been starting to take former tween the cia, mossad, the qatari prime minister, and the egyptians, the fact that the israelis,
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despite netanyahu's stated public misgivings have said that they could be onside with something that looks like this deal. and hamas, not having dismissed it out of hand either. do these attacks, the attacks on terror 22 in these retaliatory attacks, tell me the way in which that complicates the possibility of a deal that could end the israel, gaza war. at least lead to a cease-fire. >> well, it complicates in one sense, ali, it also me undermined how critical it is. in a way, i worry that we've sort of lost focus on the hostages. we will focus on the military operation in gaza, that how do we counter strike and get a salute these? i think hostages are the key to this. first, there is a humanitarian -- that they should be released. so, that is the beginning point. but a second, the only evidence that we have about what will produce a de-escalation was the first hostage release deal, which did produce a de- escalation and obviously, if you get into a significant
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humanitarian pause when hostages released, you can negotiate to extend the -- you can negotiate for more robust delivery of humanitarian aid into gaza. israel has a right to defend itself, but most of us have been extremely disappointed about the way israel has throttled the delivery of humanitarian aid into gaza. to help suffering people who have nothing to do with hamas. we need to up the pace of humanitarian aid, that can happen during the pause. and that also gives us an opportunity to discuss a lengthening of the pause. that will be the most likely path to de-escalation. it's also the path that i think has a most humanitarian imperative behind it. >> so senator, you and i have been talking for years, i love the way you think things through. i think it makes a lot of sense what you're saying. the one thing that worries me is when talking about hamas, we talk a lot about qatar as he intermediary then we use a country very friendly to the united states where we've got
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bases, but we do know that hamas is influenced by iran. is there a danger from these retaliatory strikes that iran says to one of its allies, one of these proxy groups, homeless, now is not the time to make a deal as a result of this? >> it's possible, but what we are seeing, ali, and it's been publicly reported, that iran is also, you know, while they are supporting these iranian-backed militia groups or supporting hezbollah, supporting hamas, supporting the houthis, they themselves see danger in a broad escalation in the region. so, we're seeing that and look, from the u.s. standpoint, it would be foolish for the united states to be involved in another war in the middle east. it was absolutely be foolish. we have a very intense focus right now in trying to help ukraine succeed in its defense of its sovereignty against a dictator who's illegally invaded. vladimir putin loves the world's attention, being drawn
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to the middle east. we've said that the pacing challenge for the united states for 21st century is the u.s., china relationship. xi jinping will love for the united states to get bogged down in the middle east. there are some of the middle east who have their own reasons, wouldn't mind as getting bogged down there. it would be foolish for us to be involved in a war in the middle east. should we support democratic allies? sure, we should. but to have u.s. troops involved in protracted hostilities in the middle east would be foolish and it would suggest we haven't learned anything from the last two and a half decades. so, there is a lot of danger right now. it's -- a tense situation, but there is an ongoing discussion about hostages and what i believe could be the key to the escalation. let's keep our focus on that and not get distracted. >> you never want to be foolishly optimistic, but i am with you on this. i think this could end up well, if everybody plays it as carefully as they do their.
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-- hours and days is going to be very important. senator, thanks for starting us off this morning. i always appreciate it. -- senator tim kaine of virginia, he a member of the senate foreign relations and the armed services committees. coming up, i will explain exactly how the 2015 iran nuclear deal could've helped this entire situation and how that diplomatic tour now appears to be shot. first, i will discuss the regional and global ratification of the u.s. strikes, both in the short and long term. two experts on the reason. you're watching velshi on msnbc. on msnbc. from breaking your momentum. you may have already been vaccinated against the flu, but don't forget this season's updated covid-19 shot too.
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joining me now, robbie cory, founding director and senior fellow at the institute for public policy and international affairs at the american university of beirut. he's a distinguished public policy fellow at the american university of beirut. colin clark also joins us, he's the director of research at the soufan group. senior research fellow at the sir front centre and associate fellow for the international
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center for counterterrorism at the hague. south of the author multiple books including after the caliphate, the islamic state, and the future terrorist diaspora. gentlemen, thank you for being with us. robbie, i want to just discuss motivations right now with you. about the so-called axis of resistance that's connected to iran. some say that this group and iran is trying to draw america into a protracted war into the middle east. others say, some of these groups want america to have less of a role in the middle east and sort of layered upon that as senator cain was saying is china and north korea, and russia, who are all saying love it, got the world's attention is on the middle east right now and not on them. what's your take on it? >> well, thanks for having me, great to be with colin, who i respect and no. when the real story of the axis of resistance is they want the
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united states to leave the middle east or if it is in the middle east, engage with them on a legitimate basis, not with 35 military bases -- 50,000 troops and constantly getting up to, you know, shooting wars, as it's doing now. they want a reasonable resolution in palestine and israel that is fair to both sides. the bigger problem for the axis of resistance, or the bigger motivation, is not just now in the united states israel, it goes back decades and in fact, it goes back to 1798, when napoleon was here. ever since then, they have been foreign militaries in the middle east. so, people resisted the british, the russians, the french, and now they're resisting the americans. so, there has to be a wider understanding of the sentiments of ordinary citizens and the regimes, even though these are not democratic systems, but the anger against the u.s. and
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israel in foreign powers who come in the region is very widespread in society. and it's really a combination of historically vince's, and they don't like being bossed around. they don't like being sanctioned unfairly. and they certainly don't like being attacked all the time. so, the point of resistance as you push back, unlike most arab leadership that don't push back, these guys do. this is why we are at the situation today. the united states needs to acknowledge that and engage more intelligently, and engage politically. >> colin, let's talk tactically, post 1798. i always like that rob brings in a little perhaps knowledge in the whole thing. now, this description about joe biden and the administration wanted to send a signal to the various groups in their, don't attack u.s. bases, don't attack u.s. personnel without creating a larger war. there's no big swagger talk here about, you know, that
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we've sometimes seen in the past about crushing people and doing things like that. i think they would like to get out of this sooner than later. how do you carry that out? how do you carry out the basically warning shots across the middle east and not have this become a bigger deal, and not have this draw iran in? >> well, you're right. it's a very fine line that the administration is attempting to walk. i mean, we could use whatever -- a tightrope, you know? it certainly is a tall task for the administration. they're temporarily trying to set back the capabilities of these groups by attacking weapons and missile depots, but ronny is absolutely right. unless this is tied to a broader political settlement, we're going to back in the same situation in a matter of weeks. we've got to press forward with a policy. i think the road to tehran runs through gaza, whether we like it or not. >> very interesting point, robby. let's talk about that. we had been talking for the last week, you and i have talked earlier this week about
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the potential deal that is being worked out right now. it's an interesting deal. it involves the cia, involves the massage, involves the prime minister of qatar, involves the egyptian foreign ministry. it has not been rejected by either israel nor hamas. not been agreed to fully, but it's not been rejected either. what's the chicken and the egg here? do these attacks complicate it or could the acceptance and pushing of that deal de- escalate tensions in the whole region? >> they kind of run in parallel. the resistance axis was doing things like this against the u.s. and foreign powers in israel before the gaza situation got out of hand. not just since october, but the last 15 years or so. but they are linked, clearly, together. the israelis and hamas clearly want undergo shaded resolution. and the israelis are still
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trying to affirm or assert their power, their military power, with the backing of the u.s. diplomatic power to force a deal on hamas. the whole point of the resistance process, which again, the americans don't understand, is that these, you know, hamas, hezbollah, these guys are not throwing houthis -- they're not going to accept the kind of things that other arab leadership's have done over the years. and they're going to stick to their guns, literally. and get a fair deal. so, i think the prisoner exchange, the hostage return, and then possibly a long term peace, long term cease-fire, and then negotiating a permanent resolution of the israel, palestine conflict. that requires palestinians at the table and they are not there right now. that's critical. >> very good point, colin. this is, you know, donald trump continues to trumpet his
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abraham accords. the biggest love abraham accords is there were no palestinians involved in it. this deal that's been negotiated, the palestinians were not there when the cia and mossad, the qataris and the egyptians were negotiating it. that said, the qataris have played some role in being a proxy representative of the palestinians that at the table and they have them given this offer, colin, to the hamas. hamas has not spat on the offer and rejected it, as they have in the past. what's your sense of the viability of this hostage deal? >> well, i'm holding out hope. i'm slightly optimistic that it will go forward and if it does, it could be used as a stepping stone or confidence building measure to take a look, you know, take a step back and look at the broader conflict, right? we've already had one deal to release hostages. i think anybody that's been following this conflict, our heart goes out to not only the palestinians, but the pain and
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suffering that we see on a daily basis in gaza with palestinian civilians. every day that this conflict lasts, it's another day that we're moving further from -- negotiated settlement in the middle east. so, i know that the director of the cia, bill burns, knows this. the qataris, the egyptians, they know the region better than anybody. let's really hope that we move forward with some kind of a resolution that gets us at least into an area where we can talk about the viability of a two-state solution because that is the only thing that's going to prevent conflict in the future here. >> well, it is meaningful that the state department has sort of got word out this week that that is a real consideration for the united states, that the concession of this war between israel and gaza, there may be the u.s. recognition of the palestinian state. guys, thanks very much for your analysis, as always. robby cori's fund director and senior fellow at the institute for public policy. he's an international affairs specialist at the university of
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american university of beirut. as well as a distinguished public policy fellow there. colin clark is a director of research at this fine group in the senior research fellow at the soufan center. an associate fellow at the international center for counterterrorism in the hague. he's the author of multiple books, including after the caliphate, islamic state in the future terrorist diaspora. all right, coming up, it's election day in south carolina. it's a say that one to bind the democratic nomination for four years ago. this time around, as the incumbent, he is certain to win again. but the south carolina democratic primary is going to be our first look at this campaign season and the enthusiasm of black voters. a group that biden must turn out if he's going to beat donald trump in november. trymaine lee is there speaking with black voters. we're going to talk to him next. him next. and powerful vicks vapors to vaporize sore throat pain. vicks vapocool drops. vaporize sore throat pain. i'm jonathan lawson,
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biden is expected to win this race in a landslide. but results from this primary could give broad or insight into biden's standing with a key voting bloc, black voters who are central to his win in 2020. in the general election, four years ago, joe biden captured 87% of the black vote, nationwide. now his support among black voters is apparently slipping. joining me now is the pulitzer prize-winning journalist, nbc's trymaine lee, who's in north carolina. north charleston, south carolina. tremaine, nice to see, my friend. you've been talking to black voters in south carolina. tell me what you're getting from them about biden becoming the eventual democratic nominee. >> hey, ali. i will tell you what, that excitement that is waning is waning especially in a small subset of black voters, black male voters. now, i think we're under no disillusion that black voters en masse won't be voting for joe biden. we but among black male voters in particular, there is a lack of excitement amongst some, but also a feeling of detachment
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from the party itself. they feel that they, in some ways, there is a narrative that joe biden hasn't kept their promises, kept his promises, and there's something appealing about donald trump. again, a small subset, but this idea that the excitement -- winning which could be an indicator of a broader sense among black voters in key states, especially where black voters, you know, hold a small majority. i sat down with some of these guys at the barbershop recently and here is what they had to say. check it out. is there anyone that's getting you got excited for the election? >> no. >> no, man. >> just across the board, no? -- not really. >> i see y'all chuckling already. >> i am not, no. i'm not going to answer. >> what about you guys? i mean, biden? >> so, i probably say that's where i'm leaning, but it's hard to say that i'm excited about him. >> not giving you those, like, warranting the feelings in your stomach? >> man, i want to say yes, but
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whatever excitement i did have for him, he's about to lose me, you know? so, if he keeps going in this direction, i'll probably have to half hop off that bandwagon soon. he's not who he said he was going to be. >> are you going as far as to say you might not vote for him? >> so, i'm not going to go that far today. but i will say that i have enough disappointment in what i've seen that i could be persuaded to go somewhere else with my vote. >> are you hearing this a lot from the front group? >> i'm hearing a lot that we are hopeful for the future of politics where it has more dynamism in the candidates. that's something that we're not getting the sense of right now. it seems a lot of old hat. we've seen both of these gentlemen in the position now and not necessarily seeing, you know, the level of excitement
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that we may be expected out of them. >> ali, what i find really interesting, ali, is that these gentlemen are likely voters. these guys are voters. so, if they're feeling a lack of excitement, you can only imagine those who are -- more on the fence or who are not traditional voters, how they might be feeling now. >> did you sense some opportunity to get some of these guys, that's one of them said, i'm about to get off that bandwagon, tied to keep them on the bandwagon or get them back on the bandwagon? >> well, i think for these guys, at least, it's what's on the other side that's keeping -- them on this bandwagon. whether it's joe biden's age or the narrative that he hasn't delivered on some of his promises, that is very concerning for him. but again, these guys are voters. they're practical and pragmatic, so they're likely to say with joe biden. but you know, it's really close. >> do you take advantage of being at a barbershop to get any work done? >> unfortunately, i cannot cheat my barber back in my brooklyn -- i can't cheat on my guy. >> nice to see you, my friend.
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as always, nbc's for mainly reporting from north charleston, south carolina. a quick programming note, tomorrow night, don't miss a brand-new msnbc special hosted by tremaine and the civil rights attorney, charles coleman junior, who are used to seeing on this show. it's called black man in america, the road to 2024. it offers a candid look at this country through the eyes of one of the most overlooked voting blocks, black men. that's tomorrow night, nine pm eastern on msnbc and then it streaming on peacock thereafter. all right, coming up, when opening 1911, from the outside, the grounds of crownsville state hospital in maryland looked like a farm where patients worked and harvested tobacco, constructed gardens. but inside, the hospital walls, totally different story of cruelty and segregation. nbc news correspondent antonia hylton joins me next to discuss their brand-new book, madness, race and insanity in a jim crow asylum. crow asylum.
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the first 12 patients at crownsville state hospital in maryland arrived in 1911, but the hospital didn't exist yet. the first generation of patients would have to build the very words and clinics in which they would be treated. it was a telling birth of the segregated mental institution which was the only place in the state that excepted black peoples suffering from mental illness for decades. but now those very grounds are getting a second life. nbc news correspondent antonia hylton has more. >> reporter: in the heart of a forest in and around law county, maryland, cadaver dogs search through the snow. they pause every time they identify a sole. many were buried in the cemetery as numbers, not names. from their time as patients in a historic segregated asylum that shaped the lives of locals, like historian janice hayes williams. >> is this land sacred to you?
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>> 100%, yes. this is sacred. >> reporter: crownsville hospital opened in 1911 and close in 2004. for decades, it was the only place that accepted black marylanders suffering with mental illness. it was notorious for overcrowding and abuse, and is a symbol of americas racial divide. >> if you live here, this was a place you did not want to go. as a child, you are threatened by your parents or others. if you don't do what i tell you, i will send you to crownsville. >> with janice's help, this land will become a 500 acre memorial park that turns dilapidated hospital buildings into mental health treatment spaces. public gardens and biking paths. the need is great. last year, a record number of americans took their own lives. anne arundel county executives sewer pittman worked with gms
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to secure $30 million in funding from lawmakers. >> what do you want people to see when they walk onto this property? >> great work being done with by a lot of people from diverse backgrounds to we make the human experience better. >> former counsel patient reverend sonia king shares that dream. she came to crownsville when she was a college student, battling a deep depression. it was stressful and overcrowded, but a team of nurses helped her recover. >> it was hard. i was confused. didn't know if i could continue on. >> what do you think the potential is for this land? >> i think this land has great potential. we healing needs to occur and from healing comes new growth. >> reporter: healing propels this project. janice is a descendant of slaves who worked for the maryland governor. county executive pittman, a descendant of those slave
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owners. >> reporter: do you think about that? >> i think we -- wear that like a better because we are truly discounted. >> reporter: why do you think so many americans are having a hard time having these conversations about history, collaborating with people who are different from them? >> fear of the unknown. >> reporter: reverend king has started to share her story. >> just because you go through something doesn't mean that is the end. >> reporter: she hopes that this new memorial park becomes a model for our nation's healing. we >> all right, antonia hylton with that excellent reporting. there's a lot more to know about the history of crownsville hospital. antonia is going to dig into -- or has dug into it in her new book, madness, race and insanity in a jim crow asylum. she's here and we're going to talk more about her new book right after this break. we this break. we and looking to buy life insurance on a fixed budget, remember the three p's.
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all right, this is one of those rare treat. throwing me now in studio is the nbc news correspondent antonia hylton. she's the author of an important new book, madness, race and insanity in a jim crow asylum. great to see you, my friend, thank you. >> great to see you. >> we don't see each other much on tv but just to show the viewers how the sausage is made, we sit very close to each other. >> just feet away. >> just feet away. let's talk about this. book the way you tell the crownsville was emblematic of shifts in american society, including racial shifts.
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what's crownsville a product of systemic racism? was it a weapon of racism? what did you glean from your work on this? >> i think you could make both arguments, but what you see in this asylum is both this very strange and unknown story, but a deeply american one. in that era, in jim crow, i think you often think about water fountains or schools as the primary sites where this kind of separation and abuse was happening. but it seeped into everything, including hospitals and our clinical systems. so, in those early years doctors are openly dictating the minds and the bodies of black people. they decided that they're somehow inferior and they need to be treated separately. but they simply don't want to pay for it. and so, they're already existing hospitals at this time that are treating people with mental illness, but they make this group of patients build there's from the ground up. so, it's a strange story and it's unusual in that are the only patients made to do this. but it's a very american story in that from its very roots,
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from the beginning, this hospital reflects all the battles. we know this country has gone through and continue to go through. >> that's a good point you may, continue to go through. one of the things we saw brownsville, as you demonstrated in this story we just showed, is the help that some people got by being treated by people who look like them, who shared their backgrounds. tell me a little about that. >> yeah, that was one of my favorite parts of the reporting and writing this book. there is the horror and there is the heartbreak of those early years, but then by the 50s and 60s, a generation of black men and women who saw the first black health care workers in this country at all, they had previously been barred from working in places -- -- -- they get their foot in the door and they start to change patient outcomes. not becomes a new medication necessarily has arrived yet or because there's a new technology that they all get to use. they just see their patients as human. so, they start to do things like call their loved ones and their neighbors to come get them. they start to give them hugs and a level of closeness that
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the patients had not had when they were only treated by people who saw them as on human. and so, you know, one of my favorite stories in the book is about this group of black women who arrive in the 50s. one of the first act is just to put patients between their legs and wash their hair, kind of detangled or curls. those small acts of kindness that were not present before that helped people believe, you know, i am worthy of something or being here at this hospital is not the end of my life at this story. that, to me, is so beautiful. i think there's a sort of untold story and their entire generations of black health care workers so live in our country, the dmv area that just haven't got their flowers. so this book is about institution, but it really is told through the lives and the eyes of the people who were patients and employees there, we really lived this. >> in chapter 15, you talk about the -- this three young black americans who were arrested for attempting to dine in a restaurant right off of route 40 in maryland. they were thrown in jail and
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they, when they refused to cooperate with the court, they were committed to crimes -- >> yeah, i think that tells you a lot right there. the ways in which we in the 60s and into the 70s, black americans protests their concerns about this country, their anger toward this country gets pathologized. that's part of what you see happen institution all the way from the beginning, frankly, until its closure in 2004. 2004, within our lifetimes. is that you see that there is a population of patients that have actual mental illnesses or who are struggling with learning disabilities, things like that. but then there is a population of black americans there who are simply just seen as unable to cooperate and get with the status quo, or uncomfortable with the racial order. so, the three civil rights protesters and up in crownsville four days. and you know, the staff there, the writing letters on their behalf to get them out of this institution because they recognize, there is no real mental illness here.
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there's no diagnosis. the state, our government is just angry of them for the crime of trying to eat out of white owned establishment. and you know, that story, to me, is so important. a, because it really hasn't been told. it's not part of our education on the civil rights movement. but be, it's happening at this critical moment as well where the hospitals are about to start shrinking in 60s, 70s, and 80s because we're told that they're about to build all these community mental health centers. but the prisons and jails are growing. so, really what you're seeing in that story is the way in which our mental health care system started to converge with our criminal justice system. and i mean, you know, now we all live today with a situation in which in most communities in the country, there are enough beds for people herself room for mental and with. some communities, your largest provider of mental health care is your local prison or jail. and what i'm showing you if this book through the reporting, through the oral history is that these are coincidences, these were choices. and in many cases, this community was at the center of
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all those negotiations. their story just has not been told. >> your reporting is some that our viewers have become accustomed to seeing -- most important reporting out there. now it's in this important book. so, thank you for writing this important book. we have so much more to discuss, but i do recommend that people do read it. thanks, antonia. antonia hilton, nbc correspondent. >> thank you. >> and author the new book, madness, race and insanity in a jim crow asylum. all right, up next, on october 7th, the middle east was thrust into yet another deadly conflict. it's no coincidence that iran is now involved. america once had some bargaining power with iran, but without a crucial deal that was signed in 2015, the u.s. is now fighting for a seat back at that table. that table.
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the united states has retaliated against iranian targets in iraq and syria in response to the death of three u.s. soldiers in jordan last week.
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it's president biden's most forceful response yet to attacks by iranian-backed militia groups since the war between israel and gaza started on october 7th. iran has long been a great instigator and a major power in the middle east, and beyond, but one thing that gave the united states and the west at least some mechanism to keep iran at bay was the joint comprehensive plan of action. the jcpoa. more commonly known as the 2015 iran nuclear deal. in 2015, the united states, uk, china, france, russia, and germany signed onto the jcpoa, which loosened sanctions on iran in exchange for limits on the country's nuclear program. the goal of the deal was to prevent the revival of iran's nuclear program, but the agreement did much more than that. it opens up a line of communication between the signatories of the deal and iran. it was a multilateral diplomacy tool that's helped reduce the
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prospect of conflict between iran and its rivals in the region. it's widely considered one of president biden's most important international diplomacy achievements of his presidency. and for all intents and purposes, the deal was working. in 2016 and 2017, the international atomic energy agency certified that iran had met its preliminary pledges, agreeing not to produce uranium to the point of nuclear enrichment. but in 2018, president donald trump pulled the u.s. out of the agreement, unraveling that he'll, rendering it ineffective, causing a ripple effect for years to come, making it nearly impossible for president biden to undo the damage. trump called the deal quote, rotten, and one-sided. he reinstated devastating banking and oil sanctions on iran, which crippled its economy once again. at a time of the u.s.'s withdrawal from the deal, iran's supreme leader, ayatollah ali -- took to twitter to say that trump's
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quote corpse will be warm food for the country of iran falls. needless to say, iran was not happy with the pull out. in 2019, iran began enriching uranium at higher levels and develop new centrifuges for uranium enrichment, and last year, 2023, the united nations inspectors found iran was enriching uranium too close to weapons grade levels. but iran's escalations exploded beyond nuclear development. as or seeing play out now, the regime and its proxy groups increase the regional aggression. iran-backed militias have helped fuel insurgencies and civil wars in syria and yemen. iran is now more embattled, and it is more emboldened. and moderates who existed within the iranian government when the 2015 nuclear deal was signed oregon. in 2020, a new hard-line parliament was unoperated in

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