this is bbc news. i'm joanna gosling. the headlines at ten: an historic moment for nationalists in northern ireland, as sinn fein is on course to become the largest party in the assembly. across the rest of the uk, the conservatives have lost almost 500 seats in the local elections, with labour and the liberal democrats taking control of a number of councils. we will talk more about the elections shortly. more attempts are being made to rescue civilians trapped at a steelworks in the besieged ukrainian city of mariupol. 50 people were taken out of the city yesterday. chelsea get their new owners — terms have been agreed with the consortium led by american todd boehly.

good morning and welcome to bbc news. sinn fein is on track to win the most seats in the northern ireland assembly for the first time ever, signalling a historic shift in the political landscape. the nationalist party has claimed nearly 40% of the seats declared so far. counting has resumed this morning. let's have a look at how things stand this morning. these are the live results coming through to us, so there you can see sinn fein at the top of that board. 29% of first preference votes, that is an increase of 1% on their last showing and the dup down 7% with 21% of the votes. the biggest winners there, the alliance up 4% and tuv up

5% so that is how it is with 18 constituencies currently declared. and this is the number of seats in the northern ireland assembly with sinn fein having 18 seats, that is unchanged currently. the dup 12 seats, also unchanged. 47 of the 90 seats, also unchanged. 47 of the 90 seats have been declared. 0ur ireland correspondent, chris page, has this report — which contains flashing images from the start. applause for the first time, a party which wants to take northern ireland out of the uk is expected to be its largest political force. sinn fein was a long way ahead of its rivals in the first stage of the count. the party's vice president, michelle o'neill, is the favourite to become first minister. she would be the first irish

nationalist to take the position. obviously i feel very positive. i mean, we fought a very positive campaign. we told people about what we were for. we said this was an election about the future. it's going to be potentially a historic election for many reasons, but i think it's because people wanted us to talk about how we wanted to work together in partnership with others. that's the only way we'll achieve much, much more for people here. another big sign of change came with the success of the cross—community alliance party. it is neither unionist nor nationalist. alliance is set to move up from fifth place to third. its leader believes that shows how northern ireland is moving on from its years of conflict. i think itjust reflects the changed place that northern ireland is. i mean, in 1998 when we had the good friday agreement, it was about trying to manage our divisions. but what i think the vote for alliance shows is that people have bigger aspirations than that. they want to move beyond division and focus on delivery. but there was disappointment for the democratic unionists, who won the last five assembly elections.

the dup has come under pressure from a more hardline unionist party and is likely to lose its place at the top. i think that the divided nature of unionism in this election has meant that, whilst the overall unionist vote is strong, we're not winning extra seats because those votes are too widely spread, and i think there are lessons to be drawn from this for unionism. the final results won't be known for sure until this long and complex counting process is finished, and the race for the final few seats in particular can be very tight indeed. no matter what the numbers are, it is unlikely a new devolved administration will be formed anytime soon. under the rules of power—sharing, unionists and nationalists have to agree to run northern ireland jointly. the dup has said it won't go into a coalition at stormont unless the brexit trade border with the rest of the uk is scrapped.

it is far from clear whether the politicians who have been elected will ever get to govern. chris page, bbc news, belfast. let's go live to our correspondent danjohnson at the count centre in belfast. it isa it is a gripping one, isn't it? unprecedented results coming through. unprecedented results coming throu~h. , ., ., , unprecedented results coming throu~h. , ., ., ., ., through. yes, we already know that sinn fein is — through. yes, we already know that sinn fein is going _ through. yes, we already know that sinn fein is going to _ through. yes, we already know that sinn fein is going to be _ through. yes, we already know that sinn fein is going to be the - through. yes, we already know that sinn fein is going to be the largest| sinn fein is going to be the largest party. that is a significant achievement, the first time that a nationalist party, party that once a united ireland will be the largest party and entitled to take the first minister role. the counting is still going on, it is a long and complex process. it will be some time yet before we note the full final results and the allocation of seats in the assembly, but there are already major questions being raised. will the unionists go back

into power sharing with sinn fein? at the signs are not because they already collapsed at the devolved assembly here, the devolved executive, a vet their objection to the northern ireland protocol, the way the trade rules and that bordered on the irish sea were hitting the economy here. without that the unionists said they would not have been going in to power sharing, even harder to see them doing that now is the second party and only entitled to take up a deputy first minister along with a sinn fein first minister. we have seen three important moves i think in these results already. the nationalist vote has focused around a sinn fein, that is why they have done so well. the unionist vote has fractured, we have seen other smaller unionist party is the tuv doing well at the cost of the dup, but we have also seen an increase in support for the cross—party alliance, the cross community alliance party, and that perhaps it

suggests that some people are now operating in northern ireland is not on this traditional identity issues unionist or nationalist issues, we are actually seeing more people make are actually seeing more people make a cross community choice, perhaps in opposition to those two main parties and the way they have disrupted politics here, the way things have been neglected in the last few years as stormont has not been able to operate. people opting for that middle ground perhaps indicates a shift in northern irish politics in a different direction, but certainly northern ireland looks like it is taking a significant step with sinn fein being the biggest party. thank ou ve fein being the biggest party. thank you very much- _ i'm joined by katy hayward, professor of political sociology, at queen's university belfast. lots to talk about. let's start with the overview and the fact that sinn fein has one of the biggest share of the votes for the first time ever. yes, it is historically significant of course. it is interesting that sinn fein came into this election very much trying to appeal to a wider audience.

very much trying to appeal to a wideraudience. its very much trying to appeal to a wider audience. its manifesto emphasises an awful lot of other things than irish unification, for example talking about housing, economy, the cost of living crisis and it is worth bearing that in mind that northern ireland faces acute crises particularly in relation to the health service and therefore we really do see a situation in which people came to the polls largely hoping the assembly would be functioning, however against the background to all this we do have concerns from unionism and the unionist vote it seems has been convalescing around anti—protocol stance, which means this is no simple election. it is also about the pressure of what might happen in the pressure of what might happen in the eu uk relationship. 50 the pressure of what might happen in the eu uk relationship.— the eu uk relationship. so many strands to it. _ the eu uk relationship. so many strands to it. just _ the eu uk relationship. so many strands to it. just before - the eu uk relationship. so many strands to it. just before we - the eu uk relationship. so many. strands to it. just before we come onto the practicalities of what could happen with the executive, in terms of what the campaigning and

the run—up to this result was about, and you have outlined the themes there, what does that mean for the mandate of sinn fein and also what sinn fein�*s intentions could be? because there has been talked around the prospects of referendums north and south of the border on unification at some point. yes, the president of _ unification at some point. yes, the president of sinn _ unification at some point. yes, the president of sinn fein _ unification at some point. yes, the president of sinn fein mary - unification at some point. yes, the president of sinn fein mary lou . president of sinn fein mary lou mcdonald was talking openly in interviews yesterday about seeing a referendum in five to ten years. this has to be treated very carefully, it is notable sinn fein has been talking about a citizen's assembly on the island of ireland, recognising the sensitivities around this and the changes in the south, with sinn fein doing very well there at the moment, so it has been trying to see itself as a responsible party of government and there are real pressures on it now without new

position. however, of course, about power sharing and recognising a diverse views in northern ireland and we are seeing that expressed in this result with a very clear middle ground being represented. find this result with a very clear middle ground being represented.- this result with a very clear middle ground being represented. and on the deliverin: ground being represented. and on the delivering what _ ground being represented. and on the delivering what people _ ground being represented. and on the delivering what people want, - ground being represented. and on the delivering what people want, the - delivering what people want, the protocol, what happens with that and also of course getting the executive back up and running, what of the prospects of that? two enormous and very computed areas. yes. prospects of that? two enormous and very computed areas.— very computed areas. yes, i would not exaggerate _ very computed areas. yes, i would not exaggerate the _ very computed areas. yes, i would not exaggerate the sense - very computed areas. yes, i would not exaggerate the sense of - very computed areas. yes, i would not exaggerate the sense of crisis | not exaggerate the sense of crisis here, because we have a new law is in a place thanks to the new decade a new approach agreement ofjanuary 2020 which means that there isn't space now for the parties to negotiate. —— there is space. it would be overstating it to say the dup stepped out of power sharing, they stepped out of a first minister

position in the previous executive. that executive, albeit without a first minister and deputy first minister will continue in a caretaking function, if it is the case we do not have a new exec to fund immediately. so that does bring some stability and hopefully, bearing in mind two thirds of the vote on thursday went to parties who wants to see an executive informed without delay, hopefully that will be some kind of pressure on the parties here to concentrate their minds and as i say to address the very real issues that affect northern ireland just as they are affecting people around the uk at the moment. find affecting people around the uk at the moment-— affecting people around the uk at the moment. �* ., ., the moment. and the northern ireland rotocol. the moment. and the northern ireland protocol- yes. — the moment. and the northern ireland protocol. yes, silly _ the moment. and the northern ireland protocol. yes, silly majority _ the moment. and the northern ireland protocol. yes, silly majority of - protocol. yes, silly ma'ority of arties protocol. yes, silly ma'ority of parties that h protocol. yes, silly ma'ority of parties that want _ protocol. yes, silly ma'ority of parties that want to _ protocol. yes, silly majority of parties that want to see - protocol. yes, silly majority of parties that want to see an - protocol. yes, silly majority of - parties that want to see an agreed outcome between uk and the eu and they were engaged in talks on this. —— so a majority. the dup stood on a platform in the selection which wanted to see a major reform it to the protocol, or its replacement

with something else. the focus is on gb nite movement of goods and the eu itself has recognised that there does need to be adjustment in that area, but it is worth bearing in mind businesses here have been very clear that they want to see stability and certainty and that is what is needed further investment in economic growth. that certainty comes best through uk eu agreements and i think the dup will be using its mandate as it would see it for a strong movement on the protocol to put pressure on the uk to be decisive in its engagement with the eu on this. but unilateral action is certainly not something that is sought by the clear majority of parties or the electorate here. the race of parties or the electorate here. the grace of sinn _ parties or the electorate here. the grace of sinn fein has been a slow but steady from political outcast, a long time ago now but to be in this position now has been a huge

transition. in terms of what at this point it is that has seen them come through, is there a moment that you trace that back to? is it potentially the support of the union is from brexit and what flowed from that on the protocol, what are the factors on that?— factors on that? there has been a sliuht factors on that? there has been a slight increase _ factors on that? there has been a slight increase in _ factors on that? there has been a slight increase in support - factors on that? there has been a slight increase in support for - factors on that? there has been a slight increase in support for sinn j slight increase in support for sinn fein, it has gone up byjust over 1% in the selection, it has managed votes very well and managed to keep it seats in this proportional representation system, so it would not see this as a surge in support for irish nationalism or sinn fein in a party, it is very much about what is going on within unionism and the fragmentation within unionism and we see the diversity of opinion within unionism, particularly amongst the supporters of the ulster unionist party. they have a very

different views around policies relating to abortion for example and liberal policies and they also have different views around protocol itself, so people made a decision coming into this election as to whether there would be a question of the protocol connected to the future of the union was a primary concern, whether it about a functioning executive in assembly being prepared for the contemporary challenges of society today and so hence we saw the benefits of fragmentation amongst moderate unionism going to either alliance party or that hard dup position. and so i would not necessarily see the result today, it is a very sick of confession pain but does not necessarily mean a surge. the contemporary challenges remain all the same.— we can speak now to dr brian feeney,

author and commentator on nationalist politics in ireland. welcome, thank you forjoining us. what is a story for you? the welcome, thank you for “oining us. what is a story for you?_ what is a story for you? the story is the fact — what is a story for you? the story is the fact that _ what is a story for you? the story is the fact that sinn _ what is a story for you? the story is the fact that sinn fein - what is a story for you? the story is the fact that sinn fein is - what is a story for you? the story is the fact that sinn fein is the . is the fact that sinn fein is the largest party in both parts of the island. it is a profound historic shift in the north of ireland. it is a huge psychological and symbolic blow to unionists, because the north of ireland was created a century ago by the british government to ensure that there would always be a permanent unionist majority and now there is not and they will not be in there is not and they will not be in the future because there are demographic changes as well as political changes. fora demographic changes as well as political changes. for a lot of people, there are calls into question of what is the point of the northern ireland as a separate political entity if it is no longer protecting the identity and the

difference of the unionism, because unionists are now going to be a diminishing minority. find unionists are now going to be a diminishing minority. and when you sa that, diminishing minority. and when you say that. are _ diminishing minority. and when you say that. are you — diminishing minority. and when you say that, are you alluding _ diminishing minority. and when you say that, are you alluding to - diminishing minority. and when you say that, are you alluding to the - say that, are you alluding to the prospect then of unification referendum?— prospect then of unification referendum? ., �* , , , referendum? no, i'm simply saying in olitical referendum? no, i'm simply saying in political terms. _ referendum? no, i'm simply saying in political terms, the _ referendum? no, i'm simply saying in political terms, the unionist _ referendum? no, i'm simply saying in political terms, the unionist vote - political terms, the unionist vote will continue to decline. they lost the majority in 2017 and they have a full and further behind this time. that there will be a referendum on unity in the next decade partly because of demographic reasons but partly because it is in the good friday agreement. the good friday agreement says that if it looks there is likely to be a majority here in favour of irish unity, then the secretary of state shall call a border poll. the secretary of state shall call a border poll-— the secretary of state shall call a border oll. ~ ., ,, ., border poll. when you talk about the dechne border poll. when you talk about the decline in support _ border poll. when you talk about the decline in support for _ border poll. when you talk about the decline in support for unionism, - border poll. when you talk about the decline in support for unionism, it i decline in support for unionism, it is not, when you tot up the different shares of the vote, it is

not that the nationalists have a greater share, the unionists still do, but it is fragmented. that greater share, the unionists still do, but it is fragmented.- do, but it is fragmented. that is ri . ht. do, but it is fragmented. that is right. unionists _ do, but it is fragmented. that is right. unionists disagree - do, but it is fragmented. that is right. unionists disagree or - do, but it is fragmented. that is right. unionists disagree or are | right. unionists disagree or are divided about what their role it should be and how they should cooperate in sharing power in the north of ireland. the dup, as your previous speakers by saying, have said they will not go into an executive and is the protocol was removed. that they still have not answered the question of sinn fein with a first minister, even though the powers of first minister and deputy first minister are identical, it is symbolism because unionists always assumed they would be the people running the north of ireland and that is no longer the case and will not be the case again. shifter and that is no longer the case and will not be the case again. after so much at division _ will not be the case again. after so much at division and _ will not be the case again. after so much at division and where - will not be the case again. after so much at division and where things| much at division and where things had got two in terms of obviously the executive and the parties working together and now it is back

to this stalemate with the parties saying they cannot work together with the first minister and deputy first minister in that way, how much are people looking at that politics and wanting another way, as per what we are seeing with the support for the alliance party, the cross—party outlook? the alliance party, the cross-party outlook? ~ ., ., . the alliance party, the cross-party outlook? ., ., . , outlook? well, the alliance party not outlook? well, the alliance party ot13.5% outlook? well, the alliance party got 13-596 of _ outlook? well, the alliance party got 13.596 of the _ outlook? well, the alliance party got 13.596 of the vote. _ outlook? well, the alliance party got 13.596 of the vote. | - outlook? well, the alliance party got 13.596 of the vote. i would i outlook? well, the alliance party| got 13.596 of the vote. i would not got 13.5% of the vote. i would not exaggerate the amount of support. 0ver exaggerate the amount of support. over 80% of the voters voted for parties either orange or green if you like, but a significant number of people are becoming frustrated with the fact if the dup do not want to go into government and they do not want to help run the place, there should be a change in structure to accommodate those parties that do want to operate the system. this is going to be the

reason for serious and intense negotiations from monday on to try to find a way to construct an executive. the dup have not so much walked away from sharing power, they are using the irish protocol and the question of sinn fein as at first minister as leaders to try to put pressure on the british government. 0ne pressure on the british government. one of the big problems is the british government is extremely mischievous in interfering with what is going on here, because they are using the dispute about the irish protocol as a way to exert leverage on the eu. lets's not forget the majority of people who had voted against brexit and the parties are divided on brexit, whereas unionists, most unionists support that almost all nationalists opposed it and the british government's role in the last six years has been very far from in the last six years has been very farfrom ideal. in the last six years has been very far from ideal.—

far from ideal. looking into the future and _ far from ideal. looking into the future and in _ far from ideal. looking into the future and in terms _ far from ideal. looking into the future and in terms of - far from ideal. looking into the future and in terms of what - far from ideal. looking into the j future and in terms of what you would like and also what you think is actually realistic and potential timeframes, where do you see things are going in the longer term? in the loner are going in the longer term? in the longer term. — are going in the longer term? in the longer term, there _ are going in the longer term? in the longer term, there will _ are going in the longer term? in the longer term, there will be _ are going in the longer term? in the longer term, there will be a - are going in the longer term? in the longer term, there will be a borderl longer term, there will be a border poll, because people are waiting for the results of the census this year, which will demonstrate a considerable demographic change. sinn fein are the largest party on the island and both parts of the island, at the moment they are ten points ahead in polls in the republic as well as a head here, so there is only one direction of travel. what is required is a unionist party which will be prepared to stand and negotiate and part of the surge in the alliance vote, the middle ground if you like, has been from liberal educated young unionists who do not mind the frightening prospect that the dup

say is waiting for them in a united ireland. most of the people who wrote alliance are people who oppose brexit and look forward to a pluralist irish society, they do not buy the hardline 0range position. thank you very much for herjoining us. the conservatives lost control of 11 councils across england and wales, a set of results which the prime minister borisjohnson described as "mixed". labour's celebrations were overshadowed by durham constabulary announcing that it's investigating sir keir starmer over an alleged break of lockdown rules last year. 0ur political correspondent jonathan blake reports. elections can change the political landscape, and the verdict from this set of votes has shown up some significant shifts. across england, scotland and wales the conservatives took a beating, losing control of 11 councils and close to 500 seats overall. these are local elections

about local councillors, people who actually deal with potholes, bins and planning decisions — difficult decisions locally. and we shouldn't try and extrapolate too many national trends. i know it's always tempting. there were very, very low turnouts in many of these elections. in parts of southern england, the liberal democrats swept to power. in somerset and elsewhere, voters turned away from the tories. i think people have just had enough of all the duplicity, and it's about time, really. i'm delighted. possibly because the last party was not very trustworthy — - couldn't really trust what they said. - yeah, i know that i haven't got much trust in them any more. _ and i think it does send a message to central government that local people want to feel empowered and supported, and they can do that through local elections, through having their voice heard. for labour, results were good but not great, the party's gains

here in cumbria and beyond tainted by sir keir starmer facing a police investigation for an event during covid restrictions. well, as i have explained a number of times, we were working in the office. we stopped for something to eat. no party, no breach of the rules. the police obviously have got theirjob to do, and we should let them get on with it, but i'm confident that no rules were broken. labour needed a stronger showing to prove government could be within their reach. we're not saying that we would win the general election tomorrow, but what we're saying is that we're on our way. but it gives us great hope, and we're really encouraged. and i'll be honest with you — in the shadow cabinet, when we were having presentations about how well we might do and what we could expect, this is most definitely at the top end. some races are just too close to call, heads or tails deciding one ward in monmouthshire in wales, where labour gained from conservative losses and nationalists plaid cymru also picked up seats.

the scottish national party consolidated their position as the dominant force in scotland. yet more trouble for the tories here — labour now in second place. as ever with local elections, it is a patchwork of results, not a neatly drawn picture, but there is plenty for all sides to digest. jonathan blake, bbc news. let's get some more detailed analysis of the results so far. we can cross the newsroom to lewis goodall at the touchscreen. lewis. yes, we have nearly all of the results in from the english councils, 144 of 146, i think we are just waiting on croydon and tower hamlets, not sure what is taking them so long stop the conservatives had a bad night, perhaps at this time yesterday looks like a slightly better at night than they ended up

having, but —341, you have the scottish total, whilst a total and nearing 500 losses. this is one of their worst election performances since 2010, certainly since their general election victory of 2019. a decent solid enough at night for labour, not a spectacular, better in some places than others. worth bearing in mind that labour are up 52, but in terms of overall gains in england, that is way behind the liberal democrats who had a very robust at night on 192, even behind the greens who are up 60 compared to the greens who are up 60 compared to the labour party's 52, but let's look in more detail. london, a big positive at bit of territory for the labour party, barnett, somewhere keir starmer went to yesterday, particularly important not only for the symbolic reasons it was a very jewish area, one of those at places that in 2018 the labour party hoped to gain and did not probably because of the anti—semitism crisis in the

labour party at that time, but they won at hamley here, it conservatives down at 12 and that's important because there are potentially three parliamentary seats in barnet that they might hope to gain in the next general election. theresa villiers has a majority. there are also hendon, all potentially in the labour party's sites with a performance like that. let's look elsewhere, rossendale, some at the labour party was not expecting to get back, it had been a labour party councilfor many years, get back, it had been a labour party council for many years, only when hong in 2021 and that is sort of the labour party's story with the election to stop it is not that they did spectacularly well, but they started to unwind some of the reverses they saw in 2019 in the general election, but particularly where last year they had a really difficult night and as a result of the fact the conceptus went

backwards and there was a six—point gap between them in the popular vote, you can see the labour party gain two seats here, conceptus lost three. also a parliamentary seat they would be hoping to get back. let's talk about the greens up for a moment because we have not talked about them very much, important because they had a good night. hastings you can see was actually a labour authority but this was one of the labour losses and why did they lose it? because the greens took three seats directly from the labour party. it is not the greens are posing an a central problem for the labour party but they are nibbling away in several local authorities, several places, itjust goes to show the labour party cannot afford to forget the green party is there and while they are bringing down the conservatives, there are threats to labour as well. let's talk about the lib dems because they had the best night of all. let's look at somewhere like somerset, this was a new authority in the south—west of

england and the reason that the lib dems will be so pleased about this is it potentially indicates that they are a force to be reckoned with in some of those at southwest heartlands. had the equivalent county council equivalent to this council back in 2009, conservative controlled since then, lib dems now have a majority of 12 seats and they repeated that very strong performance not only in their leave areas like somerset, but also in remain areas as well, somewhere like huntingdonshire. this isjohn huntingdonshire. this is john major's huntingdonshire. this isjohn major's old stomping ground, he had the parliament receipt there. this has been a conservative local authority only goes back to 2012, but all the way back to the 70s and the lib dems have been doing very well in cambridgeshire in recent years and again at their post it into a no overall control. impressive overall performance for lib dems there and for those who

have not had to worry about the lib dems, they had the coalition which put them back to about 8% of the vote and then there was brexit which meant they ended up becoming less competitive than their old southwest heartlands, but the idea of a renaissance of the lib dems. in newcastle—under—lyme, so—called red wall, places where the labour party last in parts of the north and midlands, lots of seats where they had had for many years, newcastle—under—lyme had been a labour seat for a century, since 1919, but you can see the conservatives took it at a parliamentary level in 2019 and continuing to extend their hold in these places. had been a conservative controlled authority but they have extended their grip on it and you just get the sense there are places like that that the

conservative party is just bedding down in and it is falling away from the labour party, it is getting harder to imagine places like newcastle—under—lyme and staffordshire that they will make a comeback. as we know, this is not just an election in england, there were lots of other contests. let's look at scotland, a torrid night for the conservatives. high baseline to defend in scotland for the conservative party, they did very well in 2017 with ruth davidson in charge then, of course not had now. it is douglas ross now. every party pretty much apart from the independents benefiting that, and all of the conservative party is at their expense. yet another election victory for the snp, they extend their grip over scottish politics yet again full up their 11th election victory in scotland since 2007, 15 years in office, conceptus talk about mid—term blues but they do not seem to be on particular

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