i don't sunday whether to impose the same restrictions on the rest of the country. we can get more details on how the coven 19 pandemic is playing out. in that year with the possibility of more restrictions on folding right here on our website, al jazeera dot com ah main stories now a draft agreement at the you and climate conference is asking countries to accelerate their emission cutting plans. it says that by 2025 rich countries should double their funding to help poor nations quote with the impact of climate change. a previous draft did not set a target date that the language remains weak. the 1st time fossil fuels are targeted with the draft telling countries to move quicker in phasing out coal power and fossil fuel subsidies. but no date has been set. this is

our collected moment in history. this is our chance to forge a cleaner, healthier, more prosperous world. and this is our time to deliver on the high ambition set by our leaders. at the start of the summit, we must rise to the occasion. at least 15 people have been injured after a bomb was set off in a mosque in the afghanistan's nangle har province device was reportedly placed in the purpose of a sunny mosque. now, there have been a spate of similar attacks on mostly she, r mosques, many of them have been claimed by i still in afghanistan. the no claims of responsibility for this latest bombing so far. cattle as agreed to represent u. s. in afghanistan, the american secretary of state says that cattle will assume the role of what's

been called a protecting power to maintain contact between the u. s. and the taliban government, which the us does not recognize. the announcement was made during a visit by castles, foreign minister to washington autonomy, here to washington. thousands of people remained stuck at the border between better ruth and poland in a growing argument over migrants and refugees. europe is saying that better is, is directing people to the border in retaliation for sanctions as made moves to stop the flow turkey. turkey is banned at syrian jamini and iraqi citizens from catching flights to minsk, blocking one route. iraq has also stopped all direct flights. european commission is saying that it won't be intimidated by threats from better route to cut off rushing gas to the region. up front is coming up. next, i'll be more news at the top. the next hour news

news. news. news. news. in less than a year, haiti has been racked by a presidential assassination, rotating leaders and prime ministers, a devastating earthquake in hurricane, and now fuel shortages in daily kidnapping. $13000000000.00 in foreign aid has gone to the country over the past decade. what have you, remains the poorest country in the western hemisphere. our agency is really helping haitian people have made things worse. we'll take a closer look with 1st ramp gang violence. government corruption and institutional decay are leading some to argue for more aggressive foreign intervention. is that really the right move in light of a violent colonial pass? and why did haiti's current leader arial honoree fire the chief prosecutor who believes he has something to do with president we've assassination?

earlier this year i'll ask this week, the headliner, patient foreign minister, close joseph, the closures up. thank you so much for joining me on up front. thank you, mike. it's an honor to be here with you. after haitian president luis was assassinated in july of this past year, you served as acting president from july 7 till about july 20th. the you in special representative for haiti, helena leim, said that you would remain president until election would be held later that year. then the core group, investors to haiti from canada, germany, brazil, spain, the us, france, and the you called for arial on read to form a government. what happened exactly after the tragic assassination of the president, the country needed someone to remind them that we have to go through

this tragedy to get and i was that prison. no one else was risking the life. so work with the people to give them orientation. so i decided to do so because i was the prime minister. i was the, the acting, i should say, prime minister. but i should also say that dr. henry was a designated minister. so i decided to step down and stay and the government as ministry for an offers elena liam on basset to un. and haiti said i would. we've been as prime minister on to the elections. but afterwards, because of the power vacuum in haiti, we all decided and i decided to step down, so there was no pressure. now i was not forced. i was, i know that dr. young early was the last wish of

ways more years before a he was assassinated. we know how to come together sometimes and just, you know, put aside our own interest in upward haiti for us in september. your countries then prosecutor requested the current prime minister on re, to testify regarding his connection to the killers, the suspect, the killers of former president movies. but then on re fired him along with the justice administer who supported him. this appears to many, to be a case of obstruction of justice, isn't firing the chief prosecutor and the justice minister an example of obstruction. let me say declare, no one is above the law in haiti. it's certain that the justice system as it's the witness, but no one is above the law. what i can tell you is just just so i'm clear,

the chief prosecutor and the justice minister were fired. we. that's an established fact. right? yes. by almost any legal standard that would be considered obstruction of justice. how do you see that act? is that objection? it depends on where someone stands. there are other people that actually say that there was an administrative fault. i mean, do you believe that? ah, well, what i do believe is that no one is above the law. i believe that if i am invited by the judge, i should go, no one is above the law. so i, i truly firmly believe in the justice system in my country. optimistic in the capacity. why? why are you optimistic? i mean there's an n g o transparency international which gave haiti a score of believe 18 out of 100. in terms of corruption. only 9 other

countries in the world scored worse. what gives you optimism that the investigation will be transparent, that justice will be served given this, this context thus far. we have a report from the national police but a particular unit that is responsible for that and that investigation was conducted according to the principles. so that's exactly why i am confident, but again, yes, i'm confident it. remember that i was the one as a minister for enough or is that actually we ques, a special commission in a special tribunal of from the u. n. to help the hate is just the system to actually investigate the this crime 28 people who got to haiti and kill

a president for and mercenaries 26 or more them from columbia in to our haitian americans. so we need also international corporation to actually, ah, address this modem and find to who actually were behind are the quite recently unary publicly addressed the gang violence and kidnapping that has been taking place in haiti. but this is only days after a straight shut down schools, businesses and public transportation in port a prince and he threatened actions against gangs up to imprisonment and even death . how. how seriously do you think that threat was, was taken? so he says, ah, because her gangs should be not a de one who's making the law in a country. so it's a very serious threat. it's not a threat, it's something that will be concrete as pretty soon he would say that gangs don't

run the country. ah, and as a technical matter, of course, of course that's true. um, but i'll give you an example, a permanent gang leader jimmy barbecue sharika. he said that he would allow fuel to move safely into the country. if arielle honory retire resides, doesn't sound like he's too worried about the threats coming from the government and from many perspectives. it also looks like he has a level of control over the country that the government may not want to acknowledge, but it's absolutely the case. listen, the situation in haiti is complicated. we all know that, and this is why when i was 5 minutes, i decided to sit down because i think we need to put a diverse and i'm asking not the gangs. we not, we not going to negotiate with gangs,

but i'm asking all political hopes or groups from the see the society to but then sales together to work for hate. because what, what does that mean is that they, oh, i'm, if occasions and political ramifications in what you are witnessing in terms of gangs. so that would you agree, those are the gangs don't seem particularly concerned with the government threats. they are, i think they are concern they should be concern is they are not, they should be concerned that there's a, there's a way that because the public announcement about the gangs only happens after the strike after public demonstration. there's a sense among many, including every day, ordinary haitian citizens that the government isn't particularly concerned about this, that this is something that is only getting a response because people have stood up and protested and we, we are very concerned. that's why you see the move. when days of chicago in the

haitian national police, so we, we have a new police director now n a no leadership front l bay front. so yes, of course a shake of could be a good move with that would be determined by a who the choices. but france, albert has been accused of being involved in police repression and human rights abuses for decades, as well as having connections to gang leaders. ah l bay, his godfather, to the son of a powerful gang leader in haiti. according to the miami herald, ah, and his security forces have a long history of, of human rights abuses. if the argument is, we care about gangs, and we care about the violence and we care about corruption. and when you hire a new police head of the national police force, and it's such a controversial figure, such a sketchy path. doesn't that only reinforce the fears that people have in the

skepticism? people have desa desa entity. oh. within the national police that can investigate those allegations. i cannot myself see too much about does legation, why even appoint someone. i mean haiti is filled with brilliant, talented, extraordinary people watching extraordinary leaders, principal people. there's no doubt about that. so if you already have a low competence coming from the people and from the broader world, why a point someone with such a sketchy past, where i can tell you is that those are allegations. and so, i mean they, we have never seen any a decision from the justice system that actually come down him if he was condemn. he will not be the chief of or the director of the haitian national police. so i take them for allegations i could acquisition,

and that's accusations. i mean these are coming from human rights organizations. these are coming from everyday people on the ground. these aren't sort of random sort of accusations coming out here and his date back to the, to thousands is, but i have yet to see justice decision against. hm. that's. that's that, that's a problem. let's pivot because earlier in the conversation you talked about needing international support, international help. and this isn't the 1st time that you said that you've called for international intervention in the country. in july. you said, quote, were asking for small troops to assist and help us is a long history of devastating intervention in haiti outside powers coming in and controlling the country. ah, knowing that why make the call for outside intervention? how do you justify? here's how i should justify it. i think we didn't the, the national haitian national police should be supported. technically, right?

because we are, we, we need equipments, but we need also technical support our, the, the, the army, also the haitian army. it's clear to the crystal clear to me that we definitely need support. now what true it is. i mean, you don't want boots on the ground. you don't want an act of fighting force. it can . i mean, i'm not seeing fighting force, not boots on the ground, to actually face the situation. the if you call it was on the ground, but what's to help the military to help the police. so that's what i, i, i, i asked for. there are different types of intervention, haiti, unfortunately, no, some experience, i should say, some are bad, really bad types of intervention. so i did not ask for that. i ask for technical support. i asked for equipments because we do not have certain things that

can help us fight the gangs, the urbanized gangs that tried to take control of the whole commercial support training, not military forces, not a military force. of course, closures have. thank you so much for joining me in the front. thank you. the haiti went from being the 1st independent black republic after a successful slave revolt to the poorest country in the western hemisphere, now flooded with international agencies. it is commonly referred to as a republic of n g o z and it has received billions of dollars in foreign assistance. but with issues of political instability, poverty and food insecurity. have agencies provided a pathway for development or have they created a culture of dependency? joining us to discuss this are a manual do yon. she's executive director of police. it a public policy think tank in haiti, and jake johnson, senior researcher at the center for economic and policy research,

and the lead author where the organization's blog, haiti relief and reconstruction wash. thank you both for joining me on upfront menu . either. i'll start with you over the last decade. $13000000000.00 have been poured into haiti. the country has hosted thousands of in deals, and yet haiti remains the poorest country in the western hemisphere. i have agencies failed haiti also that to some extent and agencies the industry feel the heat because we have little to show for all the amount of money was spent in haiti . and if i consider what happened after the creek in 2010, this was a large appeal. but 10 years later, you still have people on the 10 use in we have very little and we cannot see, watch was exactly done. we have this money. and in some of the i think that they filled us. i had hi practice and everyone in haiti had high expectant that we will,

we build better. but at the end of the day, here we are, the situation, it was and it was before the j. you've also critique the international a system. you've said that it benefits the donor countries. and the reason that haiti has been unable to build a kind of strong set of institutions internally, good equipment, an accident. this happens with me. yeah. i think, you know, you look at this and you look back to 2010 and what's happened after right. and of the initial billions of dollars spent on humanitarian assistance. 99 percent bypass the haitian government, local institutions, right. in terms of long term development aid is a very similar story, slightly higher percent, but overall the money doesn't go to haitian organizations or to the haitian government or to build any local capacity whatsoever. right? and what it does do is it goes to a handful of firms largely closer to my office here in washington than anybody in port au prince. right. and that is not an accident, right? i mean, this is the 4 and 8 industry that we have built to prioritize supporting jobs in

the united states and to support our industries, both in terms of direct employment, but also creating new markets for agricultural goods and things like this. those are the priorities that have dominated our interest in terms of creating this for an 8 industry manual. the un peacekeeping mission, which was in haiti until 2019, was responsible for introducing cholera into the country. killing thousands of people. peacekeepers were accused of sexual violence including rape against hundreds of people. and beyond this, the mission is often talked about as being more like an occupation. did un peacekeepers end up fueling hostility toward outside help. and definitely, and we fear to dot un peacekeeping me sent every time i advocate against intervention tools like a peacekeeping mission in haiti because of all sorts. yes, because it doesn't work. we've had like the minister, we called it for several years. and all i can remember is that when, why they were there, they did

a few things you in there to help fight insecurity. but it was a lot of money spent to wait houses for them. and we know that the sexual abuse and a d n. the left and here we are, we have a game called them. we have like, nothing's every day, the police this week as week as ever. and again, we are asking like, what exactly did they do? and it's just a 31. 1 more example of how for intervention, whether it's from the us or the countries do not work if they do not take into all called the weakness of the institution in haiti, and they do not walk in close life relationship. we do have to try to we infer them so that we do the pain on for an intervention. jake, what do you make of what a manual as says here? i mean, is it possible to learn from what has happened and have an outside intervention that does no harm and maybe even allows the the construction of

a strong haitian infrastructure. yeah. me, i think what do we mean by intervention? i mean, i think when we talk about a military intervention or piece conversion, no, i mean that should be off the table and i think, you know, we've seen this, this lesson not just in haiti, right. but rather, there are other things happening right now that withdrawal from afghanistan, right. and similar to haiti, this is a failure of a foreign but nation building efforts. right. so it's easy to look at haiti and say, ok, this is a failed state. things are going really poorly, but we never look in the mirror and look at what our role has been in, in precipitating that crisis. right? this is the un mission that was not just there for security, but also to drastically reshape the political and economic life of a country. and that's not the role of outsiders to do. right. so can the international committee provide meaningful support to haiti in solidarity with haley to support haitian lead efforts to actually lead their own development? maybe that's possible, but that's gonna take some serious soul searching from the international community to drastically change the way they approach these issues. a manual it, you said that haiti still needs additional foreign aid, but that the age should be conditioned on, ah, quote,

cleaning up and reform in the countries institutions. so effectively, that is a kind of attempt to influence internal policy or internal leadership. how do you strike their balance between saying, we don't wanna over determine what happens inside the country. but saying that we have to condition aid on basic human rights, basic law law and order, et cetera, is, is, is it possible to strike a balance even? i think it's possible to have a banners because it cannot be in all or not to like thinking in this case because we still need maybe founding in haiti to finance our development because we do lack resources. but the main problem with previous intervention we've had is that there is a large gap between the more tears, the incentive and the need of the haitian people. so we definitely need to have people want to help follow what the people want. and it's very important when i say that people, because what the people,

what is that necessarily what the official is, what we, those in a state like haiti, the government is sometimes what you're for the on interest and unit to question whether you're financing the government project or the something that the people really want something that's really good for the country because as is happen in or the country is autocrat or like quote, officer with use for an end to we meeting power, a manual or the president of a charity watch says that non profit in haiti exists in quote, a black hole of accountability, but which has allowed it to get away with a court, a lot of waste and abuse. how is it that there are no mechanisms to hold in joe's foreign and joe's accountable for their actions? there are like many reasons why they do not hold in jewels accountable. the employ a lot of people to begin with. if you walk out and you, you have a really good job in haiti. so even people in the state, people working for

a government, some of them work has consulted for n g was therefore they do not have an incentive to to impose this like st. the regulation auto control what the in deals are doing. and i know kids is of course santa, we are a local official, we used to hire people for them, so they can, they can implement a project in the community, they mingle and they see the angels as a source of like, webinar. and therefore, they're like, okay, we'll let you be and you, we benefit from the money. so it's really complicated in our many areas. and why did you know i add to that too? right. i mean, agencies, whether it's, you know, bilateral organizations or, and jose and who are they accountable to, right. they are accountable to the haitian people that might be where they're working, but they're accountable to their donors. whether it's, you know, private funders, usa id, the, et cetera. i mean, the key metric is it, did you spend the money, right? it's not about how effective you actually did that. and we've seen this time. and

again, i mean, you know, so much money goes to outside actors because of this fear of corruption in haiti, certainly. and then over the 1st to tell you, yes, there is corruption in haiti, but there's also corruption everywhere else. right? i mean, there's corruption here. we've, we've institutionalized a fair amount of it, we've legalized plenty of it. but when you go and you have a big n g o working in haiti, and they're buying brand new cars, renting out the houses and bedroom bill, that looks like corruption to right. i mean, and so until we actually are holding until they're there, funders are holding them accountable. right. it's a little, you know, it's a little rich to be saying, why is in haiti holding these actors accountable. we don't hold them accountable. you've said before that haiti is not a failed state. you said it's an aide, see. and that agencies have, as we've talked about, an extraordinary amount of influence over the political process. can you talk about that distinction making between a fail state in an 8 states? provocative one. yeah, i mean, i think, you know, what we're talking about here are looking more at root causes and why things are

the way they are. right. and so putting haiti into a category is a failed state. i think for most people, you know, the message is that haiti has failed. right. and i think what we're looking at again, like i was talking about earlier, is this is a failure of foreign nation building. right. and we're not just talking about foreign assistance, but for an intervention more broadly, right? could a ties overthrowing, governments, overturning election results. and so then to turn around and say, well haney's political situation is, you know, unstable and you know, untenable that, well, why did that exist, right? and we have to know the push button courses that by, for me as needs it suggested the outside agencies are exclusively responsible for the eighty's condition. and that there's no room to talk about internal corruption, internal lack of accountability, lack of transparency in various processes, whether it's the electoral process or whether it's, you know, other, other extensively democratic processes. yeah. well look, i mean, i think, you know, obviously there's plenty of conversation inside haiti around what needs to be reformed inside haiti. right. for me as an external observer and somebody focusing

on the role of external actors in haiti. right. we can't shift that burden and say, all of the blame lies on haiti when we've played a role in precipitating us, right. and so for those outside actors that are now looking to come up with a new plan of how to intervene or how to do things better, where you're gonna have to look in the mirror 1st before you can do that, right? and so until we can accept that responsibility to whatever extent it does exist, right, you're never going to produce something different. you're never going to be able to adapt from that and create something more sustainable. so, you know, again, it's about changing that frame and looking in the mirror 1st before we point our fingers at a manual it, do you see a time where haiti will no longer be in need of aid? i do, but it will be difficult because if it's an and the industry in haiti in and it's really working, so we will have a lot to do to force people to understand that you cannot be fighting. let's see.

color in haiti for 25 years doing the same thing and stain business. at some point, we will need to move from air to order form of partnership, and it can have been, i'm positive, i think it will have been, but it will be hard, but we'll continue to keep watch of it back. you both are joining me, jake manuel. as well, thank you for asking me. absolutely. everyone that is our show of right. we'll be back next week. ah

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we've never stopped on our journey. never stops when our commitment to you al jazeera, 25 years, a unique path. ah hello, i'm marianna wise in london with a quick look at the main stories now. a draft agreement with you and climate conference asked countries to accelerate their emission causing plans. it's as but that by 2025 richer countries should double their funding to help poor nations cope with the impact of climate change. a previous draft did not set a target date, but the language remains week. for the 1st time, fossil fuels are targeted though. the dr telling countries to move quicker in phasing out coal power and fossil fuel subsidies. but no date has been set for that . this is our.