in which our grandfathers and great-grandfathers lived, for a fatter but aggressive europe and the united states, which has not encountered worthy opponents, this does not add peace, although we came for what is ours, we do not need someone else’s. hello, international review is on air, in the studio fyodor lukyanov. today on the international review program. events of the week. chronicle, facts, comments. political earthquake in turkey. erdogan lost the municipal elections. what to expect from turkish politics? 75 years of the north atlantic alliance. how did nato get there?

before such a life? materials of our program. der attack of israel. the iranian embassy is under attack. what will be the consequences? when i took office as secretary general of the north atlantic alliance, i could not even receive the ambassador of any country in central or eastern europe in our staff quarters. our states were opponents. although the peoples did not share the feeling of hostility. 3 years later, we are all here at the same table, solemnly holding the founding meeting of the north atlantic cooperation council. if history has seen dramatic changes, this is one of the unique moments, not only of symbolic, but also of extremely practical significance. europe will never be the same after our meeting today.

washington persuaded kiev not to be stubborn with the withdrawal of soviet nuclear weapons from ukrainian territory and promised the prospect of close relations with the alliance. a clearer intention was announced two years later. in mid-october 1994 , a meeting of the us national security council was held, where it was clearly stated that nato's doors must be open to ukraine, the baltic countries, romania and bulgaria. as we see, except for ukraine, all these countries joined nato in the next 10 years. president clinton supported the document. it is noteworthy that he left it without any special notes. the only thing that stood out was the paragraph about the need to keep the door open. the first leader of independent ukraine who announced his desire to join nato was its first president, leonid kravchuk. already in july ninety-two he visited.

alliance headquarters, and 2 years later ukraine was the first post-soviet countries, concluded a framework agreement on participation in the nato program, partnership for peace. another 3 years later , during the presidency of leonid kuchma, a charter was signed on a special partnership between nato and ukraine. under him, in 2004, ukraine approved a strategy that included abandoning its neutral non-align status. it was included in the military doctrine. provisions on euro-atlantic integration and accession to nato. this line was continued by the third president of ukraine, viktor yushchenko. under him, ukraine asked to join the plan actions to prepare for nato membership. but at the summit in bucharest that same year, this issue was postponed. germany and france opposed it. in july 2010, power changed in ukraine. the verkhovna rada with the submission of the new president victor. yanukovych adopts a law

on non-bloc status; words about striving for membership were removed from all government documents, as well as from the law on the fundamentals of internal foreign policy. to nato. all that remains is the annual cooperation program with the alliance, the participation of ukrainian aviation in the transportation of goods in kosovo, afghanistan and iraq. after the coup d'etat in 2014, ukraine is returning to a course of rapprochement with nato. in september 2015 , a new version of the military doctrine was published, in which the russian federation is named as a military adversary. in february 2019 , the verkhovna rada. approved amendments to the constitution that secured the irreversibility of the euro-atlantic course. it is confirmed by president vladimir zelensky, elected in april 2019. after the start of a special military operation, the alliance countries provided ukraine with unprecedented financial and military support.

help. on september 22, 2022, vladimir zelensky submitted an application to join the north atlantic alliance on an accelerated basis. nato admits that this is impossible while ukraine is in a state of military conflict. in fact, nato’s historical achievement was considered to be that the bloc gained the upper hand in the cold war without entering into a conflict, simply by the fact of its existence. countries that had been so eager to join since the nineties accepted a simple formula without discussion: nato equals security, entered, and ended problems. and the nato giants suspected some risks when they made the decision to expand under the increasingly loud grumblings of russia. the entire policy of nato expansion as a whole, including in relation to ukraine,

was not carried out on the basis of any clear political goal-setting that would have been translated into a calculated decision on further actions. but when they weigh themselves. pros and cons, on such a basis a certain line is developed; from what is available to researchers, there does not follow the fact of some deep discussion about the options, just in at some point this opinion arises. us secretary of state james becker twice said that nato would not go east. in fact, these were the conditions for the withdrawal of soviet troops from germany, although the agreements were oral and becker spoke. that he meant only germany, although the final kamenik spoke about eastern europe as a whole. against the backdrop of the end of the cold war, no one attached any importance to this. the agreement on conventional armed forces in europe, tanks, artillery, and combat aircraft seemed more important then. countries, participants in this complex document were deprived of

the opportunity to conduct large-scale military operations in europe. many experts began to call it the cornerstone of european security. but in ninety-four. after the collapse of the ussr, when the clinton administration gave the go-ahead for nato expansion, its tasks were not completed. some members of the alliance did not join the treaty, and many did not even ratify it. as a compromise , the russia-nato founding act was signed. however, this did not stop the alliance expand in 2004, when it included seven states at once and raise the issue of admitting the former one.

in the case of the former socialist countries and that the west at one time betrayed them and threw them at the republics of the ussr, there was a conviction that they were torn to pieces by communism, and now they have the right to full support. perhaps the most important reason is the concept of nato, not as

a military alliance whose fate is decided based on considerations of strategic gains for member states, but a club of good countries, as the russian world is. politics of stubborn expansionism, it is necessary to distinguish between the real in the spirit of neoconservatives. this was especially clear in the case of the baltic countries. their adoption certainly did not improve the security of the united states and nato. from the point of view of political realism, it is impossible to explain why this is necessary. i wouldn't even say that the action was aggressive, it didn't imply it. war, but this is a desire to maximize american power, and this is not the same thing as america’s security, there was not

even a thought that a limit should be set somewhere expansion, except that some very few representatives of the pentagon raised such a question, and even then at a very early stage, but in this case one cannot talk about any dispute; almost from the very beginning the idea was taken as a basis that expansion should not be limited by geography. or some kind of geopolitical obstacles, if there should be no limits, how then could russia make sense to accept it? at the very beginning of the nineties, russia was mentioned as a geopolitical member of nato. but at that same nsc meeting in october, ninety the fourth year states that the prospects of membership for russia should not be excluded. open, keyword open. it is said that the usa. it is necessary to offer alternatives to russia's membership. this eventually evolved into

the russia-nato council. the russia-nato founding act was signed in may 1997 in paris. then the parties announced that they did not consider each other as opponents. a joint russia-nato council was established, the task of which was to create a higher level of trust in... the act stated that nuclear weapons would not be be located on the territory of possible new members of the alliance. the military potentials of the parties must be at the level necessary for security, taking into account international obligations, including the treaty on conventional armed forces in europe. the document also stipulated that additional combat forces would not be stationed on a permanent basis. in the territories of new alliance members. both sides confirmed that the

un security council bears primary responsibility for maintaining international peace and security. this means that any actions by nato can only be carried out under the mandate of the security council, where russia has the right of veto. the first crisis in russia's relations with nato occurred in 1999, when the bombing of yugoslavia began, in 2003, without the sanctions of the un security council... the us invasion of its allies began in iraq. nevertheless, russian-nato consultations continued. in the first decade of the 2000s, russia and the alliance even conducted joint military exercises and peacekeeping operations, such as patrolling civilian ships in the horn of africa. relationships are sharp again worsened in august 2008 after the shelling of skhinvali and the subsequent forcing of georgia to peace. and in 2014 after.

you may have to participate in a military conflict. after 2022, nato accepted two new members. one of them is finland, which has a long border with russia. it is hardly for this reason that a war with russia is most likely. the risks here are not the same as in the cases of ukraine, the baltic countries or georgia. however, it does not appear that any concerns have arisen due to the crisis. on the contrary, there is a clear desire to expand further. not all countries. allies are equally ready to fight for the advancing countries, this is evidenced

by the delay in ratifying the admission of new members, but it is incorrect to proceed from the premise that in the event of a direct escalation, nato will not fulfill its obligations; at a minimum, there will be members , primarily the united states, who will act in in accordance with them. ritual phrases are heard, including about ukraine’s inevitable entry into nato, the indestructible will of the alliance to support it, and so on. in reality , no one knows what's next. first of all, it is not clear what will happen in the united states. sliding through the waves of strategic uncertainty, according to the principle, you can bear it. the action is interesting, but risky. in europe, almost no one talks about peace. political circles are in a militant mood. and whoever raises the question that it is time to stop the bloodshed becomes, if not the hand of moscow, then a dangerous troublemaker, like, for example, the pope. in

the west, of the figures of world significance, he is the only one who consistently calls for an end to the confrontation. vera shcherbakova from rome about the phenomenon of the modern vatican. at maria's teresa does not have any special problems and experiences that often push people to prayer and church. she is young, beautiful, quite prosperous, has a caring husband and two beautiful children. and yet she is sincerely devoted to her calling. she is part of the neocatahuminata community. movement that arose in 1964 . it is built in the likeness of the early christian one.

feels the same providence that she does, because she is convinced that this is a gift from god, a blessing from god. many of those who come to st. peter's square in the vatican every wednesday and sunday for the papal ceremonies think so too. sermons to general audiences. every time it’s almost like being in a stadium, several thousand, or even tens of thousands of people gather. you are an american? no, i came from mexico, you have to see this once in your life. we came to rome and arrived.

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a home, just one click. let 's take a look at two events this week. degree of confrontation around israel. a convoy of the humanitarian organization world central kitchen came under israeli missile attack. seven people died, including citizens of great britain, australia and poland. joe biden reacted especially harshly. he is well acquainted with the founder of the mko, hase andres, a loyal democratic supporter. true, the indignation of washington, which no longer hesitates to mow down netanyahu, does not interfere.

islamic revolution. the iranian response is promised, but vague. so far, iran has refrained from directly responding to the provocations. the israeli regime has killed a number of iranian military personnel over the past few months, but iran continues to behave.

the main document that defines the statuses and functions of diplomatic missions is the vienna convention. it was adopted in 1961 at a un conference. the document consists of 53 articles, among them there are and those that allow you to interrupt diplomatic relations or declare someone a persona nongrata, that is, an undesirable person. according to article nine, the receiving state can do this at any time. time to expel them from the country without explanation, but the convention also enshrines the privileges and immunities enjoyed by their representatives and their employees. according to article twenty-two, the premises of representative offices and their property are inviolable and free from search, seizure and executive action. state stay undertakes to ensure their protection from any intrusion or damage. and article twenty-nine talks about

inviolability. identity of a diplomat who is not subject to any form of arrest or detention, for example, in the case of a diplomat who has committed a criminal offense or is suspected of intelligence under diplomatic cover, according to the convention, the host state must treat the diplomat with due respect and accept all appropriate measures to prevent any attacks on his person, freedom or dignity. iran is a country with a long-standing strategic culture with its own idea of ​​proportionality. iran has existed in this region for the last 2,500 years, unlike its arab neighbors, who acquired independent statehood only in the 20th century. iran is there in the region, i mean, directly adjacent to the southern caucasus, it is located, it is the same age in

this sense. not even byzantium, but its roman predecessor. iran, tested by the weaknesses of the 20th century, is a country that at times is simply lost national sovereignty on the merits, just as over the soviet union, over oran, under the pahlavi dynasty , the ghost of forty-one was oppressed, when, as a result of the soviet-british intervention , the country was simply occupied. the first shah of the pahlavi dynasty, he was ordered by the british to abdicate the throne; in his place they put a twenty-two-year- old youth, who achieved independence in military-strategic foreign policy issues only in the seventies, becoming in world history what he became until all this did not come to its complete collapse in the islamic revolution of 78-79. from tehran’s point of view, the main task of the opponents,

and this is primarily... israel and the united states, is to drag the country into a direct clash, therefore, this must be avoided. the country has no direct territorial threats, kurdish separatism, baloch separatism is not a problem that can be called existential. relations with russia, in principle, are much better than they were with the soviet union, even during the pahlavi dynasty, the iranian army in the sixties, well after baghdad pact, after. now relations between moscow and tehran, more than ever, are smooth, friendly, good neighborly, and after the disaster of the iraqi state, the destruction of saddam’s state and the ongoing unrest there, iran has lost direct

territorial... and its struggle for supremacy in the islamic world, the eternal struggle of the shiites sunnis, it requires action in regions that are largely removed from iran's own territory, and in the absence of global military power, such as that of the united states, individual elements that the russian federation and china have, in the absence of global means, purely military influence in remote peripheral theaters. iran is forced to rely on the structures of the islamic revolutionary guard corps, that's all that was created by the talents of general qasem soleimani in syria in lebanon, in yemen, proxy paramilitary formations, well technically equipped, ideologically very strongly motivated, which at the same

time... allow tehran should not be drawn into a direct military confrontation with his sometimes stronger neighbors, which is a consequence than him, this is the risk. which, the tigeran government, does not want to accept itself without the most extreme mortal necessity, that’s when...