zinus israel has effectively undermined the agreement reached between its delegation at the dawhan negotiations and the mediators, including the united states of america, by insisting on direct military control over the philadelphia corridor on gaza's southern border. zinist israel claims that this control is the only way to prevent the palestinian resistance hamas from rebuilding its capabilities and returning to the status of quo before october 7th. instead of announcing deal for a prisoner exchange and a cease fire in gaza during his latest visit to the region which was intended in part to serve the domestic agenda of the biden administration, us secretary of state anthony blincon as has become customary placed the blame on hamas. however, let's get real a bit. the resistance had no choice but to reject a deal that the... not include an israeli occupation

withdrawal from the gaza strip, but hold a minute, why is the media silent on the key issues zinist israel reneged on during this round of negotiations, which led to a strong rejection from the palestinian resistance in gaza? simple, because it exposes netanyahu's lies. here are the key points that the occupation renecked on since the doha negotiations began. no permanent ceasefire. the agreement does not include immediate. permanent ceasefire, no complete withdrawal from gaza, there's no provision for a full israeli occupation withdrawal from the gaza strip. continued occupation of the rafah crossing. the proposed solutions ensure direct israeli entity control over the rafah border crossing, continued occupation of the philadelphia corridor, continued occupation of the netsarim junction, hence monitoring and controlling the movement of palestinian people on both the corridor and junction.

right to reject prisoner releases. the occupation retains the right to refuse the release of at least 100 prisoners, also only those with 20 years or less remaining in their sentences will be eligible for release, effectively excluding those serving life sentences. zionists also demand that a significant number of palestinian prisoners released in the exchange have to be exiled from palestine. the israeli entity also wants to impose conditions on humanitarian aid from who provides it to whom it is provided to. as for the gaza reconstruction and lifting the siege, zionists suggest that negotiations on the reconstruction of gaza and lifting the siege will be deferred until after the first phase of the ceasefire is implemented, that ladies and gents is called reoccupation of gaza, and that is something the resistance will never allow to happen again. welcome to the mid stream, i'm marsman.

israeli entity reports differ on the outcomes of the kairu meeting held last week between the zinas israelis, egyptians and americans. however, what is certain is that the americans have once again brought up the issue of the philadelphia corridor and the rafah crossing for discussion. reports suggest that an agreement may be at the works allowing for a limited israeli occupation presence in the corridor, but only do... during the initial phase of the truth, something the resistance has so far refused. to discuss this issue with us from beirot is dimitri lascaries independent journalist and human rights activist a pleasure having you on board dimitri uh midy stream here on press tv. how do the key points uh that zianist israel have so far reneged on both in cairo and in dawha uh negotiations such as the lack of a permanent cease fire and the reoccupation of the philadelphia crossing and what not impact the feasibility. of any

lasting solution or any resolution for the gaza uh genocide on gaza basically? i think we should start by looking at the uh legal framework, the international court of justice just ruled unambiguously that the occupation of the palestinian territories is illegal, and that includes the gaza strip. it is under occupation for purposes of international law. this means that israel has no entitlement at all to maintain a presence any part of the gaza concentration camp, none, not. one inch, so it's demanding something which is actually violation of the rights of palestinians under international law. secondly, this is violation of the camp david of courds. this was not to be any part, the philadelphia corridor was not to be under the jurisdiction or occupation of israeli military forces. thirdly, as a practical matter, gaza was already one of the most densely populated parts of the world, so any space that is occupied by israeli military is constraining uh the... the civilian life of the

palestinian population even further, and of course in any subsequent phases following the completion of this genocidal rampage in gaza, there is going to be need for a massive influx of humanity. aid and reconstruction materials, so israel's control of this key border crossing point is almost certainly based on historical experience going to impede that, so for any number of reasons, this is a holy outrageous demand, it is is deal killer in my opinion, and understandably so, and if the israelies were actually serious about doing a ceasefire and not completing this genocidal rampage, this would not be demand that they would put forward to the palestine. resistance factions, but dimitri, what are the potential consequences the israeli entity government's insistance on direct control over gaza's borders from all the borders of gaza, not only there, not only the philadelphia corridor, and the continued occupation of very strategic locations like the netsarim junction for example, both for

the palestinian resistance in the uh level and capabilities that they have at the moment and for regional stability in general, well we've seen that the israeli military... has absolutely no capacity to discipline it soldiers, in fact it's official military policy as far as we can tell uh that its military engage in systematic human rights abuses, so if they're having contact with the palestinian civilian population, the gaza strip, this was undoubtedly going to exacerbate the human rights conditions of the palestinian people there, and as i say, it's going to impeed the reconstruction of gaza and the delivery of absolutely essential humanitarian aid, so quite apart from legal considerations, it is essential for... practical purposes that they be removed the occupation forces entirely from the gaza concentration camp, and if they continue to demand what they have no right to demand, and what in fact would constitute a severe violation of palestinian human rights, there will be no cease fire, and ultimately this

means that this war is going escalate. we've seen this in the past few days, the retaliatory strikes by the islamic resistance resulted from israeli aggression and the core. out of which all of this violence springs is the genocidal rampage in gaza, so if we want to avoid a wider war, israel needs to stop demanding things to which it has no right, and offer the palestinians a a durable ceasefire on entirely reasonable terms. you think that this week it might hold some potential developments in this case in the file of the seasfire? in terms of if if what you mean by that is, do i am i optimistic? uh, no, i don't think that the p, i don't think that the us uh government or the uh israeli regime are serious in any way shaper form in terms of negotiating the seasfire. if they were, if they were serious to the biden administration, they would simply cut off the flow of weapons and that would be it. israel would have no alternative but to stop killing

palestinian civilians. the fact actions, it's axiomatic, actions speak louder than words. you can't say, at the same time, we want the killing to end while... providing the bombs to you to kill, that's outrageous uh, so let's stop this forest and accept that what they want is to actually continue the killing. well uh, dimitria, the last time we met we were both in karakas uh being international observers for the elections there and now i have the uh pleasure and the chance and opportunity to meet you again and you're here in in lebanon in beirot. how was your recent coverage? i know that you were down in south lebanon and i want to talk to you about that with the remaining minutes that we have over the past week, have it has it altered your perspective uh on the region? dynamics and the impact of the ongoing conflict, especially as lebanon being a support front for the gaza strip? well, i think probably the most life altering experience i had when i was down there and it has been extraordinarily enlightening for me personally and professionally uh was my visit

to aita uh shahb a couple of days ago, as i'm sure you know marwa, this village lies a kilometer from the border with northern occupied palestine, it has been devastated uh we were afforded a rare opportunity to access the village because resistance fighter had been killed prior day an air strike uh and as villages reconverged, it's been evacuated the village, but as they reconverged on the village to attend the funeral, i witnessed level of uh uh just pride, fierceness, calm and sometimes outright joviality, mean the people were uh full of merth and they were very... welcoming to me personally, they gave me water, they gave me food, a lovely elderly lady provided me with pomegranate, and to see them conduct themselves in this way amits this extraordinary devastation, just i think it's it's a picture of the resistance that the world needs to see so that we understand

who the real terrorists are here, and it's clear that the terrorists are the americans and the israelis and these people are simply fighting for their basic. human rights, the indigenous peoples of west asia, that's what i took away from my entire experience in in south lebanon. don't you fear going back to uh back home basically and get maybe questioned about your? statements that you just made right here, especially on press tv, especially being in beirot and visiting uh no man's land according to the western uh communities in general and the governments, aren't you afraid for your own safety? well, i compare, there's no question that there are risks, madawa, no question, in the current repressive environment, we we've seen what's happened to richard medhurst, they they arrested the french arrested pavel dudof, who's a multi-billionaire uh at the french airport, this is the founder of telegram, if they... can do that to him, they can certainly do it to me uh, but uh, why i have concerns uh, i know that i have complied with

the law, i know that my reporting is just and true, and whatever risks i'm assuming are minuscual, minuscual compared to those being assumed every day by uh those who are resisting western higem and west asia, we still have one minute uh, dimitri, and i want to ask you about what happened on sunday august 25th when the resistance began the retaliation against the aggression on beirot and against uh after sign. israel killed a top commander in hezbulah, how did it feel like and how did you see the communities react to the retaliation, because there was a lot of misinformation in the zionist media, so how did you see that uh unfold? well, the first report i saw was that israel had launched these so-called preemptive strikes, 40 air strikes on south lebanon, which was major escalation uh, but it was only later, and this is just what it confirmed to me is how the media narratives are so controlled by israel and its western backers, it later emerged when uh the resistance explained what

had happened that in fact the uh retaliatory strikes had been launched by them at dawn and then israel attempted unsuccessfully according to them to impede those strikes after they had commenced so these were not actually preemptive at all uh and now what we're seeing of course is a complete media blackout about what actually happened so for example netanyahu claimed he was con the guardian is stating that every single missile uh was shot down when we know that every day missiles and drones have been getting through and we know from media reports it appears that an israeli naval uh uh personnel a naval vessel was killed because there was a successful strike a naval vessel so uh again it what it confirms i think is that there is extraordinary control being exercised over the media narratives and that's exactly why independent journalism is so important well it's been a pla independent journalist and human rights activist to have you on here on the the medi stream on press tv with us,

always a pleasure to have good friends on board to uh basically present what's the reality on the ground to the people to uh see, thanks samily for being here, ladies and gents, stay tuned because next we're going to talk about the historical zionist anxiety in the region. as zinus israel stands on edge, anticipating the responses from iran and from hezbulah, which they got on august 25th, will explore the underlying motives behind its aggressive stance and the existential fears driving its policy. here is a report that uncovers the complex interplay of strategy, anxiety and potential repercussions shaping the region's

future. following zionist israel's assassination of hamas political bureau chief ismail hanh in tehran on july 31st, hours after assassinating hisbullah commander fuad shuker, zionist israel has been on edge, anxiously awaiting the nature and extent of iran and hezbollah's response and the potential. discussions that could escalate into a regional conflict, despite reports from various western and regional media suggesting that iran and hezbulah have opted to retreat, yet hezbollah's retaliation on the dawn of sunday august 25th reinstated the situation of fear, intimidation and anxiety to its highest levels within the zionist settler communities. hesbullah confirmed with its third statement on that day the completion of the first phase of its response. this means we're back to square one with anticipation, fear, and millions of sinus settlers on high alert, anxiously

awaiting whether or not there will be second phase. as the jewish philosopher simon ravidovic aptly noted, the world has many images of israel, but israel has only one image of itself, people on the brink of extinction. these words incapsulate the profound existential anxiety that permeates the zinus israeli mentality, is not merely psychological concern, but a political, military and cultural reality reflected in the israeli entity aggressive policies towards neighboring countries in west asia and its hand of regional crises. since the outbreak of the al-aqsa flood battle, israeli entity prime minister benjamin netanyahu has repeatedly referred to it as an existential war, describing it as a battle of light against darkness. his speeches, including his address to the us congress often underscore the religious dimensions of this struggle. however, these statements go beyond religious

connotations. they reveal a deep seated anxiety that permates the israeli entity collective consciousness from political leaders to ordinary settlers. this anxiety is directly linked to the eighth decade curse, notion embraced by many zinist israeli historians and a significant segment of the zinist settler society, which holds that jewish entities in palestine have historically lasted no longer than 80 years. this belief infuses the anxiety with the historical and religious dimension. netanyahu believes that initiating a comprehensive regional war with us support might be the best way to eliminate existence. threats posed by iran and the access of resistance, while also advancing normalization with regional countries and thereby extending the israeli occupation's lifespan. however, this aggressive approach suggests that science israel is seeking to spark a regional conflict, it hopes to control from the outset, yet it may ultimately find itself unable to manage the ensuing catastrophic

consequences. to discuss this issue with us from beirot is mr. hasan hijazi, expert in in. zinius affairs, it's a pleasure having you with us, mr. hassan, now how does the historical notion of the eighth decade curse influence the current existential anxiety among israeli entity leaders and settlers alike, given that the so-called first phase of hisbullah's retaliation happened on sunday august 25th at dawn, which was a surprise for the entity, there is no doubt the so-called. decade curse has become an obsession in zionist thinking, feeled by profound internal changes, regional challenges and unprecedented threats within its strategic environment. the resistance's response to the assassination of senior leader sayid shukr signals that these zianist fears and anxieties are now manifesting clearly and violently through the potential for escalating confrontations. the occupation has

been engaged in a 10 month long war on the gaza and northern fronts and the resistances responses this level significantly escalates the external challenge, pushing the occupation to the brink of collapse or major regional confrontation. this escalation may hasten the existential fears that the occupation perceives as surrounding it during this eighth decade of its history. undoubtedly we are witnessing new phase of conflict and intensified level of confrontation that exposes the occupation to even greater risks. these growing existential fears now dominate the thinking of both leaders. and the general population who see the entity as increasingly incapable of defending itself and unable to meet the challenges it faces. this situation has created an urgent and profound need for western support, manifested through fleats, diplomatic presence and political backing, to provide a protective shield for the entity. the entity feels that it is in its weakest

historical phase, and sliding into a major regional confrontation may accelerate the fulfillment of predictions. it's interesting for me to talk about these internal pressures because we all seen how the world really have not been able to pressure benjamin netanyahu to stop the genocide, so in what ways you think netanyahu's characterization of this genocide as an existential war. against dyanist israel reflect deeper fears within the israeli communities, the israeli entity, settler communities, and how does it impact the zionist israeli internal policies, the policies that they impose on their own settlers? there is no doubt that benjamin netanyahu bears some responsibility for

deepening the sense of fear and the pervasive negative and pessimistic expectations adopted ratoric that presents no alternatives, arguing that the only options are to continue the war under the banner of absolute victory, or face a catastrophic defeat with unprecedented consequences. through his fear-mongering policies, or what could be called a strategy of intimidation, netanyahu has created a deeply negative reality within zionist society, fostering an atmosphere of extremism and a brutal mentality that has manifested both at the popular level and in the systematic. the occupation army, leading to crimes committed on all levels against palestinians. on a popular level, there is indeed anxiety and fear stemming from the development since october 7. however, some settlers are calling for departure from this disastrous path which not only perpetuates ongoing military confrontations, but also

deepens the extremism that threatens the entity with internal disintegration. according to many commentators, netanyahu's rhetoric has had destructive impact on the internal zionist landscape, fostering a climate of cruelty and racism that not only targets palestinians, but also turns against segments of the zionist. population who disagree with the various right-wing factions, politically and militarily. this situation signals a grim reality for zionists, both in terms of achieving strategic objectives and in maintaining internal unity, as many common goals have been lost. the only factor currently uniting zionists is to some extent the external threat. however, they are deeply divided over how to address the current situation. there is a significant rift regarding whether to pursue. between eastern and western jews, all

concerning the identity of the state, its form, and the nature of the regime and authority that should govern the entity in the future. but there are potential risks in consequences to netanyahu's policies in the region that might end up with a provocation. of a regional conflict obviously with the support of the united states of america, how do you think that approach might either exacerbate or potentially mitigate the existential anxieties being felt inside of the israeli entity regime? the course pursued by benjamin netanyahu reflects the profound existential anxiety within zianous circles and it is path frought with uncertainty rather than alleviating the internal crisis. his approach has plungged the occupation into a prolonged war of attrition, opening

multiple fronts that are on the brink of explosion any moment. this strategy has weakened designs entity's regional standing, exposing it as a frail and vulnerable entity, reliant on external intervention and the presence of great powers for its defense. this situation heightens the fears and anxieties of. zionists, particularly because it underscores the entity's absolute dependence on us military and political support. the internal weaknesses that have emerged across various sectors, economic, social and in the rising costs of the military campaign have only deepened the entities crisis rather than alleviated it. escalating military action further suggests that political options are virtually non-existent, while the military option has failed to produce any meaningful results. even with involvement that has not been able to shift the balance of power. this involvement has instead turned the united states into a direct participant in the conflict, thereby exposing its interests to

significant risks. thus, netanyahu has indeed intensified the crisis of the zionist entity, pushing it to face even greater existential threats. expert in internal zionist affairs, a pleasure having you with us this morning, thank you very much for your contribution, ladies and gents, thank you for watching uh the media stream right here on press tv and do please follow us on telegram and on x as long as we're there because there is a big systematic attack against uh everyone who speaks in support of palestine on all social media platforms and telegram might be next but at least we'll still there, do follow us there and we'll see you again next week right here on press tv's the medida stream assalamu alaikum

depressed to people in coverage of this asination. now entering its uh uh fourth day, we're looking at some uh, this is forest. in today's show, we'll be profiling the new leader of hamas, after the previous leader, ismael haniah, was assassinated by the zinist entity on the 31st of july. sinwar was of course one of the thousand who are uh released by designs in exchange for a single idf prisoner which is called gilad shelit and so that's uh, it's

very much at the forefront of what the strategy was. yahya sinwar is in a totally different category to many other hamas political leaders. he never abandoned the idea of the total liberation of palestine, and he never joined in with the regime change operation in syria. it is important to call out that the... serious humanitarian catastrophe facing the entire world, at this point is the catastrophe facing the sudan. frankly speaking, those who talk about famine must talk about its causes and about the militia's responsible for it.

your press of headlines, israel's occupation forces launch largest military operation over two decades against the occupied west bank. occupation force soldiers kill nearly 60 palestinians and injured more than 130 in the gaza strip in the last 24 hours. and iran and turkmanistan signed several cooperation agreements to pave the way for a strategic partnership in different sectors.