in moscow, with two of the biggest teams in world football failing to win their games. title—holders germany were defeated 1—0 by mexico, and five—time world champions brazil were held to a 1—1 draw by switzerland. colombia's presidential election has been won by the conservative candidate ivan duque, who campaigned to change the 2016 peace agreement with farc rebels. he secured 54% of the vote. and this story is trending on bbc.com: the us first lady has called for an end to separating parents and children illegally entering the country from mexico. her spokesperson said melania trump believes we need to be a country that follows all laws, but also governs with heart. that's all from me now. stay with bbc world news. now on bbc news, it is time for hardtalk. welcome to hardtalk, from dublin.

i'm stephen sackur. ireland has been going through a period of extraordinary change. social attitudes have shifted dramatically, on abortion, gay rights and the role of the catholic church. brexit now poses a massive political challenge, as well, both here in the republic and in northern ireland as well. my guest today is the leader of sinn fein, the irish republican party, which is steeped in ireland's history. the question is, can it be an agent of irish change? mary lou mcdonald, welcome to

hardtalk. thank you. ireland is changing remarkably fast, both in terms of its social and cultural attitudes, its politics as well. and your party, sinn fein, is steeped in the past. how can you persuade the irish people that you can be agents of change? well, i think you are right to say that ireland is changing, and in some respect quite dramatically. i mean, we had a recent referendum on the very vexed social issue of abortion rights, and i think more than anything else in recent times, that is a weathervane forjust recent times, that is a weathervane for just how recent times, that is a weathervane forjust how radically irish public opinion has changed, and the extent to which we now live in a much more diverse, much more open, much more tolera nt diverse, much more open, much more tolerant society. and a year ago slightly more, of course, we had the referendum on marriage equality. again, another not quite so vexed

but nonetheless a contentious issue. and similarly, the population of ireland and stated that they were well ahead in many cases of their politicians and their political leaders. and sinn fein in both of those instances, and both of those campaigns, was front and centre in making the argument for progress, in making the argument for progress, in making the argument for progress, in making the argument for change. and, you know, you say that we are steeped in the past, and in history. well, we have our history, we have oui’ well, we have our history, we have our past, we are ireland's oldest political party. but every nation, every political movement, has a past, has its history, but also has its contemporary iteration. has its future plans, and for us, politics in ireland now is all about making way forward. we are the party that argues for irish reunification. so i think more than any we have a national project that is all about national project that is all about national democracy. but it does mean, if you are truly committed to change, it does mean you're going to

have to wrestle with forces inside your own party who want is ready for change as you are. you said not so long ago it's no longer about beards and black leatherjackets. long ago it's no longer about beards and black leather jackets. obviously and black leather jackets. obviously a nod to the paramilitaries, to the ira. but that hasn't gone away, as it? well, actually that reference that you quoted back to me was all about the first common meeting that i went to, which was actually the local branch of sinn fein. and at that time the party was much more male, i suppose much more traditional in its outlook sent its views, and i know in the time, over 20 years now, i have personally experienced and witnessed, and like to think have been part of leading, change within the party. and i now lead a party that is incredibly diverse, that has a huge and growing young membership, that has now not quite gender parity but we are not far off it. but what you haven't addressed in all of that, and i know it is all very important, but what you haven't addressed is the degree

to which you have to straddle the interests of the republic of ireland and the north of ireland. sinn fein, of course, being committed to a united ireland, has a significant presence in both, but the point i am getting too is that you, as a dubliner, as a middle—class dublin, ofan age dubliner, as a middle—class dublin, of an age where the trouble is, as they are called in northern ireland, we re they are called in northern ireland, were not woven into your childhood and early adult hood, you are somebody that many of your party members in the north are suspicious of. they are not, actually. well, i can quote you a few who are, if you wa nt can quote you a few who are, if you want me to. well, let me tell you that i am the leader of the party, andi that i am the leader of the party, and i am the leader on the basis of and i am the leader on the basis of a huge degree of confidence and support, from people right across the country. so don't buy into this fairly jaded mythology the country. so don't buy into this fairlyjaded mythology that the country. so don't buy into this fairly jaded mythology that there the country. so don't buy into this fairlyjaded mythology that there is such a vast difference between sinn fein and the south in the north. you know, it is about 100 miles from where we sit into the centre of belfast. it is not outer kathmandu.

that is very true, but 100 miles geographically... sorry, you have a question, we shared common social norms, social values, we live on the one island, and i am a dubliner, i am very proud to be a dubliner. i am am very proud to be a dubliner. i am a woman of my age and my generation. 0f a woman of my age and my generation. of course that marks me out as different to my predecessor, for example, but that's a good thing. used you say to me that i can guarantee you are not regarded with suspicion in the north of ireland. let me give you one for instance, it is an interesting one. you very recently when up to the city which is known to unionist roberson ‘s in northern ireland as londonderry but known to republicans and nationalists as dairy, and you very deliberately referred to it as londonderry. now, that outraged some people in your own party and your own community in the north of ireland. just to quote one, former internee, nationalists, republican, mickey donnelly, after you set londonderry, he said i'm shocked, and outraged, and mary lou has shown

her lack of republican credentials. well, that certainly would not reflect the view right across the party. you are right, we refer to it as derrey, and our unionist neighbours refer to it as londonderry. hold on, hold on. of course it matters. that's why i stepped out of my vernacular into the vernacular of our unionist neighbours, and it was very obviously a gesture on my part of recognition, but also of common courtesy to the person that had hosted us. that is myjob. leaders lead, and sometimes that might upset the fringe or a number of people within a particular movement. and it is interesting, your vision of what leadership of sinn fein today means. and you have made some really interesting speeches, in one of which you talked about how your vision of a united ireland is a place where arlene foster, you said,

the leader of the democratic unionists, in northern ireland, you saidi unionists, in northern ireland, you said i want a place where arlene foster feels comfortable, feel secure, feels at home in my ireland. how can arlene foster feels secure and comfortable as long as, and this is the words of the police chief of northern ireland, george hamilton, just the other day, as long as the ira structure, and he means the sort of leadership, the administrative structure, remains intact. he said not for terrorist purposes, but nonetheless, this ira structure still exists. and he pointed out that it still wields influence in the republican movement, and presumably, one can only assume, in sinn fein, and that it still maintains discipline in the republican movement. arlene foster is never going to feel comfortable with that. well, firstly, the island that i envisage is not my ireland, it is our island. and arlene foster has as legitimate claim and a stake in that ireland as i do. secondly,

whatever george hamilton's view is on that matter, i want to tell you that i am the leader of sinn fein, that i am the leader of sinn fein, that i am part of the collective leadership, that the sinn fein leadership, that the sinn fein leadership calls the shots in our party. so what is your relationship with the ira then? these people that george hamilton says are still out there, still wielding influence, what is your relationship with them? i have no relationship with the ira, i have no relationship with the ira, i have never been a member of the ira. i was democratically elected the distant position. we are an open, the credit party. and nobody dictates the pace to me. you have also indicated that you are an ambitious politician, and of course, in ireland, given the nature of the political make—up of the country, usually prime ministers are the result of coalition building. and you have said you are ready as sinn fein to work with the other main parties, whether it be fianna fail.

the trouble is you are still associated with the ira, with the men of violence, with what michael martin of fianna fail calls the appalling atrocities of the past. they won't work with you. how are you going to fix that? each of the irish political parties, it is simplya irish political parties, it is simply a matter of when, but each and every one of them had a relationship with the ira. it's just a function of irish history, it is a function of the fact that we were colonised, and so on and so forth. i am sure you are aware of that. the same people that you quote are the ones who encourage us, correctly, by the way, to re—establish the power—sharing institutions in the north, and to be in government with none other than the democratic unionist party, you know, a very challenging governmental partnership, as you can imagine. what i can tell you is that sinn fein isa what i can tell you is that sinn fein is a party with a democratic mandate, that at the next election we hope to develop that mandate further. well, forgive me, i believe you have got 23 seats in the irish

parliament, out of 150 odd. that's correct. so you are not a huge player right now. you are significant, but you are not a big player. in the prime minister, who is very popular right now, he says i will never work with sinn fein, because they are eurosceptic, they are nationalistic, and even sectarian. the faces may get younger, but their politics remains the same. and he relies on the support of michael martin, you have quoted, to keep them in government. so there is clear—cut majority for any party. and of course political parties will jockey for any party. and of course political parties willjockey for position. i can simply say this, that we will seek a democratic mandate, and after the next election i will talk to the political parties, i will talk to independent members of the dail. i can only speak for myself, if these two gentleman you have quoted have said they will not talk to me, bear in mind they are also saying they won't talk to each other, so they runa won't talk to each other, so they run a very serious risk of winding

up run a very serious risk of winding up talking to themselves, but that isa up talking to themselves, but that is a matter for up talking to themselves, but that is a matterfor them. up talking to themselves, but that is a matter for them. what is a matter for you is how is a matter for them. what is a matterfor you is how irish people perceive you as a party offering them the prospect of a more prosperous ireland. now, you are a dig state, old —fashioned prosperous ireland. now, you are a dig state, old—fashioned socialist party. is that what the ireland of the 21st century really wants? the island, the dublin that you are sitting in, stephen, is a country that came through the most horrific, horrendous economic crash. and that didn't happen on my watch, and it didn't happen on my watch, and it didn't happen on sinn fein's watch. in the recovery hasn't happened on your watch either. this happened on the watch of the very people who would lay the kind of analysis that you have articulated. well, marylou mcdonald, we sit in an island where the growth rate is 62%, the unemployment is down at 6%, and job growth is at record levels. we sit in an ireland with the fastest growing economy in the european

union. and ten years ago if you had interviewed me you would have wrapped off the steam statistics. of course increases in employment are a good thing and increased economic activity are a good thing. but you are also sitting on a dublin which has a national emergency in housing, you are sitting in a jurisdiction that has a health service which is confused and inefficient. you are sitting on a place that is crying out for reform, crying out for decent investment in efficient public services, crying out for a level playing pitch, crying out for fair taxation, crying out for accountability. all of these things that old—fashioned lefty people like me believe in, and you are asking me, are they necessary components of a prosperous and progressive island? and i would say to you, absolutely they are. so you are sticking with they are. so you are sticking with the massive tax hike for the highest earning irish people, you are sticking with rises in corporation

tax, you are sticking with an economic plan which goldman sachs, and whatever you think about bankers, goldman sachs rather influential lee declared sinn fein represents the biggest risk to ireland's economic recovery. you are sticking with all that, are you? well, firstly we are not arguing for an increase in corporate tax, we are arguing for harmonisation of the corporate rate rate across ireland between the two jurisdictions. secondly we are arguing for fair taxation on a matter of simple logic. the grown—ups understand that things have to be paid for, services have to be paid for, and those with the deeper pockets than the broader shoulders carry somewhat more of the burden. and can i say, in respect to our friends at goldman sachs and to the great bankers of this world, i think that they might just the great bankers of this world, i think that they mightjust do a little bit of self—analysis and ask themselves, honestly, what function they have served in terms of servicing the common good. because you see, the difference between the goldman sachs and the bankers and me

is that i am charged with the duty and the responsibility to act in the collective good. and do you know what that means, stephen? sometimes that means saying things that are difficult for very wealthy people to hear. is not so much... it is not so much the wealthy individual, it is the message you are sending to business. the business minister has accused you of terrifying business. actually, one of the things i have done since i became leader in february is i have made it my business to actually restart our conversation with irish business and i have called to chambers of commerce north and south and we have had a conversation around skills capacity, we have had a conversation around infrastructure, around investment. and i think tom increasingly, people understand that there is actually a lot of a shared agenda. as for the minister that you quote saying that strike terror into the heart of business, that is just hyperbole. that is political posturing, in my view. there is

plenty of political posturing going on on the i/o of ireland, not least in the north, there is no devolved government and hasn't been for a basic year and a half. it has broken down. obviously it takes two to tango and it is not all the fault of sinn fein, but nonetheless, sinn fein's insistent that there must be no resumption of dissolved government until the union forces except the irish language in an official language in the way they are not compare to, that is stymieing any effort to get the devolution back. are you prepared to compromise? i think it is an absolute disgrace that we don't have our institutions are paying running in the north and last february, one of the issues, the english language rights, which are enjoyed in scotla nd rights, which are enjoyed in scotland and wales, we resolve those issues and we had in fact arrived at an accommodation with eileen foster

and dpp, as a matter of deep regret, not to play the blame game because i haven't interest in that, it is a matter of deep regret at the bp couldn't or wouldn't take that deal over the line. we moved, we compromised. the february agreement, i went and said to northern nationalists, this agreement is not perfectly formed in the nationalist i. you will criticise this agreement, legitimately criticise this agreement, but what we have achieved is enough. it was sufficient to move forward. that remains my position. i have to tell you this as well, the overarching issue and challenge brexit, the fact that people in the north of ireland voted against brexit has meant that the dgp in my view had taken refuge, have gone into hiding in westminster. they are under theresa may's wings. she is certainly putting zero by way of pressure, encouragement or incentive on them to do the right thing and to

re—establish the power—sharing institutions. either way, re—establish the power—sharing institutions. eitherway, it is re—establish the power—sharing institutions. either way, it is not a cce pta ble institutions. either way, it is not acceptable that we don't have the power—sharing institutions. you and i agree on that. and you just suggested that in your view, the dup, the unionists spent on this is connected to brexit. let's briefly talk about brexit. is that you set aec brexit as an enormous opportunity for sinn fein, in that if you are your cards right, whatever happens with the brexit deal, it seems likely that it is going to raise new questions, new challenging questions about the possibility in the long—term, of a united ireland. is that your agenda here? are you playing brexit because you see it as an avenue to restart the debate about united ireland?” think undoubtedly brexit places the issue of the partition of ireland and the irish borderfront and centre. of that there is no doubt.

brexit is a disaster, brexit is a tory conceived vanity. it was something that was pursued with reckless abandon, irrespective of the consequences, it seems to me, for the island of britain, but also with a wilful disregard of the island of ireland. i do think ireland even featured in the thinking of the tories when they pursue this matter. to my way of thinking it is premised on a very ugly thinking it is premised on a very da thinking it is premised on a very ugly agenda of exclusion, of anti—immigrant sentiment, of abusing and taking advantage of people ‘s understanding and insecurities and frustrations with the european project, i have to tell you, some of which i share. but the brexit issue... let me tell you this. this issue... let me tell you this. this is the bottomline this. we will not eat, this country, ireland will not be the collateral damage in the tory brexit. end of story. so, we have

commitments and we will hold people to these commitments that there will be no hardening of the border on our island, there will be no damage to the good friday agreement, that we painfully worked to and established. and citizens in the north will not be... it is quite clear, welll shouldn't say it is quite quick, elements in the government appeared to be absolutely sure that whatever the final deal in terms of customs arrangements and the economic arrangements and the economic arrangements between the uk and the european union, and they are quite sure that technical responses can be found to ensure that there needed the customs post and guard posts and all of that stuff. they say it is possible with modern technology to avoid all of that. so why are you making such a constant in such a big fuss about it? can ijust say making such a constant in such a big fuss about it? can i just say with the greatest of respect to the british government, they are bluffing and they have presented non— solutions based on

technological alice in wonderland fa ntasy technological alice in wonderland fantasy land, each of their proposals have been comprehensively discredited and disregarded quite correctly, by the european negotiators. there is no question of cost and post or paraphernalia on the island of ireland, but it is not just that. it is about divergences in terms of regulation, it is about differing standards across everything, you name it, it in every facet of our lives. the united kingdom had every right to vote for brexit and northern ireland is a pa rt brexit and northern ireland is a part of the united kingdom, so you are going to have to live with the reality of brexit. well, i am sorry to disabuse you of that notion, brexit is, with all due respect to you on a far side of the pond, is your creation, it is your baby and it is your problem. is not going to be ours. and i would also remind you that the british government is party

to an internationally binding treaty called the good friday agreement and at the core of that is the concept of consent. and what the agreement saysis of consent. and what the agreement says is that the people of the north of ireland must consent to any change in the constitutional status of the north of ireland. of course, when the agreement was signed that meant that union between britain and the north. but i think that you can fairly and feasibly argue that the proposal to coerce the north of ireland out of the european union, despite the democratically expressed wishes and views of the people, actually flies in the face of the consent and supple. and i have to tell you in any... that sounds to me like a threat to. that is not a threat to. i am arguing the case of. if you listen to the government here in dublin, they are similarly taking a very firm position, as is michel barnier and his team of negotiators, because there is an obligation under everybody concerned, to protect

people ‘s livelihoods, people ‘s standards of living, and of course, to protect the precious thing, the very precious thing that we have developed here in ireland 20 years on this topic we are almost out of time. a final thought on brexit and the future of ireland. you seem to be quite convinced that this whole debate about brexit has, in a sense, revived the notion that a united ireland is not that far away. let me just point you the words of the prime minister, the overanxious. he said ina prime minister, the overanxious. he said in a visit to northern ireland, last week he said that he was coming asa last week he said that he was coming as a neighbour, not as an invader. he went on to say that as far as he was concerned, if there were to be a referendum on unification, the north, the people of the north would vote against it and he said that the time and the conditions, in his opinion, were simply not right to either think about having a

referendum not let alone actually call for one. 0k. look, long before you would actually name a date for the referendum, of course we have to have an all of society, north to south, conversation about what does the new ireland look like a! i am not so presumptuous, i am not going to hand it down on packets of stone, why should i? this is not something thatis why should i? this is not something that is simply about sinn fein, this isa that is simply about sinn fein, this is a matter well he and asked and unionists has a critical voice. those who argued passionately for the maintenance of the union, as is their right, also now need to think about, to talk about, to tell us, what it is that they need to. what it is that they require a in this new ireland. and we want to have that discussion with them in a calm way, ina that discussion with them in a calm way, in a respectful way and as and when, whenever the date is for the referendum, i want to make things. i wa nt referendum, i want to make things. i want us to win it, but i want us to win it well and decently with an

emphasis on maximising consensus. will there be a referendum in your life? absolutely. not a shred of doubt. not at all. mary lou mcdonald, we have to end it there, but thank you very much for being on hardtalk. after a fairly cloudy weekend, some of us will be waking up to decent sunshine first thing on monday morning. not everywhere. the weather for the week ahead, summer will return to southern and central parts of the uk. certainly warming up by tuesday and wednesday. the north, however, unsettled with some rain. this is what is happening right now. still a lot of cloud

in the atlantic. it is pushing in the direction of the uk. during the course of this morning in the afternoon, clouds in some areas will increase after that bright and sunny start. we have cloudy and south—eastern and southern areas. mist and murk as well. six o'clock, largely clear skies in many western and northern areas. through the morning, we will see a atlantic winds once again dragging the cloud and some of it will be thick enough to produce light rain and drizzle. the north—west of scotland, additionally, very windy. the coast of the highland, gale force. 25 degrees in the south—east. still fresh in the north. this warm weather, it looks like it will be warming up in the southern half of the uk. warm air from the south. never reaches scotland or northern ireland. taking a turn and ending up in europe. humid and warm winds from the south—west. spots of rain.

the weather front separating the cool air in the north and that in the south, drifting across northern ireland and eventually into scotland. that spells rain for places like glasgow later in the day. wednesday, the weather front will sink further south across the country. that means the area of warmth across the south of the uk will also be pushed a little bit towards the south. this is the weather front. behind it, fresh air in scotland and northern ireland and northern england. cloudy conditions with a few spots of rain. extreme south—east, retaining the heat on wednesday. the weather front will go further south. look how very hot it is across the near continent. temperatures on wednesday, getting to around 26, perhaps 27. newcastle, only around 16. quite fresh contrasting across the uk. thursday, high pressure

establishing across the uk. dry weather. turning a little bit cool for a little while. goodbye. i'm sharanjit leyl in singapore. the headlines: a day of surprises at the world cup, with title—holders germany beaten in their first—round match by mexico. "i hate to see children separated from theirfamilies". america's first lady speaks out about a controversial practice at the us border. i'm kasia madera in london. also in the programme: addicted to video games. the world health organisation recognises gaming disorder as a medical condition. is hong kong's appetite for seafood on the wane? the discovery of tiny plastic particles inside local fish is leading many people to think twice.