his government left, it's so late to act. we've allowed climate change, got out pro. people empower investigates why so little has been done a systemic threat requires systemic change and asked what further in action could meet the overnight by 20 none of them have a crisis. what crisis on al jazeera with i'm mariann minimize in london, a quick look at the main stories. now, 9 ethiopians factions have formed an alliance declaring their plan to dismantle abbey. i'm as governments either by negotiations or through the use of force. groups made their announcement as an event in washington, d. c, but it was swiftly dismissed as a publicity stunt by the government. the alliance includes the tegra people's liberation front, which has been battling government forces for

a year and says it's within a day's drive of the capital. it had already joined forces prior to this, with another rebel good, the aroma liberation front. as a response to the mid of crisis facing the various nations of the country and to reverse the harmful effects of armored autocratic rule to our pupils and beyond. we have recognized that the object need to collaborate and join our force. dwarves is safe, transition in the country, hence harvey establish of the united front, the 5th european federalist confederacy forces. meanwhile, ethiopia is military as calling on its former personnel to rejoin the army, and the u. s. has told its citizens to leave the country. john la samuel gets to has more now from addis ababa so far, the u. s. embassy and d'silva has been telling its citizens who have were living in

ethiopia, said they're willing to even financially support them. so they can leave it because the u. s. according to the u. s. side, this conflict is getting close to december and it's certain to affect us money of citizens. but invoice of, you know, the president biden has just left and we're not sure if he had a chance to meet with the prime minister who has insisted that the u. s. government is in support of the t p left. they support them, they give them weapons, it's been leased by the inside. but this comes us the we can eat in a way that came in and you got the president, push you up in the tpa left to sit down and find some common ground. but the development we're watching from a distance in washington dc, the european side has just reacted. the justice minister has called the 9 coalition

with a mission of defeating the government. what it, what they're doing. he's described it as publicity stunt. and it's not being taken seriously in, within the sub, over in our headlines, more than 200 people have been injured in protest against election results in iraq . security forces fight in the air and use gas to disperse the crowd, gathered in baghdad. demonstrate to say there's been vote working and reject the outcome of the election groups aligned with iran last thousands of parliamentary faith. the drug company, pfizer says a new pell, it's developing cuts the risk of hospital admissions or death from corona virus, by almost 90 percent. a trial of the experimental drug has been stopped early of the positive results. within 3 days of the symptoms, you have now 89 percent protection from disease leading hospitalisation would over medicine. and the date indicate 100 percent protection

from there. and even if you start the medicine pied based off the contract, did you see if we lived in with you? have no. if you fight with a geri, i started hearing evidence in the trial of 3 white man accused of the mud of a black man in the us state of georgia. i'm on to aubrey. was shot dead when he was jogging off to being chased by the group in pickup trucks. nearly 2 years ago, judge says that was discrimination and jerry selection, but that he has no cause to intervene. thousands of young climate change activists march through this closer city of glasgow on day 6 of the 26 climate summit. large numbers of school children to banners along to what's thought to be the biggest demonstration held during the conference. we'll have more on all those stories in the news hour in one hour from now i will see you then the bottom line with steve clemens is the program coming up next?

the hi, i'm steve clements and i have a question. if be funding the police can't work and reforming, the police takes forever. can american policing ever be fixed? let's get to the bottom line. ah. the murder of george floyd by minneapolis policeman last year was one of the sparks that lead many communities across the united states to demand radical change in law enforcement. it started with last the demands to abolish or defund the police. but that slogan, proved divisive and impossible. to implement at the time, joe biden, with the democratic candidate for president, and he refused to adopt it. police reform has been happening in different cities in

states across the country, each at its own pace, some have be criminalized marijuana to ease the racial inequality and drug arrests . some have made it illegal for officers to see misconduct on the job without reporting it. and some of made it easier to sue officers personally for their wrong doing. but is this enough to deal with the root causes of the problem? or is it just scratching the surface? to day, we're joined by someone who's been focused on the history and practice of policing in the united states. alex vitaly is a professor of sociology and coordinator of the policing and social justice project at brooklyn college. he's the author of the end of policing, which comes out with a new addition with new material next month that have italy. thank you so much for joining us today. let me just start out and ask you to went when your book was written. it was written 3 years before george boy's murder before the murder of b, brianna taylor, an occupant, aubrey, and. and it seemed to presently recognize what was coming undone in public

trust. and public confidence in policing can you share with us what the key findings you had at that time and your, your important study policing in america? we know after the police killings of mike brown and eric garner in to me or rice and a number of folks in the period about 7 years ago, we were told don't worry, police are going to get reformed. president obama had a national task force on 21st century policing that issued a huge raft of recommendations and nothing has really changed. and so part of the motivation for writing the book was a deep skepticism about the effectiveness of a lot of the police reforms that have been proposed over the last several years. based really on 30 years of scholarship on policing of both in the united states and internationally. and so my feeling was, is that we need to ask some tougher questions about why so many problems that are

really social and origin, economic and origin had been turned over to policing to manage, you know, between a quarter and a half of all people killed by police in the united states are having a mental health crisis. we've got police filling our schools. we've got police disrupting homeless encampment chasing young people off street corners. and they're just not the right tool to be addressing those kinds of social problems. so my feeling was rather than investing more resources and trying to fix narcotics and homeless outreach units, that maybe we should develop real alternatives that directly address the underlying problems instead. well, i want to read for our audience something that you wrote in your book and you say poor communities need better housing, jobs, and access the social health, recreational and educational services. yet local politicians continue to hold out more police and new educate or new jails as the solution to community problems. so

what, what you really saying is, here is a part of our community that's an under stress that's having trouble. that's, that has not been on the railroad track this success. and the answer is to contain them to control them. am i getting that right? yeah, i think that's right. i mean, if you look at what police actually do day in and day out, especially in poor non white communities, it is really the management of populations that have been at the losing end of a whole set of political and economic arrangements. you know, police are not solving homelessness, they're not solving people's mental health and substance abuse problems. they're not fixing our schools. they're trying to manage those problems through a system of criminalization. and rather than putting all of our eggs in that basket of policing, we need to diversify the strategies that we use to manage those problems. especially when those alternatives don't come with all the negative collateral

consequences and baggage that are kind of inherent to policing. now matthew iglesias of vox um, basically said that in your book in the review, he did that there was so much he did agree with. but there were certain elements that he couldn't find how you were dealing with a how you thought about violent crime in particular, that violent crime is, is a problem out there. and then even in the last election, if you were to go in and do a pretty, you know, sober and, and, and dispassionate assessment, even of some communities that were largely black and brown, there was a concern about the d fund, the police, logan, that somehow this would enhance, were lead to conditions were violent, crime would increase. what is your thought on the violent crime part of the security equation and, and how do you get that? however you respond to that right? without creating this very dysfunctional and horrible set of negative effects of policing that you've outlined in which i should say, magically you said you're right on target. yeah, so there, there was a,

a chapter in the original version of the book that dealt with you filings. and i felt like i did address a lot of these things. but in response to matthew's concerns, i have in the new edition have a much more extensive conversation directly about violence. and there are a few things to keep in mind here, right? violence is not just one thing. violence is a lot of different things and the causes of it are different. and right now the solution that we throw at all these different things is policing domestic violence, terrorism, gang violence beefs on the street. a car accident all gets treated as violence to be solved in the same way through criminalization. so what, what my argument is, is that we need to 1st make some pretty concrete assessments about what is driving the harmful behavior, our communities. and then we need to look at strategies that address both individual level and community level drivers of that violence. and that means we

need nuanced responses. if the problem is interpersonal violence, intimate partner violence in the home, you know, no amount of policing has been effective that addressing that no amount of stop and frisk or, or assertive policing out of the street is going to prevent some intimate partner from harming their spouse. or boyfriend or girlfriend in the privacy, their own home. so what are we doing to provide support for families to help resolve what's driving the harmful behavior that's occurring there? and it's often a pattern that's repeated over an extended period of time. and when we use policing to manage that, what we find is that merely causes people excuse me, to become reluctant to call 911 and the 1st place. instead, we should be looking at community based family support centers that have both outreach teams that can go into people's homes when they're requested,

but also can serve as a place of respite counseling and provide crucial supports. income supports mental health support, substance abuse. because what we find is that most people want to keep their families together. they don't want the partner criminal eyes and they don't want police coming into their homes. and so most people don't call the police when they have these problems. so we need to get beyond this idea that the only possible tool that we could use to address violence problems is sending armed police. what are some of these other bank shots slash reforms that could really impact both the over incarceration of people but also ah, the, the level of crime in this country and, and how to get dealing with crime right. as opposed to wrong? yeah. well, one area i think would be to rethink our use of police and schools. almost every single study ever done shows that that form of policing is not effective and

producing safety. that it creates a school to prison pipeline that overreacts to discipline problems and schools. and instead we need to get back to having counselors and social workers and mentors and culture coaches and teachers aides directly dealing with why students are and acting disruptive lee. we need to look at restorative justice programs that involve . busy young people in the co production of safe schools. you know, when, when i tell my colleagues in europe about the extent of school policing in the united states, they think we're crazy. they would never treat their own children in that way. we need to also look at things like the di criminalization of sex work. vice units have been notoriously both ineffective, corrupt and abusive in their efforts to control what is essentially consensual sex

work. we need to look at places like new zealand that had and parts of australia that have legalized and decriminalize sex work. the outcomes have been very positive. you mentioned marijuana, but, but voters last november in oregon in the state of oregon, voted to decriminalize all drugs at low levels following the model of portugal. and the portuguese have had full d criminalization of drugs for many years now and are very happy with the result. and finally, we need to rebuild some kind of real community based mental health infrastructure including crisis response capacity. that is not rooted in armed policing, but i also know that you consult with lots of police departments on the other side of that line, so to speak. i'd be really, as in your insights, your experiences, how to police departments, look at what your counseling and offering and what do you share with them as some of the best practices they could begin taking their existing infrastructure and scaffolding on policing and begin moving it in

a different direction. we know there are a lot of police who don't want to be in the mental health business, who don't want to be in the homelessness business. they understand the profound limitations of using policing to address those problems. and i talked to many police who express great frustration because their cities lack any real infrastructure for addressing those problems so that when communities are negatively impacted, their quality of life is affected by those problems. they make demands of the police that the police are unable to adequately respond to. so they end up wasting thousands of staff hours chasing homeless people around the block and endlessly responding to the same person in. busy mental health distress without ever really addressing those people's underlying problems. so there is an openness among police

departments to try to figure out how to reduce their exposure to those problems. and that's why we're seeing a growing number of cities in the u. s. embracing the creation of non police crisis response teams that can respond to 911 calls that have to do with mental health, substance abuse and homelessness. and the results of these programs so far been extremely positive. you know, another, another dimension which i think you for saw in the, in the book that you wrote before at least before the more recent crimes that we've seen. there's, but as you pointed out, there were other deaths, earlier of course, but we have on unfolding right now is the, some of the criminal proceedings and the trials. and the ottoman aubrey case in georgia, in which allegedly, a few people actually trailed and tracked. this runner through town, allegedly executing him, and then there was a cover up locally and it raises this interesting question about law enforcement

and, and to what degree it looks like us and it shares the value of us and then i raise the question of who is us, what is us in a community in georgia who in what is us in a community, in baltimore, or wherever it may be. and i'm just interested in this, this tension between, you know, in, outside st. louis and ferguson, of looking at ferguson and just seeing no very, very few members of the black community in the police forces. have you thought a lot and what are your thoughts on basically beginning to much more, expeditiously make sure police forces look like and feel like and value the things that the communities that they're policing do well, you know, in the early years of the obama administration there was a lot of kind of self congratulatory back slapping that maybe the u. s. had reached some kind of post racial moment, that we were going to be a colorblind society. and i think the events over the last few years involving the

differential response to police violence as, as well as what's happened with national politics, etc. has kind of put that myth to bed in the united states continues to struggle with major problems of racial discrimination. and racial inequality and policing has been one of the central mechanisms in the history of our country, of maintaining that color line. and i'm not just talking about the deep history of slavery in jim crow. i'm talking about today in the way that the problems of communities of color are redefine as problems of crime, to be managed by intensive and invasive policing, rather than receiving the kinds of social services that would help lift people up repair, passed harms address, traumas, et cetera. hiring a few more black police officers and brown police officers is not going to fix that problem. the research is pretty clear that at best a few cities have shown,

you know, very minor improvements and a few measures. but most apartments when they hire more black and brown officers see no change in the use of force arrest rates, community satisfaction, and all the rest. so we really need to get at these deeper issues of racial inequality in the united states and quit focusing on kind of superficial symbolic responses asked what did 911 do? i mean, 911 is as part of this story as well because of the massive spending on military gear for wars abroad. you know, in many ways non conventional wars abroad. but i'd be interested because you've written about what happened with a lot of that hardware. yes, so 911 did a few things. one is that it kind of closed the door on any community base criticism of policing, which there was during the period before that concerns about the ramping up of stop

and frisk and hot spot policing and gang policing. and it also contributed to a kind of popular culture that said that, you know, whatever flaws there might be, policing, we need to give them a green light to do whatever it is they think they need to do to keep us safe. and one of the consequences of that was the ramping up of the transfer of military hardware from the department of defense and defense contractors, directly to civilian police departments. and this is what directly led to the kinds of images we saw in ferguson after the killing of mike brown, which was the intensive policing and suppression of protest activities from armor vehicles and sniper rifles and kevlar body armor and all the rest. and i think that this is really raised a red flag for a lot of americans about why we're creating police forces with the same hardware as

our military. one of via, really astounding pieces of data out there. what you've referred to is that in the global prison population, america has 25 percent of that. while it only has 5 percent of the world's population. and so after, wherever those people are in america's prison population, they're going to have a prison records or criminal records, you know that trail them that, that become balls and chines around them as they proceed through their life. i mean this, i, you know, when i sort of looking at that and coming to terms with it, it sounded like the ways in which we used to talk about, you know, communist systems of your old soviet union. you know, it's certainly, at least in my book, and i'm just interested in what the, ah, what do you think is the reason why there's not broader social recognition of how troubling that number is of the number of people we've incarcerated? well i think actually there, there is

a growing sense that incarceration rates are too high in the us. the trouble is people are divided about what to do about it. so i think there's, there's polling data that shows americans think our, our car incarceration rate is too high. but what's been lacking is a clear plan for what to do instead. and that's a lot of what this current movement is trying to articulate whether we call it d fund, the police or community reinvestment. we're really talking about trying to develop new infrastructures of public safety that don't rely. busy on the collateral consequences of mass incarceration, you know, our, our nature reaction to every social problem has been we'll put more people in prison. right. and it's really been a kind of mass warehousing of the problem, not a solution. one of those elements of that effect move is, you know, we end up with like a situation where there's been a privatization movement in the prison. a sector there about

a 150000 of people incarcerated in private prisons. president biden said he wants to end that. where, where are we in the, i know you, you wait in on the private prison problem as well, where are you in terms of thinking of where we might go with that? well, i think it's important to keep in mind that in terms of prison populations, the private prisons are only responsible for about 5 or 10 percent of all prison capacity. the most private prisons in the u. s. are primarily used to hold immigration detainees. so even if we got rid of all. busy private prisons to day we have none. for instance here, new york stay that wouldn't really make a big impact on the overall levels of incarceration. i think it's more symbolic. this idea that we've turned prisons into a profit center is deeply troubling. but really there's a bigger politics involved here, which is that elected officials of use policing and mass incarceration to

promote a kind of politics that lets them off the hook for producing the kinds of economic problems that are associated with the problems that are being criminalized. so they, we've had this politics of austerity for decades now that his di, funded essential social services in favor of providing tax breaks to the rich incentives to very successful corporations. and we need to reverse that politics and quit, trying to fix our problems through policing and incarceration whether they're privatized or not. you know, i've, i've had the privilege of interviewing a former governors like a governor, chris christy, and others after the george ford murder and about the question of police reform. and governor christie, i know who's a controversial character nonetheless. hold me. look, they're going to be police departments that you have to. you have to tear him apart

down to the base. and he's told the story of cam, the new jersey. and he said we had real problems with training. we had real problem and we had a problem there that we couldn't fix. may we had to go down and build it back from the base up and, and create a very, very different kind of department and rebuild trust with the community. i've heard, i know, as we've even described a show today and talking to reading your material that the a police situation, the trust is very uneven and there are some police departments talking to you. i guess my question i'm always here and show and tell is are there places that stand out to you now in america, that ought to be looked at that are getting the equation right? that had begun to move in directions that you think are healthier and smarter than, than the structures we've had before when it came to policing. well, i think for me, it's not so much a question of what's happening within police departments. the question is really the ways in which cities as a whole are rethinking holistically their overall approach to public safety. i

think that despite some fall. busy start somewhere a year ago, minneapolis remains, for instance, a really interesting place to look at. they are currently going to have a referendum about redoing their charter that in a way that would allow them to significantly shift resources, ada policing in into a variety of new public safety initiatives. community based violence reduction programs, alternative forms of traffic enforcement, increased civilian. busy mental health, outreach crisis, response teams, et cetera. similar movements are underway in a lot of cities, oakland, albuquerque, austin, texas. and we have a number of pilot programs here in new york along these lines. so there are a lot of cities, i think because of the pressure that we've seen over the last several years, who are beginning to try to figure out how to do this wellness and we'll have to leave it there. what a fascinating conversation professor alex vitaly of brooklyn college author of the

end to policing, and watch for the new edition next month. thank you so much for being with us today . thanks to a. so what's the bottom line? our guest today has some really thoughtful ideas on reforming policing and prisons . it's promising that there's some cities out there sending experts like social workers instead of police when they get certain types of emergency calls. that just seems smarter to me and fewer innocent people are going to die. the vast number of encounters between the public and their police officers are positive and helpful. we've got to put that on the record where they will always be law enforcement officials that abuse that power in lawless ways. at the same time, face with a violent life and death situation. who you're going to call americans are never going to abolish a police, but they will change how they work. the change won't be even across the entire country. each city and state is going to have to decide what they want and their citizens will have to be vigilant and demand accountability for years. because if they really want real change, that's the beauty and the headache of democracy. and that's the bottom line,

ah, in the vietnam war, the u. s. army used to heidi talks to code the side with catastrophic consequences . agent orange was to most destructive instances chemical warfare. a decade later, the same happened in the us state of oregon. these helicopters flying over the ridge braying something and they didn't even see the kids foot 2 women are still fighting for justice against some of the most powerful forces in the world. the people versus agent orange. on out of their own joy africa's launches trade and investment in south africa into african trade for it gives you access to more than 1100 exhibitors and 2000 visitors and buyers and more than 5000 conference

delegates, more than $55.00 countries participate in trade and investment deals with $40000000000.00 as business and governments come together to explore business ab networking opportunities at the international exhibition brought to you by the african export import. back at the premium partners, the i 80 of 2020 was transforming africa. lou . hello i'm marianne marcia. look at the main stories. now. 9 ethiopian factions are formed and aligns any plan to bring down abby, i am it's government either by negotiations or through the use of force. groups made their announcement at an event in washington d. c. it was swiftly dismissed as a publicity stunt by the government, which is now urging for military personnel to rejoin the army. the alliance includes.