the british prime minister has appealed to her party to get behind her brexit deal. theresa may had been forced to defend her plan following a day of stinging criticism inside and outside parliament, including from the man who set up the deal, the brexit secretary, dominic raab. a planned repatriation of rohingya muslims from bangladesh to myanmar has been delayed after a mass protest. more than 700,000 rohingyas fled myanmar last year to escape violence and military operations which targeted them. and brexit is trending on bbc.com. this clip of a bbc sign language interpreter has gone viral after actor ell potter tweeted it. welcome to hardtalk.

i'm stephen sackur. president daniel 0rtega of nicaragua has been in powerfor the last 11 years, but this year he's faced popular protests and demands that he go. his response — repression and defiance. well, my guest today here in washington, dc is leading nicaraguan dissident and now a leader of the opposition in exile, felix maradiaga. is change finally coming to nicaraguan nicaragua? felix maradiaga, welcome to hardtalk. thank you. it is now seven months since popular protest erupted in nicaragua, and for a time it seemed there was a real chance of change coming to your country.

do you feel that that window of opportunity has now closed? i think that the window of opportunity for a quick fix has ended. i feel that the situation is more complicated. 0n the other hand, the average citizen of nicaragua, the average nicaraguan, is still interested in transition towards democracy. so i think that we have not only a chance but a firm commitment to move towards democracy. would you accept that perhaps you and others in the opposition, if we can loosely call it the opposition — you overestimated your ability to be the agents of change? i'm thinking ofjuan sebastian chamorro, who we actually interviewed on hardtalk. he talked of about a civic insurrection that is gonna unite a clear majority of nicaraguans around the goal of ending the dictatorship. big ambitions, but he was wrong. well, i cannot speak

on behalf of the alliance. i'm just an average citizen, an academic, an entrepreneur whojoined the broad movement. and one thing we need to admit is that this movement doesn't have a clear leadership, doesn't have a group that can strategise for the broad movement of students, campesinos, the women's movement, and i think that's part of the challenge. but it's also about messaging, isn't it, and about tone, because again there were some people in those protests who were comparing daniel ortega and the sandinistas to former dictator somoza. now, 0rtega has won three elections. he got re—elected in 2011 and re—elected again in 2016. the man has a mandate. to compare him to somoza, one of the most corrupt dictators ever seen in latin america, was that a mistake? i don't think it's a mistake. somoza also won elections. i mean, he went through

the formalities of holding elections, 0rtega as well, and i would agree with dr chamorro, who you interviewed, when he explained that those elections did not have any legitimacy. it's not my opinion, it's the opinion of the european union, it's the opinion of transparency international, it's the opinion of the carter centre, so after 2008 every single election was a fraud election. what about the violence? do you regret now that the violence was allowed to escalate? and, yes, there is, ithink, very little doubt from independent observers, including the inter—american commission on human rights, including amnesty international, that the government forces committed atrocities, and we're talking about at least 300 people dead, maybe more. but it is also clear that violence was used by some of the protesters, too. there were home—made mortars fired, there were guns in the hands of protesters. do you regret the way the violence was allowed to escalate? 0h, absolutely. i think that no nicaraguan

who has a clear understanding of what's happening regrets all the lives that have been lost. and one of the challenges as we spoke ofjust a second ago, that this movement didn't have a clear leadership. for example, i come from a non—violent movement, and if you monitor my articles, and the response to the articles, many of the protesters have made strong comments to the non—violent movement, because they believe that the violence from the government has been so severe that it's nothing but natural that there's some violent response in self defence from parts of the population. i need to say that there has just been a minority. it wasn't always self defence, though, was it? we saw for policeman murdered in one small town in nicaragua, you know, that's notjust... you are talking about morrito, i believe? yeah, morrito‘s become very well—known because the government in managua makes a point of saying,

you know, some of the protesters were terrorists and they murdered policemen in uniform. and it's shameful, i will not try to defend anyone who has a shot against, you know, police officers, as violent as they are. but if you take a snapshot of what happened after april 18th, you will only get a limited view of what has happened. the police in nicaragua lost legitimacy many years ago when they started killing a lot of campesinos. if you read the report from the nicaraguan centre for human rights, there were almost 70 extrajudicial killings before april, in the last ten years. so the population, particularly in the isolated areas of nicaragua, were tired of that kind of police abuse for years. once again, i am notjustifying in any way that type of violence. mr maradiaga, why are you here? we're talking in washington, dc. should you not be in nicaragua making the case for democracy for early elections, for end of repression, for all of these changes

and reforms you want to see? you should be back home making that argument. i fully agree with you, and i hope that mr 0rtega watches this interview so that he will hear that i will go back to nicaragua, but as many other members of the opposition, we have not gotten any fair chance. as soon as we try to make a case for democracy, we are arrested. by the way, i am here in washington because there is a meeting of the nicaraguan diaspora, so we have a meeting... i understand you're here for a particular meeting in washington. but essentially you are in exile. you have fled your country, and you face charges in nicaragua, very, very serious charges. because the allegation from the government is that there is evidence that you were the mastermind behind what they call a criminal terrorist coup d'etat — you organised much of the violence, they say, that came after april 18. well, they are giving me too much importance. i wish i had that kind of influence, because then the non—violent

movement would have been probably more in control of many of the things... well, you say you're non—violent. the government says it has evidence that you held meetings, you organised training, all of it aimed at a violent overthrow of 0rtega and his government. we have not seen a single piece of evidence of that. i have been an academic for many years. and of course i have been in the public eye for many years as a trainer of many university students, as a trainer of civil society, particularly in non—violent strategies to pursue social change. and that's pretty open. i have done that in television, in radio, i have done that through publications. so those accusations are absolutely ridiculous. you said, because you left with yourfamily injune, you then chose to go back to nicaragua in july, and you said because of what the government even then was saying about you, they accused you of treason, they accused you of being a key organiser of what they continue to call terrorism —

you said by targeting me in this way the government has basically passed a death sentence on me. did you really mean that? did you feel that your life was very much at risk in nicaragua in the summer? 0h, absolutely. and i am willing to take that risk. many other nicaraguans have taken similar risks to change the country and to move the country on the path towards democracy. you, injuly, i believe it wasjuly 11, you were attending a meeting of, i believe, student activists in leon, and that meeting was disrupted. you were in particular targeted. what happened ? i was meeting with students of the university of leon, and a mob simply broke into that private space that we had rented, they broke the doors, and a significant number of sandinista sympathisers started beating us. it's very hard, believe me, to be in that position and not to fight back.

but precisely because i knew that journalists around the world were seeing my response, we all tried, and not only myself, but the students that were there were all committed not to respond with a single blow, even if that signified a risk to our lives, because we sent a message to the world. it is true that there has been some isolated violence toward the regime of 0rtega, but we are committed to non—violent change. what happened ? i mean, what were your injuries like at the end of this beating? well, i had some tooth that i lost, and my nose was broken, and my finger was broken. i try not to speak about my personal injuries, because when you see what has been done to many nicaraguans, over 500 nicaraguans in terms of their assassinations, my injuries were, you know, very small in comparison to the suffering of the nicaraguan people under 0rtega. what about viper? now, this is a word used

in connection with one particular individual... pretty creative, i would say. yes, an individual and a network, christian mendoza fernandez is described as a key leader of the violent opposition. you are described as the man behind this viper figure, pulling the strings on the network. what can you tell me about viper? i learnt from viper, just as you, from the media. i have never seen that person. one thing i know from the public record is that he used to work for government, just in early april. so he was clearly a government official. i think it's ridiculous. it would cause laughter if it were not for the fact that it's a serious accusation. if it is so ridiculous, and all of these accusations that we've just been through, and you've issued denial after denial, if it is all so clear cut, and you know there is no evidence against you, why don't you go back and expose this ridiculous charade?

because i will fall into the trap of the sandinista regime. number one, they want to ridicule the case for democracy. they want to shut down my voice. and they want to deviate the attention from the key issues. the key issue is not the alleged coup d'etat, it's that we have a dictatorial regime that has killed over 500 and the nicaraguans are desperate for change. and i will not allow the 0rtega regime to turn the focus from my case, that is not actually the real issue. you speak to me as a former government official, a guy who then set up perhaps one of the most influential think tanks in nicaragua, this institute for strategic studies and public policy, but you don't have a formal political position. there are opposition parties in nicaragua. if you're so determined to join the battle, albeit in exile, why don't you front up, join one of the political parties, rather than stand on the sidelines telling me that,

oh, in the end, i am an academic. that is a fair question and it would be a fair assumption if we were living under normal democratic circumstances. 0rtega has destroyed the independence of political parties. he has declared political parties illegal at some points. so joining the political battle doesn't make any sense. well, you say that but there are still political parties. i spoke to mr chamorro — he's involed in opposition politics, there's the independent liberal party, there's all sorts of parties in nicaragua. and he would agree with me that traditional political parties have their hands tied, and therefore civil society has been forced to take an active role in the opposition, not because that is our role but because there are no other chances. we are just a voice because the political system in nicaragua has been closed for years. let me get a little bit personal. do you think, if we look to nicaragua's future, that you, talked about now as one of the key

leaders of the general opposition movement, can you have credibility in your country when you are so closely associated with the united states? i mean, here we sit in washington today. but, because of your past, the fact that, as a child, you left nicaragua. your mother sent you as an illegal immigrant, to start with, into the us, you were raised and educated in the us, then you went home again, then you got a degree at harvard. you have many friends and a network in the united states. to some in nicaragua, that makes you deeply suspect. deal will and i would understand their position. 20% of the nicaraguan population, for years, have been forced to flee their country because their lives have been at risk or because they haven't had any opportunity. at this point, i'm not trying to fight for my credibility. i'm putting myself in the public eye and i recognise that part of the population will see suspicions, you know. but some other people have been taking greater risks. so i'm fine with that kind of risk.

you clearly are talking to the trump administration. as you say, it's not just about them, it's about the international community. but do you not worry that there is a very difficult message coming from the trump administration when it comes to relations with central america? if we think about what donald trump says about migrants coming from central america right now, mexico, they are mostly guatemalans and hondurans, i dare say there are some nicaraguans there too. donald trump characterises them as an invading horde, potential criminals, a danger to the security of the united states of america. it's a difficult time for you for appeal help from donald trump. i think it is the right time not only for the trump administration, but for every country in the developed world to tackle the issue of refugees and migrants. what i can tell you is no one leaves their home, the safety of their family, because they are safe. they leave it precisely because they do not

have the opportunities to pursue their dreams. so people who are leaving their place, their communities, in let it be africa or syria or guatemala or el salvador, because they don't have those opportunities. the international community should play a role in helping countries of origin so that these people can have a safe place. my point is simple this, when you come to washington and appeal for help to the trump administration, do you seriously believe that the people at the top of the government in the united states at the moment have any real, sincere interest in helping countries like nicaragua? you would be surprised. this is one of the issues where both sides of the political spectrum agree from different points of views. for example, i understand that the republican party wants to avoid an increasing number of refugees and migrants... doesn't that stick in your throat? it does and i have my very open and progressive ideas in terms

of migration, but i am not here to speak for domestic policies in the us. i am a nicaraguan, who tries to speak on behalf of nicaraguans. i will speak my mind for the people of nicaragua to find a solution for the crisis. you, if i may say, must tread carefully, for instance, what message do you send back home when you talk about wanting to see the trump administration put more pressure on the government in your home country? because more pressure presumably means some sort of sanctions, that will not help people back home, is it? i would disagree. i think we are using all of the tools that international law allows us, we are not talking about pressure from the trump administration in particular. in fact, we are saying that that would be a problem, if only the trump administration

puts pressure on the 0rtega regime. we have said that the international community in general has to pay attention to the fact that human rights in nicaragua are at the most severe crisis in generations. economic sanctions, do you think they really would help your people? i think it is immoral that some parts of the international community and international banks are putting money into nicaragua that pays political officers who are killing people. i would say yes, if we have to go that far to push 0rtega to go back to the table, it is a painful process, but there is no other way. it is easy for you to say it is a painful process while you sit here in washington, dc, the truth is that the economic analysis i have seen shows that at least 200,000 jobs have been lost since the uprising begna in april just because of the destabilisation of the politics and economics of your country. 200,00 jobs lost and you are saying you want to see more economic pressure be put on nicaragua, what's going to happen to the people in your country?

i think the long—term damage, it's nothing compared to what we see today. number two, we believe that mr 0rtega has the solution, he can go back to the table and allow elections. he can release the 558 politicla prisoners and that will allow the international community to find an alternative. mr 0rtega is not leaving any other alternative, he has a solution. isn't it the truth, like in most political confrontatoins, stand—offs like this, ultimately you will have to begin a dialogue with 0rtega and his government. you might call him as bad as somoza, a terrorist regime, but the bottom line is you do find a way it to have dialogue with him. yes, that is not only my opinion, but the overwhelming opinion of nicaraguans. in fact, if you monitor the positions of the civic alliance and the blue and white union as well, it is all towards dialogue. we're not looking that any type of major disruption. that is what we are saying.

mr 0rtega has an opportunity to go back to the ballot table. so what do you want? what could he give you that would satisfy you? an opportunity for a transition towards democracy, the release of political prisoners, to allow free and fair elections. forgive me, we have discussed the elections, but the bottomline he has a mandate recognised by the international community until, i believe, 2021. can you not wait until then? he is the elected president of your country. i think that the problem with legitimacy is a central problem in this crisis. one thing that we need to recognise is that for years, this type of elections have precisely been because of this crisis. we need to reform the electoral system, which is a conversation we are having. it's not my opinion, it is the opinion of the organisation of american states, the opinion of over 22 states

within the us that have a place that request in one of the resolutions. we want mr 0rtega to start electoral reform, to stop prosecuting people in nicaragua for simply protesting, or to allow the right for the freedom of assembly. ortega and his government point to your financial links with the us government and other agencies in washington. they say that you personally take money through your institute for strategic studies, you have been funded by the national endowment for democracy, that might look to some in nicaragua like another reason to suspect your motives. we have pursued a policy of radical transparency. for 15 years, our accounting records have been opened and not only that, we have placed reports every single year to the ministry of government

which issues the license for civil society organisations. so, ourfunding from the us has been between 12—16% per year, on average. on average receiving $56,000 per year. do you think you can sponsor a coup de tat with $56,000? let's be serious. most of our funding has come from finland, from denmark, from the european union and that has been to conduct fair economic research. who is paying for your lawyer, if you don't mind me asking. you have hired an internationally—renowned human rights lawyer to defend your interests in nicaragua, he doesn't come cheap. he is not very cheap, he is a prominent lawyer, mrjared genser, a distinguished lawyer and a personal friend from the human rights community. i want to use this opportunity to thankjarrod for taking my case. and what is the answer? who is paying his fees? you'd have to ask him. he is a pro—bono lawyer and as you know, it is common for what is in the united dates to have some of their powers

as pro bono hours. jared genser is interesting because he has represented all sorts of human rights lawyers and campaigners around the world, or one person is leopoldo lopez in venezuela. yes. you will know better than me that in venezuela, the opposition to the socialist maduro government has been trying to achieve change, sometimes through popular protest, sometimes through dialogue, and over many years their efforts have failed. is there not a direct parallel between what is happening in venezuela and what is happening in nicaragua today? i would say there are parallels and that is what we are saying, we should not wait for nicaragua to become venezuela. the crisis in venezuela is a humanitarian crisis and the international community could have acted way before. in the case of nicaragua, we still have a window of opportunity and we should not wait for the crisis to escalate. you left nicaragua injuly with a broken nose, a broken hand and a feeling that if you stayed you might well be killed.

when do you think you will go home? i hope soon i will go back and i am willing and able to take personal risk when i go back. but i think that nicaragua has suffered a lot, the country doesn't need one more political prisoner. i am not expecting to become a martyr, this is not the case or the cause of an individual, this is the cause of a nation that desperately wants peace and wants to find a resolution to our conflict. so i will play the role that is more useful to move the country towards democracy and i think that my role is not in prison, i think it is with speaking with people like you that can ask the hard questions, that can allow us to open our hearts and minds, to be very creative in finding peace in nicaragua. this is not the promotion of regime change. it's simply a country in the world that is desperately asking people around the world, governments around the world, to please help us to move towards democracy. of course, sandinistas and even supporters of 0rtega, will play a key role in that. felix maradiaga, we have to end there.

thank you very much for being on hardtalk. thank you for the opportunity. hello, there. we started this week with some drenching downpours. we end the week on a much quieter note. albeit quite a murky one. some cloud, some mist and fog to start friday. i'm hopeful that things will brighten up a little bit later on. but sunshine amounts will vary, depending on where you are. most of us starting off grey and murky with some mist and hill fog. but, as we go on through the day,

that cloud will tend to break up. northern scotland should see some sunshine even in the morning. and then, into the afternoon, a few other places willjoin in, mostly where you get a bit of shelter from high ground in the south, north cornwall, north devon, western and northern wales, a decent chance of seeing a little sunshine. elsewhere, the cloud should thin and break a little bit to reveal some brightness. temperatures generally around 13 or 1a degrees. northern ireland, perhaps cumbria, the northern half of scotland, these areas likely to see some spells of sunshine with those temperatures again up to 13 or 1a degrees. but, as we go through friday night, most places will turn quite cloudy, the cloud lowering down onto the hills. it will be quite murky, some patches of mist. as a consequence, not a cold night, minimum temperatures between six to 12 degrees. so a mild start to saturday morning. quite a grey start as well. there are some changes to come. high—pressure sitting here across the near continent. but the winds around high pressure flow in a clockwise direction, and that's going to start to bring us more of a south—easterly flow. we will tap into some dry air and so this cloud

is going to retreat. we are going to peel it back from the map and we will see increasing amounts of sunshine. so, after that grey start, things should tend to brighten up. and, by saturday afternoon, most of us should have blue skies overhead. those temperatures, ten, 11, 12 degrees, that won't feel too bad, although it will be quite breezy. and then, for sunday, it'll be quite a cold start, actually. a touch of frost will be around, then a lot of sunshine to take us through the day. still quite breezy and still not especially warm. those temperatures around 9— 12 degrees. but those temperatures are only going to head in one direction as we head to the start of next week, and that is downwards. we are going to start to import some much colder air from the near continent, and so temperatures are going to take a tumble. at the same time, we are going to

bring in more in the way of cloud. so, largely grey skies as we go into monday and tuesday. it will still be quite breezy, and temperatures for many stuck in single digits. welcome to newsday. i'm babita sharma in london. the headlines: despite stinging criticism, and a string of resignations, the british prime minister says she'll see her brexit deal through. i believe with every fibre of my being that the course i have set out is the right one for our country and all our people. mass protests delay the repatriation of rohingya muslims from bangladesh to myanmar. i'm rico hizon in singapore. also in the programme: president trump is to travel to california to meet victims of the wildfires that have killed at least 59 people. and genocide verdicts against two former leaders of cambodia's khmer are due to be delivered shortly. live from