he's offered little deals to china. he said he'd go easy since his post—election press on their repressive policy conference last week, toward the uighurs if china laying a wreath to mark would give him a sweetener veterans day at the tomb on trade for american farmers. of the unknown soldier in arlington cemetery. on russia, we know that president—electjoe biden paid his respects at donald trump for years refused a ceremony in pennsylvania. to make any sort of personal while president trump condemnation of vladimir putin. still holds back from conceding defeat, the state of nobody could figure out why. georgia has announced its so i come back to this question. first ever vote recount. you work closely with him. joe biden leads there byjust was there any sort of coherent 1a,000 out of the five strategic vision behind trump's million votes cast. the counting will be instinctive, gut policies? done by hand. all pro—democracy lawmakers in hong kong have resigned i think there was at the outset, stephen, from the legislative but i think the biggest problem council after four of their in the trump administration colleagues were expelled. foreign policy was this now, it follows a ruling from china you know, predisposition saying only those it toward withdrawal, regards as patriots can serve. toward retrenchment, pulling back as he did quite suddenly from the middle east, this halting withdrawal, although we still have special forces units there in syria and in iraq. and then i think the biggest failure of the trump administration foreign policy

that's it for me for tonight. is this approach toward afghanistan and prioritising we'll be back tomorrow. now on bbc news, it's withdrawal to the extent that we actually partnered time for hardtalk. with the taliban against welcome to hardtalk, i'm the elected afghan government. stephen sackur. donald trump hasn't yet i think that's a real travesty, stephen. accepted it, but he will be and i think what we're already seeing is the beginning out of the white house of a humanitarian catastrophe in january next year. gone, but not forgotten. in afghanistan, and we may be back on the path his legacy can be seen toward the taliban and jihadist terrorists again controlling in a divided body politic, territory, controlling the narcotics trade, strained international alliances and deep uncertainty about america's and then vastly expanding their geopolitical ambition. threat to all civilised people. my guest today, hr mcmaster, so i'm very concerned served as mr trump's about this penchant national security adviser toward disengagement but what i'm concerned until he was fired in 2018. about also, stephen, is that a biden administration in terms of america's role might continue in the world, will the trump in that direction. years be seen as an so, i think what americans need at this point is they need aberration or a marker a leader to articulate of underlying change? a sensible and sustainable approach to foreign policy and to recognise that when we work together with our allies and partners, we share the burden and we can advance all of our interests together. i want to come back to that

point about convincing allies that america is serious and responsible as a partner. but before we get there, i just want to reflect not so much on the different strategic geographical arenas where us policy has been at play, but also on the process itself hr mcmaster in of decision—making and what has stanford, california, welcome to hardtalk. happened to us institutions. stephen, thank for example, under you for having me. donald trump, it became it's a pleasure to have you on this show. quite clear that people like let us start with what is happening in the you presenting policy papers... united states right now. i believe you wrote him, your concern, your professional very early on in your tenure, concern throughout your life you wrote him a major national has been american security. security overview document, and it is plain with a president who has lost that he never read it. an election but is refusing it's also plain that to accept defeat, does that he had no interest in filling key positions. feel to you like a period for example, in the state department, many, many of real vulnerability posts went unfilled. do you think donald trump for the united states? has left a damaging, well, stephen, ithink maybe corrosive legacy in terms it should be a period of celebration with the vast of the institutions of american numbers of americans who voted, foreign policy and national and then a recognition of the strength of our constitution. security policy—making ? we had the benefit of our well, stephen, ithink founders having lived what we need is a restoration through the english civil war of confidence in our

and the violence of the institutions and our 17th century in england. departments and agencies. you might recall that so when they wrote president trump ran really against the government, up our constitution, against the establishment, and at times appeared how can we prevent the worst to be at war with his own from happening? and so, the executive branch administration and even, has no say in the transition. for example, his own white house or national of course, the president can file lawsuits and so forth, security council staff. but the executive branch how did you feel...? he didn't come up of government will have no say in the transition. with that idea himself. it will be a smooth transition. general, sorry to interrupt, but how did you feel it is, though, regrettable when you knew he wasn't that the president, i don't reading your briefings? he didn't even read your key think, is going to be national security document that gracious about the transition, apparently. do you think the people you wrote up to give a vision around him, and you have of what the trump served him very closely administration should be about. inside that white house, do why didn't you approach him you think they are telling him today, "mr president, and say, "mr president, the game's up, "you've got "you have got to get serious to concede, "go with some about this stuff"? semblance of dignity"? well, you know, that's not stephen, that was his document. donald trump's style, right? i spent a lot of time with him on that, went through he's very combative and competitive. the entire document with him. he loved it and he was the only and so i think he's president who actually gave going to let these lawsuits run their course. the speech unveiling and, of course, stephen, the national security strategy. this is not unprecedented. i mean, sadly, ithink he's it was it was a similar walked back from some circumstance in the election aspects of that approach.

between president george w bush but that was his strategy. and al gore. but over time, as happens i think that litigation went with any president, any on for over a month. so we've been president is an object through this before. of those who want to and i think it will show the... influence his decisions. forgive the interruption, and there is a strong movement, but i'm just thinking — stephen, toward kind up to a point, we've of a neo—isolationist seen it before. but donald trump uses words sentiment in america. donald trump didn't invent it. like "an election stolen", he, in large measure, tapped "cheating", "fraud", into that dissatisfaction "corruption". with us foreign policy and the unanticipated length he paints a picture which is very different and cost of the wars in the from anything we've seen middle east and in south asia. from a defeated president before. so i think this is a dynamic and i'm very mindful in your recent book, that's going to carry across battlegrounds, you reflected multiple administrations. on the health of america itself and you said and although we talk about donald trump a lot the polarisation of america's polity is destructive. because, you know, it's hard not to, i think this we need leaders who can is a phenomenon, this bring us back together, movement toward retrenching generate confidence in our or disengaging, that cuts identity as americans. across both political parties. that is precisely what america and i want to pick up that point with you and discuss lacks at this moment. where you thinkjoe biden‘s i agree with you, stephen. going to take us strategy injust a moment. i am very much encouraged, but one more personal question, though, by president—elect cos i think people around biden‘s comments, which i think the world are going to be have been just dead fascinated with it. you served for more than 30 on in terms of what's needed. years as a us army officer,

and i think it's now it's time getting to the very top. for all americans to help you had a strong reputation the elected president succeed. for sort of integrity. i mean, i think it's fine for us to be divided politically. then you went to the white house. you worked for donald a lot of people make trump for a year. a big deal about that. you were involved in some very but if we were all united, difficult situations. for example, when trump we'd have a one—party system that sounds kind clearly gave to lavrov, of like communist china to me. so i think it's ok for us to be russia's foreign minister, divided politically, some confidential intelligence but we need leaders who will information he shouldn't have who will bolster and maintain given, you were in the room. our confidence in our trump then made you go before the press and say that democratic principles and institutions and processes. everything that president trump had done was, in your words, and sadly, the president's "wholly appropriate" undermining those at the moment. when it clearly wasn't. i hear your words about and many former military president—elect biden, colleagues of yours said but i'm also mindful you made a terrible error. that he is not in office and has no real power you trashed your own for another 70 days. reputation by covering up let us just reflect for the president rather on what president trump — than resigning and and he's still the president — what he's been doing telling the truth. in the last few hours and days. why didn't you do that? for example, he's just fired well, because that's just wrong, stephen. defence secretary mark actually, what the president esper, "terminated", did tell lavrov was in the president's words — wholly appropriate. it looks to many people you know, the whole idea was that he had maybe like an act of vengeance in some way compromised because esper refused to agree sources and methods. during this conversation with the president's the president didn't even

inclination to deploy active know what the sources and methods are. duty troops to america's cities and he shared information with lavrov that had already been shared during the summer during some through normal channels. of the violence surrounding it was counterterrorism information. the black lives matter and the only time that the source and method protest movement. do you believe that the removal was leaked is it was leaked of esper at this particular by somebody who gave that to the press, even though it time sends a dangerous message? wasn't even discussed i don't think it's dangerous. it's regrettable. in the meetings, and i'll tell you, stephen, i mean, you know, it's, you know, it's true i've been shot at for real, to form, stephen, right? but, you know, there like in real combat. so i wasn't worried about, are extremely competent you know, the internal politics long—term civil servants of the west wing of the white and military officers house. in the pentagon. let's then think about where i'm not concerned about america goes from here. any kind of danger. it strikes me that in many i think it's... ways, one of the biggest again, though, it's regrettable challengesjoe biden has got is convincing america's and it's not particularly gracious of the president long—standing allies during this transition period. that he really is going to turn you're sounding as though you're pretty sanguine about it. the ship around, that there but there are media reports is going to be a very different quoting sources suggesting approach to national security that the president is toying and foreign policy—making under with the idea of firing the cia a biden administration, director, the fbi director. because in many ways, america first, trump's he also, according to the new york times, mantra, looked a lot is perhaps considering military like america alone. he didn't seem interested actions before he leaves in his european allies. he didn't seem office, particularly interested in nato. do you think biden can and will

targeting iran. now, to a lot of people in the outside world, change the dynamic with allies? president trump considering these sorts of decisions oh, i think so. at this time, it strikes many i think that's inevitable for two reasons. as deeply dangerous, first of all, i think president biden will have notjust for the united states, a less offensive approach. but for the world. of course, some of the key well, i mean, this is where issues will remain in i think we have to be grateful connection with defence — burden sharing, for example, for checks and balances in our system. or the nord stream 2 pipeline the president does have significant authorities vis a vis germany and giving in the area of defence under up its really coercive article two of our economic power to russia. constitution, which covers the executive branch. some of the issues will remain, but there are checks in the congress, and i think but the style and the form that we have the people within our departments and agencies who are going will be much more conducive to cooperation. to give best advice to members but the other big factor, of the president's cabinet. stephen, is we're facing some real threats. but as you said, i mean, i mean, if you just look i think that this period should at the navalny poisoning, be one of smooth transition. the infiltration of russian troops into belarus, or if you look at the aggression and it seems as if the of the chinese communist party president is determined to make from this wolf warrior diplomacy, from the effort it as turbulent as possible. to take over communications isn't one of the problems — and key logistics and you found this yourself — infrastructure in the world, that the president simply bludgeoning indian soldiers doesn't listen to those to death on the himalayan who are paid to offer him frontier, aggression in the south china sea, rational analysis and advice? threats to taiwan,

as you mentioned already, right. the concentration camps and of course, he's in xinjiang and the repressive the elected president, actions broadly across china he doesn't have to listen. but i've felt it was my duty but now in hong kong, to present the president hey, we have real threats with best advice from across and we have to work together. the departments and agencies so, i think that i think and to always give him the pendulum is swinging back in favour of much, multiple options. and i found that worked until, much closer alignment stephen, ijust got kind of used up in thatjob, with our allies on key issues. because in any administration, and this should there are those who define include iran as well. their responsibilities that and we can talk more way, to help the elected about that if you like, but i feel good about it. president determine his or her i think our relationships are very strong already. agenda and then to assist i want a word about iran and with the implementation of all north korea before we close. but running like a thread of the president's decisions, but then there are also those through this interview has been you bringing the conversation in an administration back repeatedly to china. who want to manipulate decisions consistent it sounds to me like you are with their own agenda. and then there are also those saying that who define their role as maybe the united states and indeed its partners, maybe you're saving the country and in europe and elsewhere, need the world from the president. to prepare for an indefinite you know, this is the so—called form of long—term hostility anonymous op—ed and book writer, for example. across the world with china. well, hang on, you... i think the latter two is that what you're saying? groups are actually... you make a very interesting i would say competition rather point and you cite others in the white house who've than hostility and really, written about that

we have to recognise, notion of saving america what china is waging is this from donald trump — campaign of co—option, is that, if we are honest co—opt us with the lure about it, what you felt of profits and access to their you were doing for much of that market and chinese investments. one year, that you served as his national security adviser? but then once we're in, to coerce us to adhere no, stephen, i really felt to their world view. and what china really wants like it was my duty to present the president with best advice to do is create servile and multiple options. relationships that allows it to recreate the tributary and i think we delivered pretty system and to do so in a way decent outcomes in those 13... that profoundly disadvantages across those 13 months. us, not only from a security and of course, i did, as i mentioned, i got perspective, but from an used up in that process economic perspective as well. and i was at peace with that. i was still an active duty army so i would say the key word is that we have to recognise officer at the time, steve. and this was my fifth we have to compete and to do commander—in—chief under so, that we have to whom i had served. make ourselves better. what do you believe has been we have to make ourselves stronger. but we also have to confront donald trump's impact on america's national security these aggressive chinese economic practices and strategy? the overall aggressive policies well, i'll tell you, of the chinese communist party. stephen, what i wrote about in battlegrounds is one i think there's some been some of the most significant shifts very positive indicators, in us foreign policy especially with the uk since the end of the cold war. and sweden's decision to ban and that's the shift away huawei, this communications from this assumption that company that wants to control china, having been welcomed all of our data and send into the international it back to beijing.

community, would play and i think we'll see similar actions in france by the rules, would liberalise its economy, and as it and germany and across europe. prospered, it would liberalise its form of governance. so i think it's already happening, stephen. obviously, that's not the case. we're almost out of time and therefore, we needed to and i do want a very quick recognise that china is a thought from you on two rival strategic competitor. specific policy challenges where i wonder whether you and i think that has been thinkjoe biden should be a profoundly important reversing donald trump's shift in policy, really, notjust by the united states, policies — number one, iran. but across the free world. do you think biden should take so i think recognising great the united states back power competition with china, into the so—called jcpoa, who is attempting to take centre stage in the world, the agreement with iran to and if they succeed control its nuclear activities? in the aggression that we're seeing, especially in and number two, north korea. the midst of a pandemic, should biden end the policy the world will be less free, less prosperous and less safe. that trump began of and then, of course, engagement with kim jong—un? we have to worry about vladimir putin's russia. give me a brief answer on both right. but my question really of those challenges. was whether you believe 0k. donald trump had a coherent strategic vision. no, the biden administration should not go back into now, you've alighted the jcpoa or the iran on two policy challenges for the united states — nuclear deal — it was china and russia, where, fundamentally flawed. frankly, at different times, what i think a biden mr trump's message has been administration can do is begin all over the shop. to negotiate a better deal yes, he's been very but while keeping the sanctions confrontational with china on trade. 00:10:57,672 --> 2147483051:42:13,551 at the same time, according 2147483051:42:13,551 --> 4294966103:13:29,430 to john bolton, your successor, in place, sanctions that are appropriate based on iran's four—decade—long proxy

war they're continuing to wage against us. on north korea it's very important, i think, to keep in place this campaign of maximum pressure to test this thesis that kim jong—un can be convinced that he's safer without the weapons than he is with them. what would be a tremendous mistake would be to return to the failed pattern of previous efforts, which is in response to a north korean provocation, which i think is reasonable to predict about this time in between now and when president biden is sworn in onjanuary 20th, to respond to that with a big payoffjust for the privilege of talking to the north and then a long, drawn—out negotiation process that results in a weak agreement that then is immediately broken. i think we don't want to do that again. so i think it's very important to keep the sanctions in place and to place additional pressure on china and others to enforce those sanctions. let me end by bringing you back to the beginning. we began talking about

what is happening in terms of president trump and his inability to accept electoral defeat. now, your recent book, battlegrounds, was subtitled the fight to defend the free world. is not the truth that the biggest problem in any fight to defend the free world right now is the weakness, the internal weakness of the united states of america, the polarisation, the division, the sense that american — the public and politicians — have a real problem figuring out where they want to take the nation. isn't that the biggest weakness of all? well, stephen, i think it's the greatest cause for concern. i think america is much stronger than we appear. i think that our political elites are more polarised than the vast majority of americans. i think our media in many ways is more polarised than the vast majority of americans. but what i argue for in battlegrounds is we have to come together as a people.

we need civil discussions about our greatest challenges and how we can overcome them. and i have confidence, stephen, that we're going to emerge from these four crises of a pandemic, a recession, the social divides laid bare by george floyd's murder and this vitriolic partisan political season. and so i feel good about the election. so many americans voted and i think our confidence is going to grow and be restored in connection with our democratic principles and institutions and processes. well, i'll tell you what, we'll meet again in a year or two and see whether that optimism is justified. but for now, i thank you very much indeed, general mcmaster, for being on hardtalk. stephen, thank you. it's a pleasure.

hello there. the weather will quieten down for a day or so before it turns more unsettled as we move towards the end of the week and the weekend. but today's dry and settled weather is thanks to a ridge of high pressure. but it won't last long as cloud and showers start to push into western areas. now that's the overnight wind and rain clearing away from the east coast. this ridge of high pressure settles things down briefly before the next low pressure moves into the west of the uk through the afternoon. so we could have a hang back of clouds and showers for a time across the east, hanging around shetland pretty much all day. and much of the country is dry with plenty of sunshine around, but you'll see the clouds thickening up out west. outbreaks of rain pushing in here, more prolonged rain pushing in for western scotland

by the end of the day, along with the strengthening winds. temperatures down on what we had yesterday, 10—13 celsius. now it's dry for much of central and eastern parts of the country as we head through the course of the night, but this band of rain, some of it heavy, and strong winds slowly pushing eastwards followed by some blustery showers. very windy conditions across the northwest of scotland, but a pretty blustery night for most areas. those temperatures generally in single figures — high single figures, mind you, we could see 9—10 celsius across the south of england. so this is the pressure chart for friday, low pressure to the north west of the uk, lots of isobars in the northwest, so very windy here. but it will still be quite gusty with this band of rain lying through central parts of the country for friday morning. that should eventually clear way to the north sea, and skies will brighten up for most of the afternoon. but there'll be lots of showers rattling into northern and western areas — some of these will be heavy and quite frequent with rumbles of thunder across the northwest

of scotland. those temperatures 10—13 celsius, and with the wind it will feel on the cool side, despite it being fairly mild. the low pressure really dominates the scene as we head to the weekend. you can see lots isobars on the chart, particularly across the south of the country, and plenty of weather fronts indicating some rain. after the last few cool days, it looks like it'll turn milder again into the weekend, particularly on saturday. something slightly cooler pushing in from west as we head through sunday, especially across the north of the uk. so a pretty wild weekend in store, some heavy rain around, strong winds, gales across the south coast. very mild for a time on saturday, feeling a little bit fresher on sunday.

this is bbc news with the latest headlines for viewers in the uk and around the world. my name is mike embley. president trump makes his first official appearance since the election, at a wreath laying ceremony on veterans day. as the president still holds back from conceding defeat, officials in georgia confirm they'll recount the votes cast in the state. together, we stand! pro—democracy lawmakers in hong kong resign en masse, after four of their colleagues are expelled by china for backing independence. hospitalisations for covid—19 reach a record high in the us while the uk becomes the first country in europe to see more than 50,000 people killed by coronavirus.