lock 1&0 wafich fixer? fixer? do. a lock to watch very very closely in — do. a lock to watch very very closely in the _ do. a lock to watch very very closely in the coming - do. a lock to watch very very closely in the coming days. | do. a lock to watch very very - closely in the coming days. faye mcclements from the irish times, dublin —based newspaper. let'sjust talk a little bit more about how the government in dublin and that you are going to be actors. clearly westminster will want the executive back up and functioning. —— are going to react to this. the irish government has made clear they want the executive back—up and functioning. need to get back in and get the government working again. they dup's opposition to the northern ireland vertical is a big part of this not that needs to be untangled, the irish ministerfor foreign affairs warning he doesn't see a solution to this anytime but also signalling they do think there

is something that can be done in terms of the protocol, in terms of the irish government making representation to the eu to say there is an issue here, unionism does have an issue with the protocol. this is the effect it is having in northern ireland. the eu stresses its commitment to the belfast agreement, and to upholding that. is there a way here getting some sort of movement that might get the dup of the hook and allow them to go back in while saving face, if you like? to go back in while saving face, if ou like? ., ., . , you like? northern ireland politics can be a curious _ you like? northern ireland politics can be a curious piece _ you like? northern ireland politics can be a curious piece at - you like? northern ireland politics can be a curious piece at times, i you like? northern ireland politics i can be a curious piece at times, you have the rise of the centre ground, but is there the potential for greater polarisation with your newness and perhaps feeling under attack from the rise of the nationalist vote and sense of the largest number of seats now for the first time in the northern ireland assembly? the politicians today talking about working together, all of those fine words, but do think there is the potential for polarisation, the same time as you

have the rise of the cross community alliance party? i have the rise of the cross community alliance party?— alliance party? i think we are seeinu alliance party? i think we are seeing the — alliance party? i think we are seeing the beginnings - alliance party? i think we are seeing the beginnings of - alliance party? i think we are| seeing the beginnings of what alliance party? i think we are - seeing the beginnings of what could be a three party state within northern ireland, we are seeing what we have seen over many years now, and it seems to have come with one big go this time, the squeezing of the more moderate unionist and nationalist parties, and people coalescing who are in that middle ground, coalescing around the alliance party, which is if unions have been coalescing around the dup, although there has been the fracturing of their boat, but it is held up more than most people thought it would stem around, and there has been the coalescing of the nationalist vote around sinn fein. we saw previously in 2017 there was a snap assembly election at that point, a rise in the vote for sinn fein at that point and unionism for the first time lost its majority in the first time lost its majority in the assembly. subsequently there was a snap westminster election and we saw a rallying of support for the

dup at that point any further polarisation of the representation that northern ireland had at westminster. there is a train of thought, really, that the dup could potentially wait this out, there is a six month period where there will be a caretaker administration in place, the dup could decide to go back to the polls in six months' time and try and squeeze the more hardline traditional unionist voice party that took a lot of boats from at this time and squeeze the more middle ground ulster unionist party to try and bolster its vote in a further election, that would also benefit sinn fein as well, so we would see what is likely the creation of a three party state. another possible option, it looked like the votes, did not translate into seats for the traditionalist unionist voice, the antiparticle party as you mentioned, but did take away some seats from the dup. a really interesting point. let me

recap now for our viewers here on bbc news and on bbc world, if you arejustjoining us, it has been confirmed sinn fein will be the party with the most seats in northern ireland. they have 27 seats at the moment, so that means no other party can now overtake sinn fein, making it the largest party in the northern ireland power—sharing assembly. the first time a party in favour of uniting ireland has come top in a stormont election. sinn fein's leader at stormont, michelle o'neill, has declared northern ireland is entering a new era and said it was a defining moment. as you can see on your screens there, just two seats left to be declared, by the stage, as you can see from the numbers, the dup closest to sinn fein but cannot overtake them, with two seats to be declared. it means michelle o'neill could become deputy

first minister, has the right to be nominated as first minister, but thatis nominated as first minister, but that is only if the dup agrees as the second largest party, to become deputy first minister, because under the power—sharing arrangement set up under the good friday agreement, to protect both the unionist and nationalist traditions here in northern ireland, these roles go hand in hand, although you have a first and deputy first minister, they are equal, and one cannot operate without the other. what is your reaction to this news? it is just absolutely seismic, it feels like the foundations of the

state have been shaken, it is 101 year since the protestant state for the person to go is founded, maintained by systemic disk of a nation, often with violations against the nationals people up to and including murder, a peace agreement that comes that says we are going to share power, and a protracted period where those rights that were enshrined in the good friday agreement and the good friday agreement itself is under implemented and rights become a site of contest rather than implementation. and you see as a consequence of all of that history a working class women, a mother at 60, takes a position she was never meant to have, has gotten to be first minister of this place and it is just... no one could have written the script for what has happened now. i think that politics is going to look very different on this island and between the islands as a result, and in many ways, the response of unionism is tricky for

them. they really need to decide now if they can do power—sharing when they are not the top dog, and that is the issue at stake for them right now. if they don't do it, what they do is prove that this place is unworkable, so one way or the other, heads you win, tails you win for sinn fein, and for nationalism, and irish citizenship. just sinn fein, and for nationalism, and irish citizenship.— irish citizenship. just expand your thou . hts a irish citizenship. just expand your thoughts a little _ irish citizenship. just expand your thoughts a little more _ irish citizenship. just expand your thoughts a little more on - irish citizenship. just expand your thoughts a little more on how- irish citizenship. just expand your| thoughts a little more on how this is going to shake up relationships not only within northern ireland, but on the island of ireland and between here and great britain? to a lane between here and great britain? to a large extent. — between here and great britain? to a large extent, once _ between here and great britain? tr? — large extent, once the good friday agreement was signed on a particularly st andrews agreement was signed in 2007, which allowed the dup and sinn fein to share power together, there was a real sense the two governments turned their back and kind of site, right, that place, northern ireland is done. and they let them work away at it. and what we find is that without the

engagement of the two governments, both of them equally as co—cantors of the good friday agreement, we saw that the institutions were shaking and rocking with that. much of the implications of what is happening now is because of the under implementation of the good friday agreement, and then the huge watershed moment of brexit. so england and wales, both in favour of brexit, the north ireland votes in favour of us remaining in the eu, partly because the connections of the good friday agreement eu membership and citizenship, and then you see this huge uncertainty and constitutional change as a result, unless minister continues to act on its own interest, rather than in the interests of the people living here. i think that all of that comes into sharp relief now with the position of sinn fein and it is going to take both governments to re—engage a school garden tours of the good friday agreement and ensuring the

power—sharing is restored on the basis that, alliance and sinn fein, their message during the scan patient were really similar, they want to share power and implement the good friday agreement and all other agreements. they want to ensure that the people, the bread—and—butter issues, very much the cost of living emergency, the health emergency are all addressed. cannot be resurrected? can the dup play its part in the actress—mack that's a huge right now. one has the answer. b, that's a huge right now. one has the answer. �* that's a huge right now. one has the answer. ~ ., ., ., , , . ., answer. a huge amount of dysfunction in olitics answer. a huge amount of dysfunction in politics here. _ answer. a huge amount of dysfunction in politics here, the _ answer. a huge amount of dysfunction in politics here, the big _ answer. a huge amount of dysfunction in politics here, the big question. - in politics here, the big question. can it function properly and deliver for the voters on all of those issues you have been mentioning? if it can't, there is what has been called the stormont safety net, so if no one is nominated to the position of first and deputy first minister, potentially we have six months of talking left before

potentially another election. there are a lot of potential is there, i realise, but if at the end of the day, the end of that period, the power—sharing executive can't be resurrected, is it broken once and for all? ., , resurrected, is it broken once and for all? . , , ., for all? that is the question, because really _ for all? that is the question, because really the _ for all? that is the question, because really the only - for all? that is the question, - because really the only transport for the union to remain intact is to say this place can work, power—sharing. if not, westminster, nigel dodds and jeffrey donaldson sing, they don't care about this place of the people living in, the people living here will make the constitutional choice themselves. if we cannot make power—sharing work, there is really only one other option, not in this island. a unity referendum. —— and that lies in this island. referendum. -- and that lies in this island. ., ~' referendum. -- and that lies in this island. ., ~ ., referendum. -- and that lies in this island. ., ~' ., referendum. -- and that lies in this island. ., ~ ., ., , island. thank you for your thoughts on all this- —

island. thank you for your thoughts on all this- i— island. thank you for your thoughts on all this. i am _ island. thank you for your thoughts on all this. i amjoined _ island. thank you for your thoughts on all this. i amjoined by - island. thank you for your thoughts on all this. i amjoined by a - island. thank you for your thoughts on all this. i am joined by a former| on all this. i am joined by a former democratic unionist party mp and member of the assembly. thank you forjoining us. i want to put a couple of the points that my last guest was just making, saying the challenge for the dup, let that mcwhorter was, can they now do power—sharing when they are not the top dog? i guess that is a fair question. top dog? i guess that is a fair question-— top dog? i guess that is a fair cuestion. , , , ., ~ question. yes, but first of i think it's worth saying, _ question. yes, but first of i think it's worth saying, some - question. yes, but first of i think it's worth saying, some of - question. yes, but first of i think it's worth saying, some of the i it's worth saying, some of the dialogue and narrative around this has been absolutely bizarre. let's put this into perspective, sinn fein came into this election with 27 seats. they will be going out of the election with 27 seats. the dup came in the 27 seats and it looks as if they will drop to 225, so we are talking about a change of two seats. at the last election the dup had won 28 and that put them slightly above sinn fein and put them in the position of first minister. they dup lost one of those to an independent,

that has subsequently got elected, we are talking about a shift of two seats, and the dup warned before the selection that sinn fein and their supporters would use this type of election, in this type of scenario, to try to push a false narrative that there is a move towards irish unity and away from unionism. an important thing to consider here is in 1998 the national�*s... got 39.6% of the vote, looking at the figures today, the nationalist bloc has got 39.4% of the above. there has been no shift towards an irish unity or irish nationals position, unionist bloc in 1998 got 39.4%, slightly below the national sport, and in 2022, they have increased that the 42%, but with the inclusion of the

tu fee, but there's been a lot of spin around the selection, not the great election for the dup but certainly not the disaster that was predicted and i think we need to be really careful... let predicted and i think we need to be really careful. . ._ really careful... let me interrupt ou if i really careful... let me interrupt you if i may. _ really careful... let me interrupt you if i may. and _ really careful... let me interrupt you if i may, and you're - really careful... let me interrupt i you if i may, and you're absolutely right, those numbers haven't shifted hugely in terms of the number of seats gained, lost or indeed level pegging with 2017 with the assembly election then, but let me bring you back to the question i asked you, i'm sure you will agree that it is nonetheless symbolic that sinn fein is in this position where it can nominate for a position of first ministerfor the first time nominate for a position of first minister for the first time in northern ireland? bringing you back to that question, do you think the dup can do power—sharing when it is in the position to nominate two deputy first minister? i

in the position to nominate two deputy first minister?- in the position to nominate two deputy first minister? i think it's im ortant deputy first minister? i think it's important for _ deputy first minister? i think it's important for your _ deputy first minister? i think it's important for your viewers - deputy first minister? i think it's important for your viewers that l deputy first minister? i think it's important for your viewers that i | important for your viewers that i set out that context, because i think the previous i listen to spend a different tale. the dup have... we are giving everyone a chance to put their perspectives across. different voices, different traditions, absolutely. {lit voices, different traditions, absolutely-— voices, different traditions, absolutely. voices, different traditions, absolutel. , ., ~ absolutely. of course, and i think when ou absolutely. of course, and i think when you listen _ absolutely. of course, and i think when you listen to _ absolutely. of course, and i think when you listen to some - absolutely. of course, and i think when you listen to some of- absolutely. of course, and i think when you listen to some of that l absolutely. of course, and i think| when you listen to some of that as absolutely. of course, and i think i when you listen to some of that as i was down before i came in, you do get a bit frustrated when you hear it being put across in such a way which is completely detached from the reality. the dup have the absolutely heart of parasailing since 2007 and they became the biggest party, in the unionist block, and through many negotiation processes with sinn fein and other parties, the devolution, storm house talks, even the beginning of 2020, the deputy... 0ur talks, even the beginning of 2020, the deputy... our approach of government —— form is difficult. there have been compromises to make institutions work. the dup is

fundamentally a party of northern ireland and wants devolution, it is strongly devolution this party and the would not desire the set of circumstances, there is no doubt about that. this incredibly close and i think the dup was very unlucky on those couple of seats and a very strong election for sinn fein, in this context, but the biggest problem here is the protocol. the dup and the tuv came into the selection saying we are not going back to power—sharing, not going back to power—sharing, not going back to power—sharing, not going back to stormont unless the protocol is resolved. to place this in context, there is no chance sinn fein would be sitting in stormont if this irish sea water is naturally between northern ireland and the republic of ireland, the sense we should forget about, union should have no issue with the break—up of the union in respect of our internal trade market, is nonsense. it is a serious issue, the dup and tuv and the anti—photocopier funk at the same amount of votes approximately are sinn fein got, the biggest thing

about power—sharing is that it only works if there is a recognition across all of the party is that there are... we have to work together to get those results. thus far we have seen a complete dismissal... far we have seen a complete dismissal. . ._ far we have seen a complete l dismissal. . ._ we far we have seen a complete - dismissal. . ._ we have dismissal... that works... we have been through _ dismissal... that works... we have been through that. _ dismissal... that works... we have been through that. it _ dismissal... that works... we have been through that. it works - dismissal... that works... we have been through that. it works in - dismissal... that works... we have | been through that. it works in every direction. been through that. it works in every direction- let _ been through that. it works in every direction. let me _ been through that. it works in every direction. let me ask... _ been through that. it works in every direction. let me ask... let - been through that. it works in every direction. let me ask... let me - been through that. it works in every direction. let me ask... let me ask| direction. let me ask... let me ask you this question if i may. to what extent would you agree with our last contributor, she said the best chance for preserving northern ireland's position within the united kingdom was to show that power—sharing here in northern ireland can work. would you agree with that? ., ireland can work. would you agree with that? . ., , ireland can work. would you agree with that? . . , ., ._ , ireland can work. would you agree with that? . . , ., , , with that? that has always been the oli of with that? that has always been the policy of the — with that? that has always been the policy of the dup. _ with that? that has always been the policy of the dup. the _ with that? that has always been the policy of the dup. the concern - with that? that has always been the policy of the dup. the concern here| policy of the dup. the concern here is that the protocol fundamentally undermines that. regardless of what we do it stormont, if we have this thing which factors are union of the

united kingdom, that is badly unionist and the united kingdom. it is important to remember the gross consolidation in the centre ground, these are people voting to say we don't want to focus on constitutional issues, we are happy enoughin constitutional issues, we are happy enough in the united kingdom and northern ireland, wejust want enough in the united kingdom and northern ireland, we just want to make things work. that's very much a similar message to the dup and unionists. both blocks in the centre and unionism, they are not agitating for a referendum, they want is to get on with things and make this place work for everyone across all communities, and that is very much for the dup is focused on. jeffrey donaldson has said he is concerned that we can't do that, and there is a lot of agreement across unionism, and the dup, we can make this place to work to the maximum, but not if we don't get the problems of the protocol result. if the protocol is not fully in praise, but it is not get diverse in terms of regulation, just and inevitably will happen and

once that happens it will create more problems in terms of internal trade. we have problems with medicines, not being able to come here, a huge range of issues here that need to get results. unionists have been frustrated because these concerns are not being taken seriously. jeffrey donaldson at the very late stage, and i think reluctantly, how to escalate the matter to try to send a clear message to borisjohnson and to the british government that this has to be sorted out. because it is causing massive instability. that is what we are seeing here with the fracturing of unionism within the selection. fin of unionism within the selection. on the of unionism within the selection. 0n the trade issue, you get lots of voices in northern ireland sing the protocol works for them, giving them access to both gb and the eu market. the next question i want to ask you is, clearly there is a big decision ahead now forjeffrey donaldson as the leader of the dup. he says he will wait till after the queen's speech to make a decision on whether or not to return to the

power—sharing executive. do you want to see him do that? issues with the protocol notwithstanding, do you think that actually it's going to be better for the think that actually it's going to be betterfor the dup think that actually it's going to be better for the dup to think that actually it's going to be betterfor the dup to be back in government and to sort out those issues from within the power—sharing structures, or do you feel that jeffrey donaldson was necessary to the government, wejust jeffrey donaldson was necessary to the government, we just can't do that until the sorted out? clearly voters, the majority of voters seem to want all the politicians back in there, in stormont, making decisions on bread and butter issues. you there, in stormont, making decisions on bread and butter issues.— on bread and butter issues. you have to remember— on bread and butter issues. you have to remember there's _ on bread and butter issues. you have to remember there's three _ on bread and butter issues. you have to remember there's three distinct i to remember there's three distinct blocks now in northern ireland, nationalists and republicans, they don't like the united kingdom, don't care if the protocol is detrimental to the united kingdom, you have the central block which has a lot of faith that they think this could be resolved in some way, lets it on with things, and then unionists, which are seriously concerned about the state constitutional and structural change. all of those factors have to be taken into account. of course i think you need

want to get into stormont to deliver for people by the same time i make special advisor to arlene foster over 18 months where she kept stormont going and try to negotiate this with the prime minister in the uk government and yet there was still no resolution, tinkering around the edges, but there was not around the edges, but there was not a resolution that she had sought. it wasn't the resolution she was promised, quite frankly, was coming by the uk government. when sir jeffreyjohnson came in, he looks that felt the dialogue was not working and things were escalated jeffrey donaldson. uf reference safeguards, the dup and commented that after sinn fein collapsed. we put that in place to make sure people would not suffer directly in terms of not having this issue is discussed, by the same time, we do have to send a very clear message to the british government, we are not going to fit all when they place brands, we will not sit up there and get on with business was something

significantly detrimental unionists there, that is the unionist position and unfortunately, had been listened to untiljeffrey donaldson had to take action, we want this result. unionism once this result as quickly as possible. —— once this result. thank you very much for talking to us about the election here today ireland assembly. sinn fein was once a party ostracised by many in the political sphere. during the 30 year conflict in northern ireland, known as the trouble is, it was seen as being associated with a campaign of violence, but once the party decided on a way forward through politics and had members elected as mps in the 1980s, and had members elected as mps in the 19805, it and had members elected as mps in the 1980s, it began to gain popularity. —— three.

steeped in the violence of the past, sinn fein's political aims were born out of northern ireland's darkest days. out of northern ireland's darkest da s. ., , ., days. the freedom fighters of the ira... days. the freedom fighters of the m -- during _ days. the freedom fighters of the ira... during the _ days. the freedom fighters of the ira... during the so _ days. the freedom fighters of the ira... during the 30 year - days. the freedom fighters of the | ira... during the 30 year conflict, sinn fein were _ ira... during the 30 year conflict, sinn fein were the _ ira... during the 30 year conflict, sinn fein were the voice _ ira... during the 30 year conflict, sinn fein were the voice of - ira... during the 30 year conflict, sinn fein were the voice of the - sinn fein were the voice of the paramilitary group the ira. who thought an armed campaign to try to break british rule in northern ireland. —— fort. gerry adams, the leader of the sinn fein during the violence, became a hated figure. many who served time in prison on the release became involved in the political movement to achieve a united ireland through peaceful means. y united ireland through peaceful means. ., means. those were very formative da s, and means. those were very formative days, and clearly _ means. those were very formative days, and clearly the _ means. those were very formative

days, and clearly the idea - means. those were very formative days, and clearly the idea that - means. those were very formative days, and clearly the idea that we | days, and clearly the idea that we have to move forward politically is very much entrenched now in republican ideology. sinn very much entrenched now in republican ideology. sinn fein sees the conflict as _ republican ideology. sinn fein sees the conflict as having _ republican ideology. sinn fein sees the conflict as having been - republican ideology. sinn fein sees the conflict as having been a - the conflict as having been a legitimate armed struggle. the party now strongly advocates peace. what is the key to their success? that or: anic is the key to their success? that organic link- _ is the key to their success? that organic link. sinn _ is the key to their success? that organic link. sinn fein _ is the key to their success? twat organic link. sinn fein and republican activist were part of the community. in republican activist were part of the communi . republican activist were part of the community-— community. in the 1990 sinn fein -la ed a community. in the 1990 sinn fein played a key _ community. in the 1990 sinn fein played a key role _ community. in the 1990 sinn fein played a key role in _ community. in the 1990 sinn fein played a key role in bringing - community. in the 1990 sinn fein| played a key role in bringing about the good friday agreement. which largely ended the violence. in the years after, their support at the ballot box groove. martin mcguinness, a former commander in the ira, became deputy first minister, sharing power with the dup. forthose minister, sharing power with the dup. for those who remember the past, sinn fein still deeply divided opinion. but in the party today, there are farfewer opinion. but in the party today, there are far fewer elected representatives who were involved in the armed conflict, and their electoral success is a new milestone in what has been a remarkable politicaljourney. if we look back to the good friday agreement, there

would have been expressing servers and people who would have had links to that republican wing of sinn fein, the ira, and what we see now is a very young and progressive party. it is a very young and progressive .a . , ., is a very young and progressive party. it is full of young women, detailed user _ party. it is full of young women, detailed user to _ party. it is full of young women, detailed user to women, - party. it is full of young women, detailed user to women, both i party. it is full of young women, detailed user to women, both of party. it is full of young women, - detailed user to women, both of whom have no connection to that sort of pass —— the two leaders. by, have no connection to that sort of pass -- the two leaders.- pass -- the two leaders. a bitter blow for unionism, _ pass -- the two leaders. a bitter blow for unionism, the _ pass -- the two leaders. a bitter. blow for unionism, the immediate challenge for the party boss might currently does will be to form a new power sharing executive assortment and governing in the first minister role may be some way off. well, let's just remind you of the news emerging from the northern ireland assembly elections, it was predicted in the polls and indeed it has happened, sinn fein, the nationalist party that wants to see a united ireland has emerged as the largest party. two seats still to be declared, but no other party can overtake them. it means for the first time ever that a nationalist

party has won the most seats in the assembly, and it means the democratic unionist party, which had been the largest party in the last assembly elections, is now in second position in terms of the number of seats. you are watching bbc news. we will be back with more on the news from northern ireland in a few minutes but first let's get the weather. saturday sun trine amounts have certainly varied. the picture behind me from the north coast of northern ireland, some sunshine here and look at this beautiful shot from one of our weather watchers in the western isles of scotland. gorgeous blue skies overhead, contrast that with the rather grey conditions for this weather watcher walking along the coast in kent. this grey shading here shows where we did have some cloud today, produce some showery rain in places, more cow waiting in the wings out in the atlantic, weak

frontal system is introducing a bit more cloud into northern ireland, western scotland, a little rain here by the end of the night. some areas of low cloud, mr mark elsewhere. rather chilly for eastern scotland a nation england, milderfurther west, nation england, milder further west, ten nation england, milderfurther west, ten for belfast, the liverpool 12 degrees, for cardi. tomorrow, high pressure trying to hold firm, these frontal systems will be grazing in from the atlantic, introducing a bit more cloud for a time. there will be some rain pushing up towards shetland by the afternoon, but elsewhere, early miss denmark tending to clear, lingering for some of these western coast. we will see some spells of sunshine, but some patchy cloud as well. small trans ratio, especially in north wales, northern england and southern scotland put up a little bit covid on the seacoast, bells were, how of 18 to 20 degrees. area of high pressure set to retreat into monday, this next frontal system will be a more active affair. some heavy and

persistent rain across parts of northern ireland, parts of western scotland, not as much into eastern scotland, not as much into eastern scotland, much of england and will stay dry and where we hold onto some sunshine, through central and eastern parts, of warmth. 22 in london. 1a further north in glasgow and aberdeen. tuesday, band of rain sink southwards, we all the while. not much rain into the south—east corner, behind it, sunny spells in blustery showers, will be quite windy and a little cooler again, 13-20 in windy and a little cooler again, 13—20 in the far south—east. looks a little cooler through the middle part of the week, a lot of dry weather around, some showers with longer spells of rain at times.

this is bbc news — i'm annita mcveigh. it's eight o'clock — the headlines this hour: sinn fein wins the most seats in the northern ireland assembly in an historic election — it's the first time a party in favour of uniting ireland has come top. today ushers in a new era, which i believe presents us all with an opportunity to reimagine relationships in this society on the basis of fairness, on the basis of equality, and on the basis of socialjustice. democratic unionist party leader sirjeffrey donaldson says his party will wait till next week before deciding whether to enter a power—sharing government. the sovereign government

here who can make the decisions that will unlock the door to stormont is the uk government.