a coup in venezuela. he reacted to washington's support for the opposition by breaking all diplomatic links with america. the us says mr maduro is corrupt and illegitimat and called on him to step down peacefully. donald trump says he would consider any reasonable deal drawn up by the republicans and democrats to bring the shutdown to an end. earlier, the senate rejected two new proposals. mr trump is still insisting on funding for his mexican border wall. and this story is trending on bbc.com: the doomsday clock which suggests how close the world is to catastrophic disaster — remains at two minutes to midnight. the committee that runs it have kept it at the most perilous position on record for more than a year. that's all. stay with bbc news. now on bbc news it's hardtalk. stephen sackur speaks to john mcdonnell, labour's shadow chancellor. welcome to hardtalk. i'm stephen

sackur. little more than two months now, britain is scheduled to leave the european union. that beguilingly simple statement is at the heart of a political crisis which deepens by the day. the ruling conservative party is riven with splits, so too is the labour opposition. if parliament's brexit paralysis persists then britain will leave with no deal in place, no orderly transition, and the prospect of economic disruption. my my guest is labour's shadow chancellorjohn mcdonnell. my guest is labour's shadow chancellor john mcdonnell. what my guest is labour's shadow chancellorjohn mcdonnell. what will they do in this moment of political truth? john mcdonnell, welcome to hardtalk.

this is the endgame. whitsed it before but it's real now. so, will labour do whatever it takes to ensure that britain does not leave the european union was no deal in place on march 29? every week seems to be the endgame. we keep saying it. we can't say it for much longer because the clock doesn't stop the —— ticking. dell make even with the amendments going into parliament next week, it might not be the endgame as such. -- even with. most of the people i speak to in the economic area, trade unions or business leaders, they are saying

they want certainty. what we are trying to bring to tip the table is some certainty. as we go through this next few weeks, there is a prospect, there is a prospect of a deal being reached that can secure sufficient parliamentary support, i think there is. it is that the government's deal, i don't think, although, who can tell whether there will be a renegotiation of that. i think there is a willing parliament to avoid and no deal and therefore a riding at some form of compromise. it has got to be a compromise. not eve ryo ne it has got to be a compromise. not everyone get everything that they wa nt everyone get everything that they want but i think that they will be an overwhelming view that we don't wa nt an overwhelming view that we don't want no deal. and i think it will clearly need to talk to each other. why whenjeremy clearly need to talk to each other. why when jeremy corbyn and clearly need to talk to each other. why whenjeremy corbyn and the leadership of labour talk to theresa may at this clinical moment? you make it talks to her in parliament. in weight have a meeting. he said to ta ke in weight have a meeting. he said to take no deal off the table. —— they won't have meeting. why impose

preconditions? he has talked to her... crosstalk. i have heard this time and time again. crosstalk. he won't talk to theresa may. he talks to her in front of the nation every week and he said to her one thing you have got to do before we can move forward is rule out no deal. she won't do that and why is that? because she is using the threat of no deal to try and blackmail parliament each supporting her deal. those party leaders who went in came out and those party leaders who went in came outand said... those party leaders who went in came out and said... jeremy quoted hilary benn it and i think she summed it perfectly. —— summed it up. benn it and i think she summed it perfectly. -- summed it up. leaders are meeting theresa may here because they feel there is something is important to do here. a need for all

the leaders at this critical junction to actually sit down together, as you said, discuss what compromises everybody is going to have to make will stop the only person it appears not going to do thatis person it appears not going to do that is jeremy person it appears not going to do that isjeremy corbyn. person it appears not going to do that is jeremy corbyn. they are on the same page is asked, they are saying get the no deal. they are going into get the protections and regulations we ask for. we are saying that is fine, that's what we need to do but no deal has to come off the table first. when i ask you if labour's is prepared to do whatever it takes, i was thinking about an amendment that is going to be put forward in the house of commons and the architect of that is yvette cooper, a senior member of the labor party. if there is no agreement that gets through parliament, a deal that gets rid parliament, a deal that gets rid parliament by february six, the amendment will say no deal will be taken off the table and in essence, the article 50 deadline of march 29

will be extended. at least we will seek to extend it with the eu 27, probably until the end of the year. a year, put back the deadline and awful long way. will the labor party officially back that amendment? given that we have been talking to a vet all the way through. remember that moved a motion amendment. ——we have been talking to yvette. it is highly likely we will support it. so we can assume, because you highly likely we will support it. so we can assume, because you don't say that lightly. the labor party will give an official backing? that is my recommendation but we go through normal processes. the leader of the chief whip... normal processes. the leader of the chief whip. .. so you think the party will end up whipping that through?” spoke to yvette and her analysis is the same as mine. if we reach a situation where the prime minister can't bring forward a deal is the overall agreement of parliament, we have been left with a matter of

weeks and its physical impossible then to go out and any deal brought forward in that time period so therefore we are then faced with an ideal situation so the best thing to do is to put the article 50 off. if that has put forward the idea to put enough the end of the year. it could be six months or nine months. that will come out in the debate. but we are trying to do is what the prime minister is failing to do which is building consensus across the parties in the house of commons. party think those people across the country, many of them labour voters and supporters, who wanted to see britain leave on march 29, will feel about the delay, possibly for nine months, who knows how long? my constituents, it shortly but they voted leave. 58% leap. constituents, it shortly but they voted leave. 5896 leap. we have got to explain to people very, very clearly why there is that delay. it's not my view. it is saying

practically, even if a deal is place, the practical arrangements won't be in place but it is difficult to see a deal emerging at the moment within that time scale. we will see what the prime minister comes back with. i suspect the prime minister may come back with some more forms of words around the backstop more forms of words around the ba cksto p to more forms of words around the backstop to try and reassure some of the members, you never know, her deal might well go through, we can't tell at the moment. failing that, we have got to try and arrive in parliament and this is about parliament and this is about parliament taking back a bit of control, arrive at some element of compromise. we have put our proposals forward, the amendment, the customs union, trade deals, single market, protection of the regulations on employment, environment and consumer rights. that might form the base of the deal but at least it starts the debate off. let's engage in that a little bit. the labor party insists it has a deal which will work. a modified

dealfrom a deal which will work. a modified deal from theresa may but it depends upon certain concepts which are simply do not understand how you think brussels will ever accept. one, for example, is what you call a customs arrangement. really a customs arrangement. really a customs union. the uk in the customs union with the eu. but with the uk, usa, getting a say in all future trade negotiations, what on earth thinks that it makes you think that would be acceptable? that's part of the negotiations would have with our european partners. a year -- i understand you would seek at whitey think that would be acceptable? there is the ability for the eu to ensure that there is with a third country, to have that arrangement. with what we have seen...” country, to have that arrangement. with what we have seen... i am looking at a statement from the eu commission. it is an exclusive response ability of the eu and that

meant the eu institutions make lords of the shrek make laws and conclude international trade agreement. ———— make laws. you can with third countries have a relationship we haase. turkey has it. we won't want the same as turkey but it's the subject of negotiation. the point we have been making time and time again with theresa may is that she has had two years with theresa may is that she has had two yea rs in with theresa may is that she has had two years in which actually she hasn't really negotiated, aspar as i'm concerned, on the basis of a mandate from parliament. ——as far as i'm concerned. it will allow us to have debates. the best part of the last year, the labor party has applied to these six tests to any deal. they have included the broad concept that it needs to be members of the customs union and single

market. that is precisely what jean—claude juncker, angela merkel, emmanuel macron, had insisted from the very giving is utterly impossible because it represents wanting all the benefits without any of the duties and obligations of membership. delly what would those tests for? they were to test the government —— what were those tests for? it was to test their roadworks. this is what you have promised us. david davis said it... and you ridiculed him. it was fantasy lad, it was absurd. lula if that is what you are telling us, we will test you against your own measures. ——if that is what you are telling us. we are saying we have an alternative deal and you can test this against our own deal. we want to get parliament into the debate to see whether or not, it are deal isn't satisfactory, what is? what compromise can be all make? this is all about making a copper mines and it may be that

party lines break down and that individual mps have to decide. —— compromise. we have put an amendment up. if there's basically, first of all, let's rule out no deal. here are our ideas on what had deal could look like and we want that debate to stand. we are open to a discussion with others. other political parties, other individual mps, in a way that actually the prime minister for two years, hasn't. it seems to me that you are accepting now that from the labour point of view, delay is the most likely immediate outcome. it looks as though the government is forcing us into that because they have run down the clock. remember, we wanted the meaningful vote which would be the vote on the government's proposals, a month ago. the prime minister came along... knew she was going to lose the vote so dilated and then puts the vote so dilated and then puts the vote so dilated and then puts the vote and losers tojune 30, the biggest in parliamentary history. we

are ina biggest in parliamentary history. we are in a situation where we are forced into this consideration. ——to hundred and 30. it's not about making. —— hundred and 30. it's not about making. -- 230. this is about putting it back to the british people. parliament has failed and we need to go back to the british people with all of the new information we have got, 2016, it wasn't clear what brexit would mean and now it's pretty clear what it might mean, let us consult the british people, see what they want to do. element that is why we put that in our amendment. if you've read it. —— that is why we put that in our amendment. here are our proposals on what it should look like. this is what other parties think that also we have put in that amendment that parliament should also have the option of considering another public vote. and that public vote, in your opinion because you are now actively talking about it, would include the option to remain? the way we have posted in parliament, we are trying to bring

people around some form of compromise. is that parliament should have the option of looking at a public vote on whether the deal was agreed and put that to the people. if people don't that vote, don't accept that compromise, that proposal, then status quo would take place which is remain. jeremy corbyn said to the german magazine that brexit can't be stopped that he has changed his mind? the brexit process can't be stopped because we are in the process now full stop it doesn't mean that people and parliament can't make more decisions in the future. let's talk about the deep split in the labor party.” future. let's talk about the deep split in the labor party. i heard your introduction, we have held together pretty well. we are having a good democratic debate. you have shadow ministers, ministers are housing, saying if the labor party decides to go from second referendum, she will quit. also karen flynt has said that quite

patenlty, for her constituents, going to a second referendum that would represent a betrayal. they are properly reflecting their views but also the views of their constituents. what we have been able to do asa constituents. what we have been able to do as a party is establish a process where people can express their views but then we arrive at a democratic decision and we have done that at each stage and that's what we are doing now. my point is that these are characters who will actually not, even if you whip vote, they will not agree to follow the labor party line. that represents to me, a split. that isn't necessarily the case. people have expressed strong views in the past that when the parties come to a democratic decision, the vast majority, i think the last vote, we lost about three of our members, may be four. the matter to you that the labor party membership, according to polling evidence is substantial,

70%, well, 70% remained at 70% wanting to see a referendum which remain on the ballot, is that a huge fight? of course it is. we need to ta ke fight? of course it is. we need to take that into account and that is why the labour party conference were unanimously voted for a way that we would handle this and go forward and we have abided by that all the way through and of course we have strong views on either side but they have been able to come to an agreement about how we handle the democratic debate. in the winter to len mccluskey, one of the biggest member of the labour movement and that is funded through the union, this is a referendum could welfare the country apart. he says he finds the idea of sending labour mps back into their constituencies in, for example, minutes per and bamfield, and telling the people they made a stupid decision and they should reverse it and he to play and deeply unappealing. he is right you wouldn't want to go back and call your constituent stupid. but his implication is there is no way that could be avoided if you go back to

the people and say we didn't like the people and say we didn't like the decision you talk swivelled the man who take it again and make a difference decision, but is a... you wouldn't do it though. if we ever get to another public float, and it isa get to another public float, and it is a big if and depends on whether parliament agree a compromise or not, it is a big if, and mps would have to be honest, the party would have to be honest, the party would have to be honest, the party would have to be honest in say parliament doesn't have to agree is now it is back to you and this is one proposal that parliament has agreed upon in terms of one way forward. it would have a proper debate. would you cast a vote for remain? i would, i would vote remain again because i campaigned to them in the first place but i would have to respect my constituents‘s views and the result ina constituents‘s views and the result in a referendum on to the bestjob we came on the basis of the mandate. as things stand today you want britain to remain inside the european union? i have consistently done that but i want britain to actually reflect the views of the people that we gave the opportunity to vote in the referendum which was to vote in the referendum which was to leave. if i may... also

democratic compromises that have to be made, democratic society. let's talk about the bigger truck, what brexit says as part of a wider trend across the world. it seems and again, very interesting piece was written recently by a right—wing writer, john harris, in the guardian, he travels the country listening to what people think about the state of the nation and he says brexit in essence was a sort of rebel yell. a hail of frustration and anger from people who are feeling deeply neglected by not listened to by the political elite and he ties it to what we see about the core support the donald trump in the core support the donald trump in the united states and nativism and populism across the european union. john has a strong point is there but we shouldn't be too simplistic about our analysis as well. people voted for a range of motivations. in the referendum campaign i to the country and did meetings particularly with smalltown, particularly up north,

not cities but small towns, and i had a range of views, you had a view from the left, lexit they called it, withdrawing from the union because they saw it as neoliberal. .. jeremy corbyn's old stand up to... we argued about the need for democratic reform in the eu and campaigned around it but to address — one of the examples i was given his the european union and the way they treated greece so i invited the ex—crow finance minister cross and he was putting the argument on the same platform as me, i agree with all the criticisms you have but we can reform those ——ex greece. the way they treated greece was abhorrent but we can overcome it if we we re abhorrent but we can overcome it if we were together. my point isn't so much wanting to go back to brexit, it is how does the left in the united kingdom avoid what we have seen into many other parts of the world which is this anger, this populist way it is so much more

easy, it seems, for right conservative movements to channel that it conservative movements to channel thatitis conservative movements to channel that it is the left wing? sorry if i am being long—winded but sometimes you have to explain in full. there isa you have to explain in full. there is a variety of motivations, i dealt with the left motivation byjust demonstrating that the left in europe wanted us to stay to assist in tackling the real problem is that people are facing around neoliberalism. there were others who had a few about the european union that, again, it wasn't on the same agenda that they wanted in terms of the party if britain so these were views taken that were considered views taken that were considered views and she had to respect them that you had to argue against them and confront them in debate but there were others as well, and it was a bit like a by—election where everyone's grievance went into one vote and all that grievance was about an establishment that wasn't listening to them, was not investing in their communities, had undermined particularly their manufacturing

base in sometimes up north, and this was the way in which we shook the establishment and said listened to us, and we want change. and we have to listen to that is part of the debate. do you believe it is now time for you, and your tradition is from the left of the party it is a validly socialist, as indeed to a certain extent marxist, do you believe it is time to push a really radical socialist agenda or is it time for you, john mcdonald, to engage in pragmatism? why do you think that socialist policies and pragmatic? crosstalk. . let's talk about because one of your colleagues on the left said forget about brexit, we need to be talking about massive re— disproof —— redistribution. you, john mcdonnell, the last conservative budget, which involved tax cuts for people earning £50,000 a year, it is very far above the average, you said we are going to a cce pt the average, you said we are going to accept that and live with those. because we will introduce our own

fair tax system will normally go into government, socialism is about pragmatism and practical policies like you have... what about giving tax cuts to the top 10%? like you have... what about giving tax cuts to the top 1096? not having afair tax cuts to the top 1096? not having a fair taxation system and when we come into power means the top 5% will pay more in income tax, we will refer some of the corporation tax cuts that have taken place and tackle evasion and avoidance and introduce transactions into the city and it will pay for the public services that we need and then boral to invest in our economy crosstalk. how radical because right now britain has some of the top rates of tax across the g7 so if you are serious about chris williamson — style red and british and crosstalk. you are not talking about the sort of tax rates that many people on the left, your old colleagues, would regard as just and right... truly readers reshoot —— cross on the left and all the socialist group stood on the manifesto and campaigned for it

alongside that i published the grey book which was the costing of the ma nifesto book which was the costing of the manifesto set out in detail our tax and supporting those of longing and was populate was to cross into government. the arc of your career is fascinating because you have worked for unions, on the left, was frankly since being in parliament on the first 15 years of a parliamentary life being a rebel against... crosstalk. gordon brown. when i left school i worked on the shopfloor and i was at night school and went to university and the time i was pushing my career in terms of the grc etc, i was the chief executive of the local government organisation. you talk about europe, i had organisation. you talk about europe, ihad an organisation. you talk about europe, i had an office in brussels, i managed european funds for london on aof managed european funds for london on a of local government the i'm a pragmatist and in some respects i have been accused of being a bureaucrat but i believe you introduced socialist policies on the fa ct of clem introduced socialist policies on the fact of clem attlee, and others. crosstalk. under any analysis of

what brexit will mean, with a soft or hard orany what brexit will mean, with a soft or hard or any brexit in between it will leave the uk economy smaller than would have been had brexit not happened. isn't that the fundamental reason why the labor party should now say quite clearly we are a party of crosstalk. there were two issues here and that is if we accept them and that we had from the referendum, we need to explain to people that brexit will have a cost and it isn't just us saying this, it is the treasury and bank of england you name it tuc the cd— will have a cost so therefore how do you crosstalk. simply state we are going to be the party crosstalk. you have to let me finish a sentence. if it will have the cost, but ups even mean that ups the cost, but ups even mean that ups the lead because greater emphasis on the lead because greater emphasis on the need for a lead a government which has transformative economic policies, that will enable us not just to cope with brexit but to build an economy and society in

which it is prosperous whether prosperity is shared by everybody. john mcdonnell, we have to end there. thank you for being on hardtalk. thanks very much. good. hello there. today's the day that our weather is going to turn significantly milder. if we look at the kind of temperatures we had thursday afternoon, low single figures fairly widely, but this afternoon we will see temperatures pushing up into double figures. for some, it will be a jump in temperatures of around 10 celsius, perhaps even a little bit more than that in one or two places. and the only thing that has the power to lift temperatures so quickly so far at this time of year is a warm front.

and there it is, pushing its way eastwards. now, along with the warmer air that will be coming with the warm front, we will see extensive cloud. quite low cloud with some mist and fog patches around at times, particularly across eastern areas of england and around the coasts and hills in the west as conditions continue to get that bit milder. so as we go through friday morning, certainly a lot of cloud around. there will be a little bit of light, patchy rain pushing its way eastwards across eastern england, followed by extensive cloud with some bits and pieces of light rain and drizzle around our western coast and hills. some wetter weather getting into western scotland and perhaps at times into northwest england too. now, the far north of scotland in some cool—ish air but central and southern scotland, northern ireland, england and wales all having a mild afternoon — temperatures into double figures. those mild conditions will continue through friday night and into the early hours of saturday as well, but rain will start to move in and turn heavier across northern scotland. so, not a cold night — for most of us temperatures 7—9

celsius. so it will be a mild start to the weekend as well. we are in a warm sector for saturday, starting behind the cold front, so a lot of cloud around once again. a westerly breeze and through the day, we will see the cloud thickening in the west to bring general outbreaks of rain into northern ireland and the rain at its heaviest in western scotland. it's probably not a bad thing, to be honest, that we see this wet weather because january has been a very dry month so far. it will be another mild day then with temperatures typically around 8—11 celsius or so, but it is turning colder across the far north of scotland. now, through the second half of the weekend, as our low pressure pushes eastwards, we start to draw down these winds all the way from the arctic so it will be really quite chilly, particularly across western areas where we'll have gales and severe gales bringing in plenty of showers which will turn increasingly wintry across the hills in scotland, potentially also down to some lower levels late in the day. all the while, outbreak of rain will continue to affect eastern coasts of england, eastern parts of scotland, so a blustery

kind of day. and turning noticeably cooler as well — temperatures in the north just around four degrees or so. that's the latest weather. bye for now. i'm sharanjit leyl in singapore, the headlines: venezuela's nicolas maduro accuses donald trump of trying to overthrow him as the us ramps up its calls for him to go. the us senate votes down two proposals to end the government shutdown — donald trump says he's willing to consider any deal the republicans and democrats can agree: it depends what the agreement is. i mean, yeah, but if they have a reasonable agreement, i would support it, yeah. i'm kasia madera in london. also in the programme: warmer weather means a less salty sea in the arctic. we'll explain why that's got climate scientists worried. and the boat that means these students in the philippines no longer have to swim to school.