the judge must look in what context it is used, at a meeting that is associated with the restoration of fascism, or whether the principle of equality and non-discrimination, including racial, is violated. and if i do this now, the restoration of fascism requires the participation of at least five people, and these actions must pose a real threat. although historians have refuted the opinion, widespread at the beginning of the last century, that people were greeted by extending their right hand.

which are proclaimed within the framework of the north atlantic alliance are not in the interests of peoples the last venice film festival was headlined by the film comandante, about an italian submarine captain who fought in the ranks of hitler's coalition. at sea, risking his own life, he saved enemies from sunken ships. no one saw this as a glorification of fascism, and director and scriptwriter eduardo de angeles specifically chose this character without fear of criticism. the fascist era should be testified by the story of salvator tadar, who served in the fact that there were those who did not obey dictatorial regime. it's time to free yourself from the obsession of social networks and look openly at things, understanding their real essence.

army officer of fascist times, died in 1942 in tunisia during shelling by the allies, namely the british, participated in the siege of sevastopol, in italy he was awarded medals for military valor. the captain is fascist in uniform, but according to the creators of the film, he carries universal human values ​​that have no political affiliation or ideology of nationality. the longer the period that has passed since the wars, the more shades of gray there are in them they will probably find it. time erodes ideological uncompromisingness. vera sherbakova, especially.

that article 139 of the current italian constitution, which italy has lived by since 1947, directly states a ban on any restoration, in particular italian fascism, a ban on changes to the republican constitutional system, thus it is necessary to separate radical practice and what is related to politics memory, because in any countries with... a complex conflict

history, with a large number of civilians, in including contradictions, this is actually the majority of european countries, it is difficult to even name any exception here, there are disagreements regarding historical memory, including rituals of memory, and at the same time in society as a whole it remains in the societies of european states, a generally unambiguous interpretation of historical events and... and moreover, no one lifted the legislative ban. but the politics of memory, you mentioned, is the most, so to speak, sick thing now, that’s where the line between, let’s say, more or less healthy respect or veneration of the great past , which is probably normal for any society, and revanchism, like this, which arises with the goal of regaining something, revanchism, first of all, is a specific political practice, that is... it is

a movement politically organized, which aims to recreate certain radical structures from the recent past, such movements exist, we know this and... based on the events of recent years, we also understand how dangerous this can be, i’m talking about neo-nazi movements, neo-fascist movements. the national fascist party , partito nationalista, appeared in november 1921, on the basis of the italian union of struggle, headed by the socialist rinegat, benito mussolini. after the march on rome, he became prime minister and ruled the country unchallenged from october twenty-two . to july 1943, when the anglo-american troops landed in sicily. after this, the party existed for another 2 years on the territory of the so-called italian social republic, solo, a puppet state in northern italy, under the control of

german troops. in 1945, the party was dissolved, musalini himself was captured by partisans, shot, and then hanged by his feet in one of the squares in milan. among fascist organizations. already active in post-war italy, the most noticeable was the italian social movement isd. it was founded in seventy-two by supporters of mussolini, arturo mickelini and giorgio almirante. the ultra-right parties “national vanguard, national front” and “new order” acted together with the esd. they are involved in organizing terrorist attacks, raids on government institutions and mass street fights with the communists. and the left, in january ninety -five the esd party was dissolved, in september ninety-seven the new force party arose, it is led by a former neo-fascist militant, roberto feore, who returned from great britain, where he had been hiding from italian

justice for a long time. from 2004-2006, ferat was in coalition with the social action party of alesandre mussolini, the dictator's granddaughter, and the social national front. adrian telgera. the alliance was dissolved due to the fact that musaleni's granddaughter joined the center-right coalition of silvia berlusconi - the house of freedom, which included the nationalist league of the north. berlusconi's coalition included a national alliance. another offshoot of the far right parties, and its leader, gian franco fini, served as minister of foreign affairs. in 2008 , the social national front blocked with the ladestra party - the right. led by francesco staraci, a successor to the line of giorgio almirante, but after 5 years this alliance fell apart. the ladestra party comes out with a position of neo-fascism and criticizes the entire political class of italy, the bureaucracy the european union and the us financial elite. in june 2012

, with the participation of the current italian prime minister, george miloni, the far-right brothers of italy party was created, its logo is a tricolor flame. at the same time, there is a healthy attitude towards the past, even a complex past, because if we are talking about certain rituals of memory, in which certain

groups of people participate who adhere to certain values, if we are talking about some kind of cultural work, intellectual work in one field or another. again from on a certain topic, and this is usually acceptable, and moreover, it is important here not to cross the line between theorizing and radical practice, this is what is now commonly called in the west populism, it ’s true that there is more and more of it, it’s probably necessary as - to characterize it differently, but still, as you think, this is a real ideological shift, that is, some people want... to look at the past in a new way, or is it just, well, roughly speaking, the authorities are fed up who cannot decide socio-economic problems. in my opinion, this is not essentially what is called populism, because populism by definition, yes, we perceive it as a kind of

artificial opposition between the establishment, that is, some ruling groups and some broad people, and populism appeals to the broad masses, capitalizing on the most pressing ... problems faced by modern society, and this, of course, is a style of rhetoric that has been known from the end of the 19th century to the present day, it has been resorted to, regardless of ideological... preferences of both left-wing forces and right -wing forces, and therefore this is a certain style of political work, and electoral appeals, and nothing more, it is extremely difficult to characterize modern populism, what is usually perceived as such, as some kind of ideological direction, some there is no content in this, this is a certain political situation, and the semantic fault line runs along other edges. well, liberal researchers, what i came across, they are populism, one of the features

of populism is a strict opposition, we, they, the establishment, the people, here, but this really takes place, yes, it takes place, i think it is connected with the question of democracy, with how, in principle , the idea of ​​​​it has changed over the course of and in recent centuries in principle over the course of history , well, now this kind of democracy... is taking shape, and everywhere, regardless of the political characteristics of the system, it turns out that there is correct voting, which strengthens democracy, and there is voting, even if the majority is behind it, it's wrong, it's weakens democracy, trump’s example is very clear, does this mean that our democratic institutions in general are changing qualitatively, changing their nature, well , democratic institutions have changed qualitatively throughout the history of mankind since they appeared. in the form known to us in antiquity in greece, and that is, even

ancient democracy was very different from modern democracy, and ancient democracy was direct democracy, and it was characterized by autochthony, that is , in order for you to vote in athens, you she had to be born in athens, and she was characterized by halism, that is, a person, anyway, the individual was perceived primarily as a part of the whole, as a part of society, and the modern people, that’s just, of course, yes, yes. yes, in this regard, thanks to direct voting, people felt a connection with how decisions are made in society. modern democracies, starting with abesper, are representative democracies. and this largely predetermined further problems that democratic institutions began to face as they developed, as they transitioned most of the known world to republican forms of government, and also francois guizot. in the middle of the 19th century, he noticed that everyone was appealing to democracy - and that the meaning

of this term was beginning to blur, and we really saw how in the 20th century, dictators, some authoritarian rulers, all called themselves democrats, and we can find a lot of this evidence in rhetoric, in some program documents, no one wanted to call himself a tyrant, at the same time a... and even despite the abolition of the qualification systems that still existed as the beginning of the 20th century, that is, yes, we remember that the first western democracies were democracies of rich white men, as they say, yes, this is gone, it would seem that this should have contributed to greater trust in democratic institutions, the fact that all citizens, regardless of gender , property status, social status, can take part in voting in making political decisions, but during the 20th century...

scientists will be forced to change under the pressure of these two directions of challenges, a frenchman wrote about this very talentedly at the end of the 20th century.

based on this, the political one will also be transformed, and those systems in which we, which we are accustomed to, in which we now live, they will... at the same time , individual characters, like the same trump that you mentioned, are the spokesmen, and some value position, behind populism, apparent, which is visible to the naked eye, some kind of electoral strategy, still comes the contours of a certain value platform, and

this is generally connected with our topic today, with the crisis... trust comes first in european countries , in western countries, in the united states including, to the classical political forms that are familiar to us, thus, the future is open, and whether it will approach us like a black beast on soft paws, or we will be able to recognize its move , this is precisely the task of humanities scientists and experts. and let me remind our viewers that back in the mid-twentieth century, another french scientist, code levistrose, wrote that either the 21st century will be the century of the humanities, or it will not be, this is a hint that such phenomena require serious scientific and expert understanding, this is the only way we can

find answers to the most pressing questions that concern us today, today... we would vote for musalini if ​​he ran, mm, if musalini ran today, but he is unlikely would have gone with the same program as 100 years ago, because musaleni was just a pronounced populist, if anything, and he appealed to the most pressing issues that worried the italians - after the great war, after the first world war on... and some the radical agenda put forward by the italian fascist party, which brought popularity and electoral success to - misfortune for italy, and this would look different now, of course, but in general, if we consider precisely the radical forms of european political movements of that

time, yes there fascist nazis, of course... we condemn this, these, these policies, these practices, unequivocally, and the europeans themselves also condemn this, again, no bans have been lifted, except for some symbolic ones, yes, which concern specifically politics of memory, then we must understand that these are precisely the phenomena of late modernity, they were largely due to time, due to the world war, due to the crises that occurred. and the bolshevik revolution that took place in russia had some influence on these processes, because they also had a reactionary character, yes, as a radical reaction to the communist transformations that frightened europe, and many books have been written about this, and there are a lot of evidence, and this is in principle a well-known position in the social sciences is

that this also influenced the crisis into which europe fell during the interbelum, therefore.

constitutional order, yes, taking into account the basis of radicalism, that is, the protection of what level this document was adopted, how significant this position is, just as a strategy, this is a good example of how in the modern world it is possible to synthesize what is called the traditionalist agenda, the conservative the agenda, if you like, is conservative there, at the same time protecting constitutional principles. protection of the state, and a certain intention for development, which is extremely important, we must not remain stagnant, otherwise we will not keep up with the times that are rapidly trying to get ahead of modern politics. thank you very much. our guest was dmitry moiseev from the higher school of economics.

cultural-religious traditionalism and a strong leader are fashionable not only in europe. in india the motives are the same. a gigantic temple in honor of lord rama has been opened in the city of ayothi. city. ayothi is located on the hhakhra river between deley and the state of nepal in northern india in the state of utterpradesh. about 50,000 people live here. this ancient city is considered the birthplace of god rama, the seventh incarnation of god vishnu on earth, the capital of the legendary kingdom of kashala and one of the seven main holy places of hinduism. and yothi has long been the center of confrontation between the two main religious communities of india. dusov and muslims. according to legend, in the city at the birthplace of rama there once stood a temple, which in the 15th century fell from the army of the founder of the great mughal empire, babur.

in 1527, muslims allegedly built a mosque on the site of the temple, which became one of the most famous monuments of mogul architecture. hindu pilgrims regularly entered the mosque, installed an image of a frame in it, performed rituals and demanded the return of the temple. controversies intensified after british india gained independence. in december 1992, ayothi witnessed the bloodiest sectarian conflict since the partition between india and pakistan. 150 thousand hindus stormed the mosque and destroyed it. a wave of religious protests and interfaith clashes swept across the country. more than 2,000 people died. it was only possible to stop the massacre. with the use of troops, the organizers were arrested, and the activities of the hindu religious groups rss, vhp, and the muslim jamaatiya islami were banned, as

was the construction of the disputed territory. a public opinion poll conducted by india today magazine at the time showed that more than half of the inhabitants of northern india approved of the destruction of babur's mosque. in 2019, already under the government at rendramod, the supreme court india. transferred the disputed plot of land to the state of utterprodezh for the construction of the temple of god rama, and the muslim community was allocated more than 2 hectares near the former babri masjid for a new mosque. the authorities also decided to build the world's tallest frame statue in ayothi in the form of a hero god with a war bow over his shoulders. by completing the construction of the temple, indian prime minister modia fulfilled one of his main promises made after his election. in 2014 put an end to the long-standing dispute between hindus and muslims about which of them has the right pray in this sacred place for both communities.

the temple is impressive, i must say: the conflict is old, but for a very long time it played out at the local level, and then big modern politics came. politics suddenly became not just anyone's business.

to power against the backdrop of the indian political instability of that period and one of the understandable slogans, markers of political identification, let's restore, let's restore the temple in ayothi, on the site of the babur mosque, for hindu nationalists this is a symbol of victory, and a long-term completion a huge political path, and of course a reference to future elections, we are in force... we have pushed through our program, and it will be so in the future. in the second half of the 20th century, india was perceived as a very

progressive country. why like this now? a shift towards traditionalism and nationalism. in the fifties, eighties, there was an illusion that india was more secular and more leftist. this illusion existed due to the fact that the absolute majority of the population did not participate in any politics. there is no point in putting a ballot in the ballot box once every 5 years. understood. and... everything begins to change en masse in the eighties and nineties, when the bulk of the population is fully involved in the political process, it is, of course, much more traditionalist, and the fact that the bjp was able to offer itself to these new voters is a key success factor, but

it is, of course, quite possible to compare the situation in... with the situation in many countries, such as turkey, for example, because we will see not only the strengthening of such a right-wing right, appealing to the traditions of the party, but also the collapse of the conventional left flank. if we we are talking about india, then this is the disappearance of practical. the disappearance from big politics of the communists, who 25 years ago were the third force, a constant crisis within the indian national congress, that is, the problem is not even that the bjp has become stronger, the problem is that in the last 10 years, the party has not had an adequate counterweight. on the streets of dally, one is struck by the abundance of portraits on display of modi and his statements, and there is a feeling of an emerging cult.

bureau, where there was no first, everyone was very dependent on the opinions of fellow party members, and what they were building fashion in recent decades within the bjp is in some ways an anomaly even for the right-wing movement. the imodi party has never been able to achieve all-indian power over all regions; now, in general, there is no such situation. although hindus make up

eight. hindutva, privileges for hindus over others, the party strongly disagrees with this. but look at the russian prime minister. russia is a very diverse country, but it has a common cultural, historical and linguistic identity. russia, which president putin constantly talks about, is precisely holding all together: different ethnic groups, different religions, they all make up russia. this is unity - this is the main content of hindutva. and if someone interprets it differently, claiming that it presupposes national-religious exclusivity, then they either do not understand or are deliberately distorting it for alien western interests. frame. read the mantra, say

the mantra! the right mantra, read at the right time, brought victory to rama over the evil demon named tadaka. i wish i could always know the right mantra. it was an international review. goodbye. today exactly 80 years since the complete liberation of leningrad from the fascist blockade, it lasted 872 days, and this is one of the most terrible pages of the great patriotic war. the city survived despite famine, harsh winter and bombing. our correspondent, dmitry akimov, is now in direct contact from leningrad . dmitry, hello.