and i believe the virus can still spread to others, even outdoor cells is w masika. and what was it going on? i also want to take off the mask, put if i just think about my convenience and get infected, i could spread the virus to others. apart from some pandemic fatigue, like anywhere else, south koreans have gained a reputation in the past couple of years for public spirited co operation. that probably accounts for the continued mass squaring. but this is also a society obsessed by looks. and it's thought that women have welcome the chance not to have to wear so much make up all men to shave so often. and then of course, with cosmetic surgery, being so popular here. it's thought some people may have used the mask wearing as a way of having any number of procedures. without anyone ever finding out. ah,

harrigan, i'm fully battle with headlines on al jazeera president vladimir put in his, sold his soldiers in ukraine. they're fighting for the security of russia. thousands have been marching in moscow's red square on the day. russia celebrates nazi. germany surrendered to soviet troops in 1945, 83, the waste raj 8 is the nashik. redo. madame brazil. you're fighting for our people and on bash for the safety of our motherland. russia may, 9th, 1945 will forever be perpetrated as a triumph of our one single soviet people of its cohesion and spiritual might say, in perilous exploit. you also the frontline and at the home france, which the victory days closely sacred to each one of us. so, ukraine's president marked a somber victory de suggesting russia's invasion is equal to that of nazi germany's remains. lensky says evil has returned to ukraine in a different uniform, but for the same purpose. francis president emanuel michael has held taunts with germany's transfer in berlin. he called for europe to continue to corroborate and

stop the war in ukraine from spreading. in other news for people including an m p r dead in sri lanka on a dramatic day that seen the prime minister resigned. a nationwide curfew has been imposed. it follows fighting outside my hinder roger packs his home and weeks of protests against the government's failure to solve an unprecedented economic crisis . in the philippines unofficial results from a come from the presidential election show commanding lead for ferdinand marco's junior, with about 75 percent of the ballads count, and it's reported. he has more than doubled the votes of his closest challenger, vice president, lenny riddle and britain. his queen elizabeth will not attend tuesday state opening of parliament because of health reasons. buckingham palace says the queen is experiencing episodic mobility problems. the prince of wales will read the queen speech on her behalf. next on al jazeera, it's inside story say with this. ah,

it's been the face of irish nationalism now for the 1st time. shin fane has won the largest number of seats in northern islands parliament. but what's behind this political shift and what does it mean to the future of the united kingdom? this is inside story. ah, how are there and welcome to the program? i'm nostalgia tay. now the political landscape in northern ireland has changed for the 1st time sion fain which wants to unite all of ireland has won the most seats

in regional elections. there knots, put an end to a century of dominance by unionists which support the british crown and constitution. now both sides need to agree to form a new government. the democratic unionist party of traditionally the party with a majority wants to 1st address order trade agreements made off to break says the d u p says the current deal technically leaves it out of the united kingdom. the u. k is northern ireland. secretary is edging a power sharing government as soon as possible and should feigns vice president says they're committed to make politics work today or sure is in a new era, which i believe presents us all with an opportunity to re imagine relationships in this society. on the basis of furnace on the basis of equality and on the basis of social justice, our respective or religious, political, or social backgrounds. my commitment is to make politics work. russian fain is the only political party active in both the republic of ireland and northern ireland,

founded back in 19 o 5, it's made up of irish republicans and democratic socialists who believe in a united ireland without british rule or influence. it was once regarded as the political wing of the provisional irish republican army or the i r a. in 1900. 19 its original members founded a legislative body known as the 1st dale and declared irish independence. the u. k . outlaw the dale. shortly after that and since the 2003 elections, champagne has been the largest nationalist party in northern ireland and has remained committed to irish re unification. ah, oh, let's now bring in our guests in belfast, we have duncan. moreover, he is a professor of politics at all state university in brussels. nicholas white and international affairs strategist and senior director in brussels for afco. that's a public affairs and strategic consultancy. and in cambridge graham judging a research associate at the university of cambridge and also

a former special advisor to 1st minister david trimble and the northern ireland assembly a warm welcome to each of you. thank you so much for joining us gentlemen. now i want to start with why this is such a significant development. these are regional elections. polls like this don't necessarily always make the headlines of international news, but parties the port and northern northern island really has potentially exec, existential consequences here. so looking at the design of northern islands, very institutions, it was predicated on this idea that the outcome of this very protect protracted piece process. i'm curious, duncan, do you think the good friday agreement could have predicted this? well, in some sense, the good friday agreement is no actual duration in which people go for like an accident and nothing can happen. another lab, i think the presumption was that by this stage, the border issue would be would be much quieter. and there wouldn't be the same

level of tension as we've seen, an inflammation of that question again in the last 4 or 5 years, the brag referendum. and i think that this result is a complex one because at one level, it doesn't change anything. they the bound the par at between the different groups the lower than i haven't changed dramatically, except that there's a much bigger group in the middle who belongs to. neither of them was there before . but what has happened is that in our situation where 2 groups have to be together in the top office, the 1st deputy 1st master, the, the nomination test swap that used to be the union just used to take the 1st minister post. and now it shouldn't been on wires or that is interesting at both it and the fact that should fame can at least claim here is the party which exists to get rid of northern ireland is now is the largest party in northern ireland and the unionists. they find themselves as the deputy, but in real terms it doesn't actually make much difference as it looks symbolically

. and we'll get to some of the practical implications in just a minute. but nicholas, i want to ask you because there is an enormous amount of symbolism here, the fact that the party that was once the political wing of the i r a is now in line to actually appoint the 1st minister. the fact that the 1st minister could be a catholic, did that play a part and driving votes? oh, clearly it made a very important difference to ship things campaign. the idea that though there was a chance that by voting for champagne, you could have a 1st minister from the national side. i think it was a very strongly motivation factor. and in fact, i think the u. p made a mistake here because they tried to campaign against us under i think the term national focus perhaps felt more strongly about it than the do you please own target voters because the to you please vote went down and ch in things went up. but we also had to be bear in mind that there is a comparison aspect here. a score 100 for years has been run by the scottish national party who's, whose job is to, to break up the notion, kingdom creation,

independent slaughter states. they still haven't succeeded in doing it for the house of season governing sovereign graham. i'll bring you in here because as nicholas alluded to, their vote for the d. u. p. used to be a vote to camp, keeps and fan out of government. now we've seen this huge shift in the political landscape, a huge growth. and as we were saying earlier in the center, i see the alliance party 117 seats. so that's up from 8 in 2017 and 13.5 percent of fast preference votes. are we in a sense, seeing a normalization of irish politics did to a slight extent, i think, but we shouldn't take saturation with a line getting 30 sent. and we don't know that this is really a long term trend. alliance tends to be a party that gets protest phones from people who are temporarily disaffected from the main parties. so it may be a physical thing, but or it may be a long, long, long term structural change or other suspect that the case i think are quite

a lot of young professionals. both catholic and protestant, didn't know, not to do. it just gets fed up what they say is the making parties bargaining on either about staying in the union or irish unity they took, rather if they would concentrate on the person. but your issues. actually people are young families and they're interested. medications are interested in health and health issues. so just so happening that we shouldn't forget know that and politics is basically a 0 sum game, not on the other stays in the united kingdom or, or joins republic of ireland. it's one of the other come to both company the. ready days and the irish republic that we can so or something about so. so the, the alliance is position. it's not really a very strong fundamental lot, but it's a 2nd factory. quite nice place phone, number line, voters who don't want to see themselves is extreme. it's tend to be

a so let me throw that back to then nicholas jerry think, given the change that we're seeing in the electorate here move towards the middle is best to move away then from sectarianism is of course, the results of that is that the sectarian parties the represents unity. so nationalists than themselves become somewhat more r line. but anecdotally the, the growth and the center ground has been latent for a long time. many people in north nordland are in mixed relationships, their, their spouse or their partner is from the other tradition to them. and the traditional parties don't have anything to offer families in that situation. and in particular, they don't have anything to offer the children of parents who are from different traditions. and that's been a very much a growing part of the community. it's certainly not majority, but it's a growing part. up until recently those people would probably know some folks to school and now they are voting on their voting for the launch party to

a much lesser extent for over centrist portions and data. the other thing is the situation that the framework where you started your very 1st question must, as it was about whether the structures of the good friday agreement or robust enough to accept this sort of this, this change a paradigm. i think that's a very good question. on i don't think we have the answer. duncan knew it is there to the fact that since and, and actually, and make huge gains, stay there. the right way. is any littleton game, any states, but what really led to the outcome that we're thing with this? this will declines the d u p. in your mind, what's actually led to that? well, i think there's a couple of things going on here. i mean, certainly my impression from about is about among under for keith. the issue, the issues have changed when i was growing up, there was a much clearer lying between if you like and pain who are associated with the re,

the constitutional parties. i think for people under 40, i really noticed not just that they come from relationships that go across the divide. but the key issues have turned into social issues such as gay marriage, such as green shoes and so on. and many ways they, you know, are within that they've had to use a special mechanism in our parliament to veto things on those kinds of issues. and i think that i've been underestimated as a driver for younger voters into what might be called the alliance position. and just one other thing to say there is, i think that the paypal, her voting factor. now, we're actually comfortable with some of the outcomes of, of the good friday agreement. in other words, open borders in all directions. and they were really driven the real velocity. and the sampras boat has happened absolutely, in my view, connected to the consequences of the choices around hard borders. and i'm very

strong preference in that group to try and keep borders open as far as possible. well let's then talk about breakfast i see in the assembly elections and may 2060 and that was just a month before the breaks that referendum. the d p. it took 29 percent of the vote and this time and got 21 percent. and of course, when the u. k, left the e u, it took northern ireland. whether i want to take a look at the practical invitations of that now that led to the creation of the northern ireland protocol, which allows trucks to deliver goods without porter checks. when they cross from northern ireland into the republic of island, which remains in you, it was agreed that inspections would take place between northern ireland and men on britain. but could saying that effectively creates a new trade board in the iris fee. and you dentist insist that undermines more than islands placed within the u. k. the protocol also protects the 1998 good friday agreement, which includes the sensitive issue of removing all visible signs of a border between northern ireland and the republic of ireland. now, graham,

in your mind, how much at breakfast and the northern island protocol actually affect the outcome of this election? well, it has affected it saying that the protocol is an issue and it's ticket issue with a with the unit is parties very much opposed having an internal customs both within the united kingdom. it's hard to think of any other countries since we've got an internal customs border salt. this is a very unusual position and of course they say about a step in the direction of a united ireland. so we concern position and he's undermines the good friday agreement. contract agreement was based on the idea that both sides with double check, they can stop radical changes proposed by the other side. what happened here is the, it was coming with a protocol and driven the what david trimble calls and coaching policies to the good friday agreement by not allowing that check mechanism evening. full time.

full of check isn't there. so the protocol is affecting it, but it's important, i think, has duncan was suggesting it don't come are. it's just the beginning that the election results here are very much of a change in trying to become the largest part and not because it's got any extra votes. but because the d u p is shad votes to an even more pro union party that they chose, you know, as far as the t v. i got those folks together from backups to, to ship things from. so that's a bit of a bit of fragmentation of the votes on the, on the union side. and even that doesn't matter too much in a p r type collection that we, we have in northern ireland. so not so much has changed over excitement about this in the, in the national, international media. but i think duncan went suggestion the changes in the

selection of, or rather marginal, still though and looking at a potential protracted stalemate. as i understand that the northern ireland secretary is installment meeting the pass. he is and there's huge disagreement about the protocol as he members of the u. p. holding strong saying things like either the secretary of state, once an executive or a protocol, he can have both the county refusing to nominate ministers to the executive. and i see there's already been a threat from the british home secretary about trying to fix the protocol. nicholas after 6 years of trying, they haven't managed to fix the protocol. so what are the chances of actually finding something acceptable? now, do you think? now we have 2 different fact. we have 2 different political dynamics here which are interacting very on. hopefully, the 1st is frankly, the needs of the british governments to find a reason to fight with the you. and the protocol is as far as i can tell, sitting in the, in brussels being used purely artificially for that purpose. the landings own diplomatically for the protocol was very clear. it's been quite clearly laid out

and in discussions between both sides, 6 months ago, longer perhaps or so the fact that no agreement as yet be reached is quite simply a political choice by british diplomats british officials during the negotiations. so that's one side of it. the other side of it is the effect on north mars valasics . and here i, i really do have to disagree with with graham. i'm afraid. i think the election results are very significance. i think the fall in support for the d. u. p is precisely because they did not do a good job of politics around the protocol. they had the possibility to bring in a better agreement that which to resume negotiated. instead, they chose the torpedoes. and to trust boris johnson, who then came up with the protocol that they now say they don't like. and it's true, of course, to do the vote was which went to the, the tv, the more hard line to be that it's an antique protocol, wrote the t v. we're only able to that one member actually launching the assembly

despite guessing quite long. quite a lot of folks. nobody likes this position. nobody is going to transfer votes to it . so i think it's, it's proved rather of a loser for the g u p. it's been a series of mistakes, and this is the latest of them. and i think it's a real mistake to hold hostage the formation of the government of northern ireland over the issue of the protocol, which is an issue that the government of northern ireland actually has no formal influence over done, can now bring you any. i see you nodding, i'm curious as well. if you think this is going to potentially fairly conflict not only in northern ireland but also and between westminster and brussels. well, never really well. and i think that that conflict over the protocol has been an over breakfast of being late since the brack with rap random. the bottom line is that at united kingdom, italy, but northern ireland voted to remain offense then that growth in the sampras votes have been very much a group of people who want to retain

a relationship with the. with the i noticed last in the paper this week at the, for the 1st time ever and 2020 or more applications for our passports in northern they were for british passport. i think a lot to do with retaining right move within the youth. and i do think that one of the lines and politics that have the marriage between the, this new group of centrist unionism around the issue of the protocol, i, we, how it's going to be resolved is very, very difficult. is that because that, as he said, there are 2 issues interacting here, that diplomatic level where it's negotiated, but also the way in which it suggests that there's a nomic and northern islands, which is now playing a play in the fact that we may not have a government for months and then grandma let you respond to both of those. thanks very much. i mean it's, nick is his points. i think we're chris standard brussels position in

a way we can transfer to stand by him why he's making those points. but he's ridiculous to say that the u. k. government is looking for a reason to oppose or upset brussels. the u. k. government would like nothing more than to have this problem of their hands. but of course, they can't ignore it, because now the units are in a position to say, look, either you have a good friday agreement on it, situations assembly and north south, a surf institutions or you have the protocol, but you're not getting both. so you can, government has to do something about that. what it looks like they're choosing to do is they're, they're already working on legislation to hand power over the protocol to u. k. ministers. so you came in, this is, will that be able to override it? this will lead to around with you because he was showing no flexibility we you did here, was exploited a period where if i may continue, the you exploited

a period of great political weakness and division within the u. k. to come up with a solution which was with which nationalists in ohio were completely happy and units were completely unhappy and in the situation, although you just can't get away with that, it's unsustainable. and therefore, the protocol has to change where the process likes it or not, and you can go ahead. the difficulty that i see program with them is that actually this election confirmed that the majority in northern ireland quite quite substantially are in favor of retaining the protocol. and if there was a vote in the family, it will be, it would be a majority vote. i do think there is a problem, but it's not shared across the community and what could be done there. the difficulty being that the form of practice, that bar johnson at chose also had no cross community support. and the options which might have had cross committee sport were removed during the

negotiations, who are kind of unraveling the wheel here. i just fact that the resonance invention, which causes an a thing like a trade war between the europe in union or anything to disrupt the open border and the size of items that will actually cause more problems rather than last. so i'll be interested to see how it goes on, but i think to suggest that this wouldn't have wider diplomatic consequences for the u. k. with america and europe is, would be a mistake. and i asked why i think that while they say that they constantly, the government says it will bring legislation, but it doesn't actually do so well. a number of countries already come out asking for a power sharing government to be put together as soon as possible. and i want to take a bit of a step back here because we are in a stalemate. and i want to clarify something for you is that maybe a little misleading. we have this 1st minister position and a deputy 1st minister position, but they are essentially equal position. so there is no government unless the european sion fan actually agree. now that all looks fairly tenuous at the moment.

i see they have something like 6 months to agree on something. i mean, what happens if that doesn't actually work out? nicholas of the legal position is clear that there will be another election. the political position, of course, is much less clear if it's not possible to put together a government north, norland, because one of the parties has got a completely detached reason for not wanting to go in. then that raises questions about whether the devolved institutions, the regional governments, structures established by the good friday agreement can be sustained. i think it's very dangerous for the d. u. p to do that from their own perspective. because the alternative to having as evolved government is going to be continued through directly from london with strong inputs from dublin. and as is precisely the situation that was set up in 1985 under the, under our agreement with the g p fund, intolerable. now they appear to be working to bring us about again,

it's very strange. well, there's also been plenty of talk about potential reunification and obviously since and has been very vocal on that. graham, can i ask you then how likely do you think a, a united ireland is because despise all the speculation we've had? i did get the sense that and where quite a long way from enough support for me like that. quite right off a long way. opposed to a lot, so how much support is for united? decide and all the time and i mean pulse is showing difference. it said 25 percent for the truck. but i think if we'd say probably 30 percent support where we're not far wrong. therefore, if the water board uphold the pro union pro, you stay in the u. k. faction would win by, by market of to, to wall. and for that reason, of course, shouldn't change coal turn press for both the poli, mediately, but talking for talking about a bullet perhaps within about 5 years. but this is the we're only 5 years in 5

years. it'll be still be calling for it within 5 years. because they just can't get the majority for it. i don't want to end the discussion without asking a question, which i know some of our viewers may be wondering, given the history of island. and what's happened on the island, duncan, i have to ask, is there any kind of a risk of a return to medicine that you think? well it part of the issue is it can never be totally ruled out. and there's always, there are out on the side, i have to say one thing i would say is that there is no support for us. there is absolutely clear that not the clinical parties have gone down the road just off suggesting that there should be any support for us or staff, you know, copy to support for, but we also know it, but that's not always where it comes from. it sometimes comes from clinical and develop a way to start something with people respond to and then escalates up. so i would say that it's not something that i think we should overly fear. and on the other

side, the difficulty is a simply because there are people who are always, most always agitated, that kind of thing. well, we'll keep an eye on how this all plays out, especially over the next 6 months or so. in the meantime, no thanks to all of our guests. duncan, martin, nicholas white and gram guardian. and thank you to for watching. remember, you can see this program again any time by visiting our website that's al jazeera dot com. and to further discussion, you go to my facebook page, and that's facebook dot com, forward slash ha inside story. and you can also join the conversation on twitter. handle is at a inside story for me and the whole team here. and uh huh. bye. ah

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