the divorce terms. it looked sorted on friday, then there were conflicting interpretations of what we'd all signed up to. that storm has been been calmed. but then secondly, there is what to expect from phase two, the trade part of the talks. we know britain wants a deep and special relationship with the eu, but quite what that looks like we don't yet know. this afternoon, the prime minister was in the commons to show she can carve a path on phases one and two, that will reconcile all competing views. did she succeed? nick watt reports. it's that chilly time of year when we are reminded of some eternal human truths, it's freezing out there, but in that blanket of snow, you can see uniformity or on closer inspection, the endless variety of nature. in the new world of seemingly permanent protests, tory mps have been voicing widely divergent views on brexit, but today, they spoke almost as one.

may i first of all, congratulate the prime minister on her triumph last friday... here, here. can ijoin my right honourable and learned friend in congratulating my right honourable friend in driving through an improved agreement on friday against what many thought could not have been feasible. today really was an illustration about old harold wilson cliche that a week is a long time in politics. so how did theresa may go from humiliation in brussels to widespread praise on her own benches? well, the vast majority of tory mps want to give her space ahead of the eu summit in brussels this week. i am also told that the crucial change in mood came over the weekend when downing street offered assurances to euro—sceptics on one of their main concerns from last week's deal with the eu — this was

that the offer on northern ireland could be used to smuggle the uk back into the single market. they were told this was not possible for one very simple reason: if the uk crashes out of the eu, with no deal at all, then the specific commitments on the irish border will no longer apply. the text of this agreement now makes clear that in the event a deal northern ireland will not be separated politically, economically or by any regulatory requirements from the rest of the uk, along with the aim of no hard border on the island of ireland. —— of a deal. in the event of no deal, no overall deal, nothing is agreed. in dublin, there was weary acceptance. the reality is that at any point in this process, events could very well intervened and could, you know, make the agreement politically impossible to deliver on. —— intervene. i think that's the big

risk with all of this. you know, genuinely, all parties entered into an agreement that is considered to be absolutely, you know, iron clad, but in reality, political events in these uncertain times mean that nothing is really cast iron. it can't be. this week's mid—winter chill shows no signs of letting up. but theresa may is benefitting from a thaw in relations within her own party, until the next brexit challenge arises. nick is here. nick, this point that she managed to pacify this year on the part of the brexiteers that ireland was going to put us into the single market by the back door, what argument did she actually use? there was this hiccup yesterday when david davis said that offer on the border with a statement

of intent, he said that was much more than a legally enforceable thing. dublin took fright at that. david davis went on lbc today saying, yes, of course, i was saying it's a statement of intent and that's much bigger than the law because we're good friends. he said, of course it's legally enforceable. but crucially legally enforceable within the withdrawal agreement, article 50. what that means, we were saying last week, is that the offer of full regulatory compliance with the uk with those elements related to the northern ireland—irish republic border, that third element is covered. within article 50 that is. if there's absolutely no deal, if we crash out with no deal — all bets are off. those arrangements do not apply. at that point, are you down to a bilateral undertaking between the uk and the irish republic. we start again on that one. ok, that's phase one. storm over, everything's calm. that means we look forward to phase two.

the whole thing moves on now. we have the european council this thursday and friday and we have, so far, the draft summit conclusions. that looks forward in two areas: first on transition. the council suggests the uk says it wants to be for two years and the whole body of eu law would apply for two years. the uk view is that it should be an implementation period. yes, that body of law would apply from the beginning, but eventually you move away from it and the beginnings of the hints of the restrictions that the uk will seek to apply to the uk for the future trade arrangements because the uk has decided to leave the customs union and the single market. the council is the big thing this week. thanks a lot. well, let's assume the big european council meeting this week goes well, that we move on to phase two of the talks. it can't be stressed enough that this is the issue which will define 2018.

so far, the british government has held its different factions together, by them all adhering to the goal of building a deep and special partnership — a bespoke deal specially for britain. not hard, not soft. something different. it was set out in the florence speech by theresa may. let us not seek merely to adopt a model already enjoyed by other countries — instead, let us be creative as well as practical, in designing an ambitious economic partnership that respects the freedoms and principles of the eu and the wishes of the british people. everyone in the uk government can sign up to that. but, if you listen carefully to what the eu says, they think it's more binary. for our partners there, the basic choice is you are either inside the eu single market, like norway. or you are just a so—called third country like canada. you can have a trade deal, like canada, but that's a long way from where we are. those two existing models keep coming up — phrases from michel barnier, on the single market, such as, "either you're in or you're out." or, "its integrity is non—negotiable", have been making this point. or this:

translation: it will not be possible to combine the benefits of the norway model with the weak constraints of the canada model. well, let's for a moment, imagine the eu means that. what do these two options imply? you can think of them as two ends of a spectrum in which you choose access to the eu market, or automony to set your own rules and regulations. norway has lots of access to the eu market, but the condition for that is compliance with eu rules, including free movement. and paying in to the eu budget. for these reasons, brexiteers — and our government — have ruled it out. it would mean paying the european union billions of pounds every year in perpetuity. it would mean following eu rules with no say over them. it would mean no divergence from eu rules in the future whatsoever. it would mean zero control of immigration. i have to say to the right honourable gentleman that wouldn't make a

success of brexit, that would be no brexit at all. ok, if you don't like that, what about the canada option? now here is the canada deal with the eu — ceta it is called. the eu canada comprehensive economic and trade agreement. it has quite a bit of detail. if you look, for example, i take a page 155, article 20. 12, this is about parties may make laws against camcording of movies in cinemas. that's the kind of detail it has. because it has so much detail, no—one thinks you can negotiate one like this in a year, but you could kind of take this as the template, tipex the word ‘canada' out, and replace it with the word uk. the advantage is we'd have more autonomy. this is the full—english proper brexit. but on access to the eu market, it's not great for some of our key industries. and there is fact that you may still need a physical border — and we've pledged not to

have one in ireland. this norway vs canada choice is how the eu want us to look at this — they say we simply have to decide. but is itjust possible we can get something better? that is what the government wants. here's how david davis described the trade deal the government is after. an overarching free trade deal, but including services, which canada doesn't. with individual, specific arrangements for aviation, for nuclear, for data, a series of strands which we've worked out. most of them based on where we start now. if the basic deal, i'm being crude about this, is canada plus the city or something like that? canada plus, plus, plus. we want a bespoke outcome. we will probably start with the best of canada and the best of japan and the best of the japan and south korea and then add the services.

he wants more trade than the canadians have got — but does he want to align with eu rules to get it? and will the eu listen? certainly they have offered special deals to other countries when they want to. to ukraine, for example. and to liechtenstein. with me now are two experts on all this. charles grant, director of the centre for european reform. and allie renison, head of europe and trade policy at the institute of directors. which sectors, british sectors, if we went straight to the canada deal, which british sectors would really suffer from that? i think when you look across the piece, the point about canada is that it's effectively starting from a very different vantage point. the market access is nowhere near. they still have tariffs. they're not eliminated. agriculture would be particularly hit. financial services and services, professional services sectors whereby you would have under the canadian deal, have a local office in a european capital to access those markets.

in access terms, i thought the goods makers, on the goods, i thought that was mostly sorted out on that, it was just the services that were a hold. the difference is if you are in the automotive sector you tend to rely on your ability, the vehicle certificate agency can issue approval for a car to be sold an marketed throughout the entirety of the eu. they have an agreement on what we call conformity assessment. you don't have that. that's the differentiator between canada and norway, you're not automatically downloading eu rules. but it's not acknowledged that their things are compliant either. in terms of a border, what's the system? i mean the canadians have borders presumably, it's just more or less like it is at the moment? when goods leave canada and come into the eu, they have to go through the customs controls on the edge of the customs union, yes. so, it doesn't help you at all on that. a lot of people are saying the canada option will allow us to remove the physical border in ireland? no, that's not right at all.

there is a border between canada and the us, although they're both in nafta, have a free trade agreement, they have border controls. that's the gist of the difference. canada plus, plus, plus. what would be the plus, plus, plus? i think even though we're not talking about completely replicated passporting for financial services, it is something along those lines. very off the anyone trade agreements between different countries they don't tend to include anything substantial on financial services. you don't tend to have agriculture for example, included. in the norway option the eea doesn't really cover agriculture. that's something that's going to be critical to the irish border. this is going to be different. charles, can we, do you think they will offer us something in the middle? they keep saying it's norway or canada. they say it's norway or canada. the british will probably ask for something that is neither. we would almost be in the single market. we'd be aligned with eu rules.

if we changed our rules, we'd allow us to punish us a bit. barnier will say no to that. i think we will get canada plus, which means canada as you describe, with services added in, not single market, but some access in aviation, financial services, data flows, we will have to pay a price. that will be taking the rules from the eu, paying money into the budget and taking something like the court ofjustice to tell us what to do. do you agree with that? when you look at what the swiss model, is i think there is some wriggle room. the swiss aren't formal members of the single market, but they have pretty good access in terms of goods. what we're talking about to achieve that bespoke option is deep, unprecedented cooperation between the uk and eu. it is right to say you can have your autonomy or your access, as far as you take a bit more of one, but you lose another. we can have canada plus if we pay a price for it.

let's turn to the politicians. with me in the studio is the former tory mp, peter lilley, conservative brexiteer and a former president of the board of trade. he knows his way around these negotiations. and from westminster, labour's chuka umunna, who is chair of the all party parliamentary group on eu relations, and would really like us to remain within both the single market and the customs union. good evening to you both. peter lilley, you would prefer canada plus plus to canada plus? i would prefer as few barriers as possible. it is in our interest, it is in europe's interest. i don't think we will get maximum, optimum, because the european union has made it clear they want us to appear at least to be worse off than we are at present. i find it difficult because actually are exporters have got a 15% advantage because of the exchange rate. they will have to pay 4% tariff if there is no deal at all.

15% outweighs 4% for most. you would prefer canada to nothing, but you would prefer canada plus. but you don't think they will give it to us. the british government position is they will give it to us. maybe they know something i don't know. i merely listen to the european union and take the at their word. we should be prepared for the probability that they want get nearly as much as they are seeking, and that quite possibly will end up trading on wto terms, which is a good second best. chuka umunna, how much of a disaster, do you think, canada would be? if we went something straight —— if you went straight to something like canada. how bad would that be from your perspective? i think it would be pretty disastrous. it may be appropriate for a canada, but we are the sixth biggest economy in the world and they are our biggest trading partner. my preference would be the norway option. a fully to leave the european union, which means we are —— we stay in the single market of the least.

i would like to stay in the customs union as well. but the government has chosen to do away with that, which is the best option. the problem with canada, first of all it took a long time to negotiate, up to seven years. secondly, it doesn't cover services really. that is 80% of our economy. thirdly, potentially you could have foreign investors and large multinationals suing the british government if they felt we were not opening up the public sector, the nhs in particular, to further marketisation. and i don't think any that is particularly attractive to the british people. it's just not appropriate. and us having an fta canada style fta. .. sorry, free trade agreement. that would preclude us from staying in the customs union. one of the parts of the agreement that was reached on friday was that we should have a backstop position of being able to observe customs union and single market rules as a solution to the northern irish border. you said so much.

can ijust knock on the head of this idea that because the canadian agreement took eight years to negotiate, it would take a long time for us to negotiate something similar. the canadians had ten different —— 10,000 different tariff lines. the eu have 15,000. they have to decide how rapidly they can be traded off against each other. they start off with 20,000 specifications for goods and services. they had to decide which to align. we start with zero tariffs. we want to end up with zero tariffs. ten minutes. all we have to negotiate is a diversion is mechanism. chuka umunna, do you think there is any possibility of a norway

option that would allow any restriction are any kind of change to the free movement rules? because that in many respects is seen as the true red line of the british voters. that is where your norway option forms. they won't give you norway but without free movement. let's not forget free movement is a bit of a misleading phrase. it suggests that it's unconditional. free movement is conditional. there are things we can do within the existing free movement framework to better restrict immigration. so, for example, the belgians require people to register when they come to their country. they have been there for more than three months. we don't require people to do that. we could require people, if they have been here for three months, haven't been able to get work and don't have the prospect of work, we can require them to leave but we don't do that. lichtenstein, which as the norway option, as it were, it is part of the european free trade association, they actually have

called has applied to the numbers of eu immigrants they have come to their country. you can restrict it, yes. charles grant, do you think there is a possibility, if we are confronted with the stark choice, that they would say, you can have a norway option but with a little bit of concession on free movement? one can fiddle with the margins of these details but the broad principle is we would have to accept free movement. eu believes these are insoluble in length and you can't have one without the other. that is an ideology for them. peter lilley, for the last year the government has hung the coalition of the conservative party together with this promise of a deep and special partnership. one wonders if as you suspect if it isn't going to be on offer, is that going to be difficult for the conservative party, or will we just comfortably sablon canada or wto? it is not about the

conservative party. it is about britain. it would be better for britain and europe if we end up with what the government are aiming for. if we don't, it will be because the eu don't want it. the way the engineer that is by saying you can have free trade but on conditions you will be able to accept being sub—organist to the european court ofjustice or pay money. it would be some, nation of those three. and the british people voted against that. so we would be going back. it would be going back on brexit. we are going to leave it there. i guess we will return to it in the future. thank you all. well, talking of brexit this next item is not entirely unrelated. because as 2017 draws to a close, many pundits and commentators find themselves reflecting on how — yet again — they've been caught out by more political shocks and surprises. keeping up with shifting public sentiments has not been easy. butjack shenker, a journalist

and author, is currently working on a book which attempts to map out how the political terrain has shifted so dramatically, and he believes that part of the problem is that analysts look in the wrong places for answers. he spent several months in tilbury in essex, which sits within one of the most marginal parliamentary seats in the country. he thinks that if you understand tilbury, you probably understand britain. so we asked him to make a film about it, for us. it's much excitement of seeing the pigeons come home. pigeons first. or football! as my wife said, pigeons or football first. the kids, grandchildren. anything else? no!

charlie lawrence is always gone back to tilbury, a small dog town in essex on the banks of the river thames, 20 miles east of central london. he has lived here in the same council house for 50 years. i have lived in tilbury my life. i love tilbury. i walk out of here, go down this road, don't go down that street and everybody would be like, hello charlie. a real community. charlie knows tilbury better than anyone. he takes me on a tour, but the town he grew up in is now almost unrecognisable. that there is the fire station in front of you. and that has closed down? that has been shut a few years. on the left as you go round here, the blue and grey building, that is the police station. that is now shut. the railway pub used to have good entertainment every night.

now it is completely shut. waiting to be bombed out. most of the spaces that once glued this community together have disappeared. today, a private martial arts academy is one of the few places young people can gather indoors. although this too could be earmarked for closure. it's the social life really. they are not a lot of the pubs down. that was a big part of tilbury. i think that is what caused everybody to be so close—knit, being able to socialise in your own town. david gold is ranked 15th in the country for a kick boxing. and he is intensely proud of his hometown. i was a jack the lad, to be honest. i used to be wheeling and dealing. tilbury has got quite a bad name for itself. in terms of theft and crime and stuff like that. but unless you are actually from here, you don't know this.

it is all hearsay. tilbury has a chequered reputation. in 1980, the sun newspaper ran an inflammatory spread headlined aggro britain, which describes the town has a great, desolate place, where local skinheads roam the dark land like kruppke rats. more recently, the economist magazine introduced residents as a polyp of hard of mostly white people with a deep and justified sense of inferiority. david feels his town has been misrepresented and he is determined to show a different face of tilbury to the world. next year i am hoping to hit the top and take my team with me and put this town on the map, big—time. but tilbury was once on the map, known far and wide as one of the country's most important connection points to the rest of the planet.

some of britain's greatest historic milestones unfolded here, including the landing of the ampara windrush. why have you come touring and? to seek a job. any type so long as i get good pay. i first started reporting from tilbury in the autumn of 2016, against a backdrop of president trump's election and the uk decision to leave the eu. it was clear then that the political landscape was changing fast beneath our feet. tilbury, where the pro—brexit vote was among the highest in the country, helped tell the story of that transformation. this is called the gateway to the world, tilbury? so it is important, although it is a little bit downtrodden. and it does annoy me, the fact that how much wealth the port has actually brought into the country, how that wealth has trickled down into the town. this system of packing goods

for a shipment into boxes is hugely efficient. i think it started in the 605. you had the electrification of the railway line. once the line was electrified, you didn't need so many workers. the port became containerised. therefore you didn't need so many dock workers. that is when it has been downhill ever since. probably the same sort of feeling in mining villages. and yet tilbury is not in northern mining village. it's the backstage of the capital and its port today is busier than ever. on paper at least this time should be a poster child for a certain model of global frictionless capitalism, sandwiched between the docks and the largest amazon distribution centre in europe.

but in the past wealth has passed through tilbury all too quickly, leaving resentment in its wake. i was born in nigeria. before i ever arrived in tilbury, because i knew about the empire windrush landing here, ifeel like me being here, i feel privileged to be honest with you, to be a councillor in tilbury. she is fiercely positive about her town. the tilbury‘s two council wards are some of the most deprived in the region. she has faced white nationalist opposition at every election, even serving alongside the bmp. -- bnp. i think the bnp was the party of division. i am here because a majority of people in tilbury don't think that way. although the bmp appears to have been seen off here, more mainstream expressions

of the popular strike continued to win support. tilbury‘s parliamentary constituency of thurrock remains ukip‘s top target seats nationwide. and the appeal of radical alternatives is not limited to one end of the political spectrum. with successive governments prioritising markets over communities, voters like charlie have been searching for something, anything different. i would love him and corbyn to run this country. they are straight down—the—line. there ain't no telling lies with them. they tell it how it is. charlie's concerns at how britain has changed economically are written onto the landscape here. as a young man, he helped build the stacks of the old power station. recently, he watched them being torn down.

oh, look at that. ah, look. look at that. well, well, well. corr, look at that. hardly any dust, look. my good god. mate, that's it, end of an era. i worked there for 16 years. met lots and lots of friends. honestly, it was like one big family. it wasn't like going to work. charlie is now helping to train agency workers to drive fork lift trucks at the new amazon plant at the other side of town. amazon won't be like a big family. it will be people will be working, leaving, working, leaving. i don't think you'll ever get people that will be working there for years, like we had here. notjust amazon. that's everywhere. i don't really think youngsters deserve what they're getting now, you know. how can you have security? one minute you've got a job,

the next minute, because it's all through agencies, you're there one minute, there another minute. you're 6—2 one day. 2—10 the next day, nights the next day. that's no good for people. for dave, this sort of precarious existence is a reality which is already all too familiar. yeah, i went for a fewjobs, yeah. i couldn't find my comfort zone. they weren't permanent. they were zero hour contracts, because they just drop you in as and when they need you. there's no guarantee you're going to get the work. sometimes you could be working three days out of the week. sometimes you might not get work for a couple of weeks. i wanted something with a bit of meaning to it and actually have a purpose of being there, you know? as well as working and training, dave has moved back into his childhood home to care for his father, who has parkin sons

and is bed bound after a fall. it was hard to accept at first. i mean, my dad's always been fully independent. he's done all his own stuff his whole life. he's never really been one to ask for help or anything like that. i sit and look at him and see what he went from to where he's gone to now and it's really disheartening. it would have been nice to have an actual solid job, you know, whilst i had the rough times with my family, having the consistency, money constantly coming in and being able to take compassionate leave and stuff like that, it would have been nice. but i've dealt with it. i mean, ijust take life as it throws it at me, you know. with the arrival of amazon, tilbury is clearly on the cusp of another economic leap forward. the question is whether the work on offer is here to stay. up to 15 millionjobs in britain

are vulnerable to automation over the next two decades. charlie's generation has already lived through one great era of mechanisation, which transformed the town completely. as another dawns, optimism here is tinged with fear that without a concerted effort to ensure its fruits are shared, life may only become more insecure. a certain vision of liberal modernity have transformed our political landscape in the process. here, where the contradictions of that vision have been exposed most starkly, it's obvious that the old world is not coming back. what's less clear is in whose interests the new one is being built. tilbury was once dismissed as a relic of the past. in reality, it's a window onto the future, one that will affect us all. we end up talking a lot about brexit and the economy,

as we've just demonstrated. arguably, we should spend more time talking about things that really matter — like loneliness. the labour mp, rachel reeves, co—chairwoman of thejo cox loneliness commission, has raised the issue, arguing that "in the last few decades, it has escalated from personal misfortune into a social epidemic". something like half a million older people go at least five or six days a week without seeing or speaking to anyone at all. here's a brief clip of a video made by the campaign to end loneliness, in which they asked a younger person now, we might think it's not the sort of thing the government can do much about, but let us to talk to two people with different experiences of isolation or loneliness. i am joined by sue symth, who experienced loneliness following the death of her husband. and becca maberly, who started a mother place, a community

which helps mothers like her prepare and cope with feelings of loneliness. very good evening to you both. so sue, your husband's death goes back a very long way. take us through your experience. my husband died 27 years ago. so it's been a long journey, yes. i didn't really know anything about depression until then. you link the depression and the loneliness, the two are — yeah, i think it's a combined thing. isolation, loneliness and depression is a threesome. you've had, you would say you've experienced that pretty well all the way since you lost your husband ? yes, yes. it's been a difficultjourney, lots of things, yeah. you were working? yes, up to three years ago, yeah. i lived in the states for a few years after my husband's death because i had a law suit going against him. against his death. i had to stay in the country. so you came back here. you were working... oh, yeah. and now you're not. no. and how do you fill your day? well, at the moment, it's getting better because i'm starting to get more mobile. a couple of years i was house bound with illnesses.

and different things, i was waiting for a big operation, fighting with the hospitals to get that sorted out and everything. my health went down. i have a history of leg ulcers and things. spiralled, i was house bound for 18 months, two years. that's when the isolation and loneliness and depression starts. your experience is very different, when you had young children. yes, mine was a temporary experience. mine was the result of becoming a new mother and perhaps having unrealistic expectations about what it's like to go from having a busy professional life, a social life, to suddenly being at home all day, every day. your life has meaning and it has a kind of focus. yes, it does. but when the focus is a really cute baby that doesn't do much apart from dribble and poo, it doesn't give a lot back. it's a psychological shift.

and you've set up this group, you're speaking to people. it's an online community which is helping to support and educate women who are — and fathers — who are starting with parenthood and just being honest and saying, you know, it's not like the picture post card. it's not as romantic as it might look. be prepared for what you're about to get into, because you'll be... yeah it's about realistic expectations. one thinks of it as a busy time, you're not out and about meeting other mothers in the park? yeah, definitely. but you can't be out and about monday to friday, 6am when the baby wakes until, you know, your partner gets home on a friday night at 8pm. so you can't schedule something every minute of every day. the daily drudgery associated withjust being at home with a baby on your own, without — sue and i were talking about, the lack of mental stimulation.

if you're used to having adult company. you were saying how much you noticed the noises in your house? yes. when you're on your own, you do. when you've got a family or kids or a dog, when you're on your own completely, a house makes its own noises. you pick it up when you're on your own. you do. you worry about things. you take things on board more. what's christmas for you this year? i'm going to a church that i've been to for about three years that does a lunch. then i'm hoping to go to some very good friends for tea, afterwards. they've got two lovely little girls. they make me feel very much a part of their family, which is lovely. good. is this getting worse? because obviously we have busy lives. we have perhaps socially disconnected lives. maybe we don't know the neighbours as well as we used to, i don't know.

we're not living in the same family units that we used to. people don't live so close to their families any more. you've got lots of couples living in a small flat, within a building, on a busy street. they don't know their neighbours. also so many working mums who perhaps, i don't want to say they're too proud to ask for help, but it's not in their nature to. there's a bit of a stigma, one might feel. yeah. i wonder whether technology helps. because you have a smartphone, i think, don't you? ido, yeah. you've got a gmail account. i do. you're laughing though. doesn't get used very much. but i do have a gmail account. is that a way of connecting people more? i still think we should reach out to each other more. i really do. i think technology is great in one way, but it's the human touch. i feel with the isolation and loneliness and depression, you've got to reach out to people, in the local community. if somebody you know of is perhaps isolated or on their own or people —

go and visit. people don't do that, perhaps people are frightened if they don't do it, they'll get involved or something. it's something we've got to do hands on. i think technology is wonderful, but it's not the answer. it's not the same as reaching out one to one. good luck both of you with it and we need to leave it there. thanks very much indeed for coming in. that's almost it from us. emily is here tomorrow. but before we go, in case you hadn't noticed, there's been a bit of snow falling around the country recently, bringing with it the usual mix of delighted children and grumpy commuters. it may create childcare headaches and nightmare journeys — but it does make the country look pretty. goodnight. # music

hello. is the beautiful weather watch pictures coming through, but extremely disruptive. very happy in the capital. we will continue to see wintry showers across coastal areas and south—west wales into the west country over and out, but a very cold night. temperatures falling low freezing in the towns and cities and minus double—digit. there could be some freezing fog and missed around too. tomorrow morning, it could be pretty treacherous with a lot of lying snow around untreated, bear

that in mind when heading out for work. very cold as you can see. at least it will be bright, with lots of sunshine through the morning. eight few showers affecting eastern and south—eastern areas. it could be and south—eastern areas. it could be a bit of freezing mist and fog patches around to watch out for, northern england and scotland a bit ofa northern england and scotland a bit of a cold start. a bit of clout around northern ireland. it will be around northern ireland. it will be a quiet day, lots of crisp, winter sunshine across the country, what we will see is a weather front pushing to the west, marking a change and bringing out rates of green to the south—west of england with increasing wind and slightly mild a too. —— air. a weatherfront increasing wind and slightly mild a too. —— air. a weather front moves through, a little bit of snow through, a little bit of snow through scotland maybe. you can see tightly packed isoba rs,

through scotland maybe. you can see tightly packed isobars, a breezy night. a frosty start through wednesday, some wintry miss through the high ground as the weather system the high ground as the weather syste m co m es the high ground as the weather system comes in, some quite heavy through england and wales as it moves through. some showers and wintry through scotland and northern ireland. quite cool but you will notice quite mild. another windy day on thursday, some rain across western areas, quite close to the centre of a pressure and those at showers wintry over the high ground. things set to turn colder as we had towards friday and the weekend. i'm rico hizon in singapore. the headlines: a man is in police custody after an attempted terror attack at new york city's main bus terminal. three women call on the us congress to investigate their claims that they were sexually harassed by president trump. i'm babita sharma in london. also in the programme:

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