tv HAR Dtalk BBC News November 5, 2019 4:30am-5:01am GMT
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the headlines: turkey says it's captured the sister of the former islamic state group leader abu bakr al—baghdadi, who died during an american raid last month. the arrest‘s being called an "intelligence gold mine." india's top court has announced a series of measures intended to address the toxic smog which is causing a public health emergency in delhi. it ordered regional state governments to prevent power cuts until further notice, to limit the use of diesel generators. delhi authorities have responded by launching a car rationing system. the us impeachment inquiry has moved into the next phase, releasing public transcripts from key interviews held behind closed doors. a former us ambassador said she felt threatened by a remark president trump made about her on a call. a federal court has also ruled that the president's tax returns can be turned over to prosecutors.
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now on bbc news, it's time for hardtalk. welcome to hardtalk. i'm stephen sackur. last weekend in hong kong, metro stations were toilets, the chinese state news agency was attacked, but he's fired water cannon and tear gassed and 200 people were arrested. that is hong kong's new normal. how long can it go on without a major intervention from beijing? is there any way out of the impasse between hong kong's government and pro— democracy protesters ? government and pro— democracy protesters? my guess is former senior administration of the territory, anthony cheung. other territory's prospects leak? —— bleak?
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anthony cheung in hong kong, welcome to hardtalk. thank you. from the outside, it looks as though hong kong is sliding ever deeper into chaos, is not the way it feels to you, inside hong kong? well, it's really distressing to see what's happening. protests and violence seems to be continuing and the whole community is getting very anxious. some people feel they don't see a breakthrough. they don't see light at the end of the tunnel. and indeed, for the whole city, we are yet to find a political solution to
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the crisis. and there is is felt very deeply. —— this is. and the central government, beijing, is also getting very anxious and is worrying that hong kong might get out of control. therefore, it has been emphasising the need for stability and security, but unless a solution is found i don't think that prospect will come about very soon. do you admire the tenacity, and one could say the courage of the mostly young people who still take to the streets despite knowing they may well phase water cannon, tear aghast, button charges and rubber bullets? ——? water cannon, tear aghast, button charges and rubber bullets? --? my feelings are rather mixed. on the one hand i can see that many young people taking part in the current
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protests, they have, their objectives, they want to see hong kong become better. but at the moment the methods they are using, in my view, i'm not really achieving too much. because as you can see, angen too much. because as you can see, anger, violence, can also breed more anger, violence, can also breed more anger and violence. and we see the whole society becoming more polarised and it appears to me that i'm on many protesters, they don't really have and end game. they know what they are not happy about, but i don't think they have a clear approach as to how to bring about a better outcome. if i may say so, what really interests me is that while it is true it is mostly young
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people on the streets confronting the police, what is also evident is that there is a vast swathe of hong kong opinion, including we could say middle—class people, parents, professionals, from doctors to teachers, all sorts of people who are with the students in terms of sympathy for their demands for a change in hong kong. and recently we spoke to someone i'm sure you know, and soon chan who was chief secretary and a transition period, and for the first few years of post 1997 governance in hong kong. she says the disaffection with the current administration in hong kong spans a very broad section, spectrum of the community, prompting unprecedented protests from professionals and legal, educational, medical, social services. from the elderly to mothers of young children. so this is not just about mothers of young children. so this is notjust about radical young people. you are right. i think it's a valid observation that the
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majority of the community is not happy about how the government is performing, particularly in the way that the current crisis is being handled. but having said that, still, among those who are not happy with the government, they have two really find a way out, and the outcome can only be worked together with the government, and probably there is a need to create more room for trust between the protesters and government, and also between hong kong and the mainland. but maybe this hong kong government isn't up to thejob. i am mindful that a couple of months ago you went to a so—called brainstorm session with senior officials including chief executive carrie lam. did you tell carrie lam that frankly it is time for her to go? she is part of the
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problem, not the solution? at that timei problem, not the solution? at that time i did not really comment on whether she should leave the scene 01’ whether she should leave the scene or not, but at that time i emphasised the need for an independent enquiry. because that must be a very important step towards reconciliation. and indeed, the vast majority of the companion in hong kong is in favour of an independent enquiry. but of course the independent enquiry is not the solution itself. the consolation is the process through which... let me stop you, because some people won't understand what you mean by independent enquiry. of course the protesters want a full, independent enquiry into what they called the brutality of the policing of the demonstrations going back now several months. it seems to me you are saying something slightly different was that you want an enquiry which looks at violence, not just in terms of the policing, but also in terms of the demonstrators. in some ways, you are drawing an equivalence between the two, which
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the demonstrators regarded as com pletely the demonstrators regarded as completely unacceptable. well, i think for those who are in favour of an independent enquiry, they want to have an enquiry that is impartial, fair, and the enquiry should look at the whole saga. of course police actions unavoidably will be a part of what is to be investigated. but all those factors, circumstances, that have led to the escalation of the crisis in my view, should be looked at. because this is the most serious crisis of governance in hong kong since 1997. well, that brainstorm session where you talked about the independent enquiry, the need for one, was back in august. we are now here in november, and there still isn't an independent enquiry. carrie lam in fact has hardened her position, she says it is quite simple, the situation we face now is
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anti—government violence, the most effective solution is to tackle the violence had on, appeasing the violent rioters is not a solution. so, she is toughening her stance, so i ask you again, is it time for her to go? i think if any government faces the kind of crisis, challenge, thatis faces the kind of crisis, challenge, that is now happening in hong kong, there is a need to consider how to reshuffle the government in order to open a new page in terms of post crisis remedial work. the conciliation reform. it is a tricky one because it is notjust for carrie lam herself to decide what to do because beijing obviously has a
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view. and the current crisis has already escalated to a level where beijing feels it is obliged to intervene and indeed, beijing has been much more vocal over the last few months. indeed it has. in previous months it made a point of showing people in hong kong that military forces were gathering just beyond hong kong's borders in mainland china, and there was a clear message there. and in the last couple of days, we've had statements coming out of the communist party's central committee meeting in beijing in which they have talked about, and iam going in which they have talked about, and i am going to quote them here," this damage change is to strengthen the communist pa rty‘s overall damage change is to strengthen the communist party's overall rights are governed hong kong in order to firmly safeguard national sovereignty and security. " firmly safeguard national sovereignty and security." the signals coming from beijing now are quite clear, they have had enough and they are contemplating a major
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intervention in hong kong. how worried are you? beijing is taking the responsibility for governance in hong kong —— taking, it is not an entirely new message. because last time there was about — 2003, after the national security legislation bill itself, and article 23 of the basic law led to major protests of 500,000 people in hong kong. in the aftermath of that incident, the central government of the congress party did say that the communist party did say they are ultimately responsible for the governance of hong kong. ithink responsible for the governance of hong kong. i think it is very enough... hung on, ifi may say hong kong. i think it is very enough... hung on, if i may say so, in your efforts to be emollient towards beijing you seem to be forgetting the fundamentals of the one country, two systems principle.
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there are supposed to be two systems. hong kong is governed differently. the whole point is that hong kong has autonomy, are now beijing seems to be threatening to undermine that very principal. well, i'm not saying that beijing should be running hong kong on a day—to—day basis, but what i'm trying to do is to understand why beijing was saying what it was saying. beijing is obviously very worried about the situation in hong kong. and i think the ultimate political solution has to allow the people in hong kong to have a strong sense of self administration under the one country, two systems. and many of the problems we are now facing in a way indicate engines, mistrust within this framework. —— tensions. both sides in hong kong need to really reflect on what has gone
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wrong. because ultimately, hong kong's solution for the future cannot get out of the overall china contacts. isn't that the problem, if i may say so, for establishment figures in hong kong such as yourself to have a long history of serving the hong kong government. of course, ultimately the paymaster of which is the government in beijing. the problem with people like you in a language he uses you try to find a middle ground, you try to be extremely delicate and diplomatic, when, as you say, if you accept that this is fundamentally a political legitimacy issue, you are either for democracy or you are not. so let me ask you, are you universal suffrage and a meaningful democracy that gives every hong kong a legitimate choice as to who should be chief in and who should be in the legislative council? yes, i've always been in
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favour of electing both the chief executive and the whole of the legislative council by universal suffrage. right. thank you for being so suffrage. right. thank you for being so clear. in that case, you are on the side of the protesters, you are not on the side of beijing, because there is no way that under the cove na nt there is no way that under the covenant donna current governance of carrie lam, who has her hands tied by china, there is no way the hong kong government is going to grant a meaningful universal suffrage with a truly representative range of candidates for chief executive and full, universal suffrage for the legislative council. it's just not happening. as far as the chief executives is concerned, under the law, as far as the chief executives is concerned, underthe law, even as far as the chief executives is concerned, under the law, even for electing the chief executive by universal suffrage, there has to be a nomination mechanism. there has to bea a nomination mechanism. there has to be a nominating committee so in order to achieve that ultimate goal, i think we need to talk to beijing
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because ultimately beijing has a vested interest in hong kong. we need to elect beijing, have sufficient confidence in electoral democracy in hong kong. of course, we know that... democracy in hong kong. of course, we know that. .. with respect, you know as well as i do, and it would be nice to hear it from you, you know beijing isn't interested in giving hong kong genuine meaningful democracy. you know it, don't you? well, from day one, the central government leadership, i'm talking about deng xiaoping back in the 19805, about deng xiaoping back in the 1980s, they didn't really believe in western—style democracy but in the basic law, it was committed in the 19905 that ultimately hong kong should have direct election of a chief executive by universal suffrage as well as the direct election of the whole of the legislature. but of course, we need
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to really work on beijing. how? how do you work on beijing without actually doing what the protesters are doing, which is taking to the streets and saying, enough, we are not prepared to take this anymore. the basic law gives us the right to a meaningful democracy and china will not recognise that. it seems to me that despite your politeness and your desire for middle ground and avoid confrontation, in essence, your message about democracy is the same as the students in the street. well, i would not deny that the stu d e nts well, i would not deny that the students protests is a way of expressing their preference or the aspiration for democracy but ultimately, after demonstration, after confrontation, you still need to sit down with beijing. i can't
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see continuing to demonstrate... put it this way. there is nothing to talk about, and it's obvious, that even the forthcoming local council elections in kong, there are systems in plates which we doubt genuinely radical voices who are demanding democratic change. i'm thinking of because ofjoshua democratic change. i'm thinking of because of joshua wong democratic change. i'm thinking of because ofjoshua wong who wanted to put forward his name is candidacy in the local elections. he hasjust been told he cannot stand. he has been told he cannot stand. he has been barred from standing on the council elections and as he puts it, i have been barred from my role championing democratic rights in hong kong and engaging on the issue on an international level. this is nothing short of political screening and censorship. so i come back to the question, what really, honestly, is there even to talk about what now with beijing, or carrie lam? we need to... i'm not happy with the current
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situation and i think it's very u nfortu nate situation and i think it's very unfortunate that candidates for elections have to be politically screened that way but having said that, let's put the so—called disqualification in context. it only started after the 2014 occupy central protest. it started after the newly elected legislatures when they took the oath of allegiance to they took the oath of allegiance to the basic law. they made fun of the prc, they made fun of national identity and i think that was the beginning of worsening relations between hong kong and the mainland in the growing distrust between the two sides and therefore, i think we really need to regain trust on both sides. i can see the vicious cycle. it isa sides. i can see the vicious cycle. it is a vicious cycle. let me give
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you some statistics which probably give you more pause for thought. these are from surveys done in recent months of the mood in hong kong and they compare the figures from 2009 with diggers in 2019 today. the number of people confident in the one country— two systems model has fallen from 68% to 33% and those numbers of hong kong people who feel themselves first and foremost people who feel themselves first and fore m ost to people who feel themselves first and foremost to be hong kongers is up from 37% to 52% and those who feel themselves to be chinese is down from 24% to just 10% so what you haveis from 24% to just 10% so what you have is a hong kong population which is increasingly feeling set at and different from the population on mainland china and yet in economic terms, the chinese appear to believe that they can integrate hong kong ever more closely into the mainland economy. you've got a fundamental dichotomy here. i'm not surprised
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with the trend that you've just made reference to and indeed, there is a lot of hostility within hong kong towards the mainland. there is a lot of frustration from many people towards the central government but again, every day, we still need to make the best out of one country, two systems. it's the ultimate future of hong kong. we need to seek mutual understanding and obviously from the mainland's point of view, it would like to integrate hong kong —— hong kong more into the motherland, so to speak but from the hong kong people's point of view, they would like to be served their legacy, the rather unique institutions, their rather unique identity and that kind of mutual accommodation originally was
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intended to survive under one country, two systems. there were lots of instances which haven't been met and lots of instances which haven't been metandi lots of instances which haven't been met and i wonder if you would take some personal responsibility here for the growing feelings of alienation and disaffection in hong kong because after all, from 2012 until 2017, you are a de facto minister of transport and housing in the hong kong government and housing in particular has been a total failure in hong kong. many young people have no prospect of ever having their own home, such as the housing crisis and the un— affordability of housing. you said you would fix it, you didn't and you, if i may say so, one of the reason why young hong kongers feel like they have nothing left to lose. housing is indeed the number one social problem in hong kong and in the last government, which i served, we realised that this problem has to be resolved but unfortunately we
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face a situation where there is a mismatch between supply and demand. supply was very much in shortage because a lack of development and demand was very solid, both user demand was very solid, both user demand and investment demand... because you were so in hock to big investors from mainland china and elsewhere determined to sell off lands to private housing and other developments that you weren't prepared to put money into social and affordable housing. it's always been hong kong's story in recent yea rs been hong kong's story in recent years and i come back to this point, that young hong kongers had enough and the only way to get a hong kong they would like to see is to have more democracy, more accountability and that means they have to take to the streets. well, that kind of sentiment is astute but let me put it on record, the last government, we we re it on record, the last government, we were not short of money or public
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housing. we set about housing fund of 70 of our bit —— 75 billion hong kong dollars for housing but u nfortu nately we kong dollars for housing but unfortunately we did not get enough land and that is a more complicated issue but i can really understand that young people, they want more democracy, like young people elsewhere and this is something that must be dealt with and therefore in my opening remarks in hong kong, i said we cannot get away from constitutional reform. yes, well, you at least are clear about that but let me ask you before we close about the future and about how bleak it may be for hong kongers going forward because you are now in recession, i think the last quarter saw hong kong's economy contract by 396 saw hong kong's economy contract by 3% and more but the outlook economically in terms of tourism and other things is grim,. you have a
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major problem with beijing. the surveys i point to suggest that hong kong is one of the gloomiest populations in the world today. do you share that looming? are you fea rful you share that looming? are you fearful for you share that looming? are you fearfulfor your you share that looming? are you fearful for your territory? if the current situation does not stop, if it continues for another half year, then indeed hong kong's economic prospect is really in trouble. at the moment, we are in technical recession and we have negative growth over the two quarters but if we are able to find the way out to ease tensions, so that people can begin to have more trust in working together, i think the fundamentals of hong kong, whether in terms of the economy or the community spirit, i think we are able to do it quite easily but the important thing is, we need to have some trust, some confidence in each other in the
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future. anthony cheung, we have to end there but i thank you very much for joining end there but i thank you very much forjoining me on hardtalk from hong kong. thank you. hello there. it's been a pretty unsettled start to november. we've seen quite a bit of rainfall in places. however, over the next few days what we'll notice is a change in temperature. it's going to turn much cooler with those winds starting to come down from the north, right from the arctic. and there will also be further rain at times through the week. now, early on tuesday, we start off with quite a bit of cloud across england and wales, most of the showers across the north—east corner. turning dry with clear spells
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across western scotland and northern ireland, so will be quite chilly here. but further south and east, where we also have lighter winds, we will see temperatures around 7 or 8 degrees and there could be a few mist and fog patches around to start tuesday. our area of low pressure will be retreating south—eastwards into the near continent, allowing those winds to come down from the north. we'll see isobars fairly close together so it'll be breezy across northern and western areas. you can see that arctic air, the blue colour, seeping southwards gradually, sitting noticeable across the northern half of the country during the day. so tuesday morning, we start off with drier weather across scotland and northern ireland. it'll stay rather cloudy across central and eastern parts of england, a few showers around. but it'll also be quite windy as well across the north and the west. as i mentioned earlier, with those isobars close together, single—figure values in the north, just about double figures in the south, 10—12 degrees. through tuesday night, we'll start to see those clear skies pushing their way southwards and eastwards with most of the showers dying out. those temperatures will fall away, certainly a chilly night to come across northern and western areas, temperatures in towns and cities hovering around freezing to 2 degrees.
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a chilly start to wednesday. there will be some frost around. a little bit of mist and fog too. looking out west, we've got the next weather system which will be working its way in through wednesday. that will introduce thicker cloud and more outbreaks of rain. but we start off on a chilly note with some frost and sunshine across central and eastern areas. any mist and fog will clear away through the morning, then we'll start to see the thicker cloud and outbreaks of rain pushing into western areas. meanwhile, the sunshine across eastern areas will turn hazier as that frontal system continues to work in from the west. and a chilly day to come for all. 6, 7 degrees in the north, 9 orjust about 10 across the south. as we head into thursday and into friday we hold onto that chilly fell, as you can see those blue colours and there will tend to be more rain at times, although for friday it's looking a bit drier.
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this is the briefing, i'm sally bundock. our top story: turkey says it has captured the elder sister of abu bakr al—baghdadi, leader of the islamic state group, killed in a us raid last month. tackling self—harm and suicide material shared on instagram. we meet the team revealing the shocking scale of the problem. thousands of catalan separatists take to the streets of barcelona in protest at a visit by spain's king felipe. vow and declare gives australia victory at the melbourne cup, but the race has been overshadowed by an animal abuse scandal. in business: under pressure. fast fashion comes in for scrutiny as clothing giant primark gets ready
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