with is not to do with the protocol only made necessary by the kind of brexit the government eventually negotiated, the very nature of that that contained the seeds of the problem. i do not delight for one moment and neither do my colleagues the hurt and upset caused by many to northern ireland by the protocol. let's not forget that scotland and northern ireland as a whole both voted against brexit and there was naught cross union consent. if the consequences of that deal are judged to not be working in the best interests of the people of northern ireland, we need mr speaker to also be honest and recognise the consequence of the entire withdrawal agreement are not working in the interest of anywhere else in the uk other. getting brexit done has great punishment meant creating projects. it is an absolute free sta ble

stable agreement which works for all parts of the uk and i wish the uk government well in that but with the crisis in ukraine the last thing we need to be doing a thrashing around here pointlessly. domestic legislation even if passed will not wash away the need to comply with an international commitment already made and neither is it going to change the fact that if the uk is neither in or aligned with the single market in the customs union it is still going to create a trade border that needs to go some way. to restore devolved government in northern ireland and to resolve the self—inflicted wounds of brexit it going to need goodwill, trust and a negotiated settlement. i'm sorry to say that the threats of unilateral legislative action by this government override its own deal very unlikely to be taken seriously in belfast, they won't be taken seriously in brussels and there is no reason why they should be taken seriously in this place either. i have been very clear that we are

open to a negotiated solution but that negotiated solution needs to deliver on the ground in northern ireland. and address the very real problems with the protocol, which the honourable gentleman acknowledges, namely the fact that the people of northern ireland cannot benefit currently from uk tax decisions, state aid decisions and the fact there is still full customs implementation on goods coming into northern ireland. in order to address those issues it's notjust the implementation of the protocol, the implementation of the protocol, the protocol itself does need to change. we need that change in the mandate from the eu. it is absolutely our preference to have a negotiated solution with the eu but we have to be clear that those changes need to happen, otherwise it's simply not going to deliver on the ground in northern ireland, it's not going to restore the balance as set out in the belfast good friday agreement and we are not going to

see the executive northern ireland back up and running which is what we want to see. fill" back up and running which is what we want to see-— want to see. our approach to the rotocol want to see. our approach to the protocol is _ want to see. our approach to the protocol is so _ want to see. our approach to the protocol is so unreasonable - want to see. our approach to the protocol is so unreasonable that| protocol is so unreasonable that it's actually banning the movement of tree saplings from great britain to northern ireland for planting for the queen's platinum jubilee. to northern ireland for planting for the queen's platinumjubilee. so will the foreign secretary promised that her new enhanced green channel will notjust that her new enhanced green channel will not just apply to customs that her new enhanced green channel will notjust apply to customs robot will notjust apply to customs robot will also supply these unreasonable and excessive rules on plants and foods. ms; and excessive rules on plants and foods. g ., ., ., , , foods. my honourable friend is right to oint foods. my honourable friend is right to point out — foods. my honourable friend is right to point out the _ foods. my honourable friend is right to point out the very _ foods. my honourable friend is right to point out the very real— foods. my honourable friend is right to point out the very real issue - foods. my honourable friend is right to point out the very real issue is i to point out the very real issue is causing particularly on sbs rules and particularly in respect to goods. there are no plans to

transport those goods into the republic of ireland. she is right, our proposals will ensure those goods are able to travel freely through the green lane into northern ireland as part of a trusted trader scheme and any company violating that scheme and not following the rules, they will be enforcement to make sure we protect the eu single market. this is a pragmatic solution, we are supplying commercial data to the eu, we are supplying it in real time so that they are able to manage the eu single market. at the same time as protecting our uk single market. i agree that the commission needs to move _ agree that the commission needs to move further to reduce unnecessary checks_ move further to reduce unnecessary checks and — move further to reduce unnecessary checks and paperwork on goods moving between _ checks and paperwork on goods moving between great britain and northern ireland _ between great britain and northern ireland a— between great britain and northern ireland. a sandwich made in yorkshire _ ireland. a sandwich made in yorkshire and sold in belfast presents _ yorkshire and sold in belfast presents no threat to the integrity

of the _ presents no threat to the integrity of the european union single market. but why— of the european union single market. but why does the foreign secretary think that _ but why does the foreign secretary think that threatening unilaterally to change an international treaty and i_ to change an international treaty and i look— to change an international treaty and i look forward to seeing the description of why that is legal, is going _ description of why that is legal, is going to _ description of why that is legal, is going to help encourage the commission to change its approach, especially— commission to change its approach, especially when it's likely to undermine trust further and may result— undermine trust further and may result in— undermine trust further and may result in trade retaliation which is not result in trade retaliation which is hot in _ result in trade retaliation which is hot in the — result in trade retaliation which is not in the interest of any of our constituents.— constituents. the honourable gentleman — constituents. the honourable gentleman points _ constituents. the honourable gentleman points out - constituents. the honourable gentleman points out that. constituents. the honourablej gentleman points out that we constituents. the honourable i gentleman points out that we do constituents. the honourable - gentleman points out that we do need to see more flexibility from the eu and we do need to see a change mandate because the point he was making about sandwiches from yorkshire, that cannot be addressed within the operation of the protocol, the protocol itself needs to be changed. i've had six months of discussions and my predecessor had a year of discussions and there still has not been an agreement from the eu to change the protocol itself

which would fix the issues the honourable gentleman has raised. we are in a position now where we have seen the belfast good friday agreement undermined, we have seen the balance upset in northern ireland, we have not seen the executive establish since february, so in the absence of being able to achieve a negotiated solution with the eu this is why we are bringing forward legislation. but i'm very clear, i would very much be hopeful that the eu will change their position, that they are prepared to enter negotiations on that basis to fix the very real issues the honourable gentleman mentions. on the point about the response from the point about the response from the ui would point out there are solution —— our solution makes the eu no worse off. we have proposals to protect the single market to make sure the is enforcement of the green lane and the red lane so i would

hope that they look at our proposals in a reasonable way as we are putting them forward in a reasonable way and that we can work together on a solution. mar; way and that we can work together on a solution. a, way and that we can work together on a solution. ~._ _, ., , a solution. may i command my right honourable — a solution. may i command my right honourable friend _ a solution. may i command my right honourable friend for _ a solution. may i command my right honourable friend for her _ a solution. may i command my right honourable friend for her excellent l honourable friend for her excellent statement — honourable friend for her excellent statement and _ honourable friend for her excellent statement and my— honourable friend for her excellent statement and my right _ honourable friend for her excellent. statement and my right honourable friend _ statement and my right honourable friend the _ statement and my right honourable friend the prime _ statement and my right honourable friend the prime minister— statement and my right honourable friend the prime minister on- statement and my right honourable friend the prime minister on sectionj friend the prime minister on section 38 of— friend the prime minister on section 38 of the _ friend the prime minister on section 38 of the withdrawal— friend the prime minister on section 38 of the withdrawal agreement - friend the prime minister on section . 38 of the withdrawal agreement which enables— 38 of the withdrawal agreement which enables her— 38 of the withdrawal agreement which enables her bill— 38 of the withdrawal agreement which enables her bill to _ 38 of the withdrawal agreement which enables her bill to use _ 38 of the withdrawal agreement which enables her bill to use our— enables her bill to use our sovereignty— enables her bill to use our. sovereignty notwithstanding enables her bill to use our- sovereignty notwithstanding the protocol, — sovereignty notwithstanding the protocol, will _ sovereignty notwithstanding the protocol, will she _ sovereignty notwithstanding the protocol, will she also _ sovereignty notwithstanding the protocol, will she also ensured. sovereignty notwithstanding the i protocol, will she also ensured by instructions — protocol, will she also ensured by instructions the _ protocol, will she also ensured by instructions the parliamentary - instructions the parliamentary counsel— instructions the parliamentary counsel that _ instructions the parliamentary counsel that the _ instructions the parliamentary counsel that the bill— instructions the parliamentary counsel that the bill fully- counsel that the bill fully satisfies— counsel that the bill fully satisfies our— counsel that the bill fully satisfies our sovereigntyl counsel that the bill fully- satisfies our sovereignty and the constitution _ satisfies our sovereignty and the constitution integrity _ satisfies our sovereignty and the constitution integrity of - satisfies our sovereignty and the | constitution integrity of northern ireland _ constitution integrity of northern ireland within _ constitution integrity of northern ireland within the _ constitution integrity of northern ireland within the uk _ constitution integrity of northern ireland within the uk and - constitution integrity of northern ireland within the uk and the - constitution integrity of northern i ireland within the uk and the good friday— ireland within the uk and the good friday agreement— ireland within the uk and the good friday agreement and _ ireland within the uk and the good friday agreement and that - ireland within the uk and the good friday agreement and that the - friday agreement and that the european _ friday agreement and that the european court _ friday agreement and that the european court and _ friday agreement and that the european court and eu - friday agreement and that the european court and eu law- friday agreement and that the european court and eu law do| friday agreement and that the i european court and eu law do not displace _ european court and eu law do not displace uk— european court and eu law do not displace uk law— european court and eu law do not displace uk law and _ european court and eu law do not displace uk law and i— european court and eu law do not displace uk law and i urge - european court and eu law do not displace uk law and i urge her- european court and eu law do not displace uk law and i urge her to. displace uk law and i urge her to strongly— displace uk law and i urge her to strongly take _ displace uk law and i urge her to strongly take the _ displace uk law and i urge her to strongly take the advice - displace uk law and i urge her to strongly take the advice of - displace uk law and i urge her to strongly take the advice of the l strongly take the advice of the attorney— strongly take the advice of the attorney general— strongly take the advice of the attorney general on— strongly take the advice of the attorney general on matters l strongly take the advice of the | attorney general on matters of international— attorney general on matters of international law _ attorney general on matters of international law despite - attorney general on matters of| international law despite voices attorney general on matters of. international law despite voices to the contrary~ _

international law despite voices to the contrary~ i— international law despite voices to the contrary-— international law despite voices to thecontra . ., ,, , ., ., the contrary. i thank my honourable friend for his _ the contrary. i thank my honourable friend for his great _ the contrary. i thank my honourable friend for his great expertise - the contrary. i thank my honourable friend for his great expertise in - friend for his great expertise in this matter and just to be clear on the subject of the ec] how a solution is to have an arbitration mechanism in place like we have in the tca rather than having the ec] as the final arbiter.— as the final arbiter. from the outset the — as the final arbiter. from the outset the dup _ as the final arbiter. from the outset the dup warned - as the final arbiter. from the | outset the dup warned about as the final arbiter. from the - outset the dup warned about the consequences of this protocol and thatis consequences of this protocol and that is why we opposed it from the beginning. we recognise that the political and economic instability it would cause and the harm it would create for the union itself. the statement today as a welcome if overdue step. that is a significant move towards addressing the problems created by the protocol and getting power—sharing based upon a cross community consensus up and running again. therefore, we hope to see

progress on the bill in order to deal with these matters in days and weeks not months and as the legislation progresses we will take a graduated and cautious approach. we want to see the irish sea border removed and the government honouring its commitment in the new decade new approach agreement to protect northern ireland's place in the uk internal market. the statement today indicates this will be covered in the legislation to bring about new revised arrangements. under the belfast good friday agreement power—sharing can only be stable if consensus exists on a cross community basis. it does not exist at the moment on the part of the unionist community. we want to see the political institutions properly functioning as soon as possible but to restore unionist confidence decisive action is now needed in the

form of legislation to repair the harm done by the protocol to the act of union and put in place sensible arrangements that in the words of the queen's speech ensure the continued success and integrity of the whole of the united kingdom including the internal economic bonds between all its parts. finally, the words today are a good start but the foreign secretary will know that it is actions that speak louder than words and i welcome her commitment to such decisive action in the statement to the house. i thank the honourable gentleman. what everybody in northern ireland agrees on is that the northern ireland protocol is not working and we don't have cross—party consent to move forward. i think it's vitally

important to restore the primacy of the belfast good friday agreement which provided for power—sharing in northern ireland to ensure we have the consent of all communities and it is the government's priority above all else to make sure that we protect peace and stability in northern ireland that is our first duty as the government of the uk. we hear a lot in today's discussion about— hear a lot in today's discussion about the _ hear a lot in today's discussion about the legal position of the uk. it about the legal position of the uk. it seems _ about the legal position of the uk. it seems to me having read the protocol — it seems to me having read the protocol carefully that there is a real? _ protocol carefully that there is a real? about the legal position of the european union because the protocol— the european union because the protocol contains a lot of caveats around _ protocol contains a lot of caveats around the — protocol contains a lot of caveats around the protection of community relations— around the protection of community relations in— around the protection of community relations in northern ireland, none of which _ relations in northern ireland, none of which appear to be being fulfilled at the moment. so will she ensure _ fulfilled at the moment. so will she ensure she — fulfilled at the moment. so will she ensure she takes proper legal advice about— ensure she takes proper legal advice about their— ensure she takes proper legal advice about their position and we don't 'ust about their position and we don't just listen— about their position and we don't just listen to all the comments about— just listen to all the comments about our— just listen to all the comments

about our position. my just listen to all the comments about our position.— about our position. my right honourable _ about our position. my right honourable friend _ about our position. my right honourable friend makes - about our position. my right honourable friend makes an | about our position. my right - honourable friend makes an important point. the issue with the protocol is that we have found, despite entering the protocol in good faith, that it has not operated as we foresaw. and it is causing the very real problems we see in northern ireland today. this is why our number one priority is to seek a negotiated solution with the eu but in the absence of that and in the absence of that option being available it is why it so important we act now to restore the primacy of the good friday agreement to restore the good friday agreement to restore the balance in northern ireland and to make sure all communities in northern ireland are treated with esteem. ~ , , .,

northern ireland are treated with esteem. ,, ., ., , ,, esteem. why should the hard-pressed ublic of esteem. why should the hard-pressed public of the — esteem. why should the hard-pressed public of the uk _ esteem. why should the hard-pressed public of the uk facing _ esteem. why should the hard-pressed public of the uk facing an _ public of the uk facing an unprecedented _ public of the uk facing an unprecedented cost - public of the uk facing an unprecedented cost of. public of the uk facing an i unprecedented cost of living public of the uk facing an - unprecedented cost of living crisis pay even — unprecedented cost of living crisis pay even higher— unprecedented cost of living crisis pay even higher prices _ unprecedented cost of living crisis pay even higher prices as - unprecedented cost of living crisis pay even higher prices as a - unprecedented cost of living crisis pay even higher prices as a result| pay even higher prices as a result of the _ pay even higher prices as a result of the trade — pay even higher prices as a result of the trade war— pay even higher prices as a result of the trade war with _ pay even higher prices as a result of the trade war with our - pay even higher prices as a result of the trade war with our main i of the trade war with our main trading — of the trade war with our main trading partners _ of the trade war with our main trading partners because i of the trade war with our main trading partners because she. of the trade war with our main i trading partners because she and of the trade war with our main - trading partners because she and the dup want— trading partners because she and the dup want to — trading partners because she and the dup want to tear— trading partners because she and the dup want to tear up _ trading partners because she and the dup want to tear up the _ trading partners because she and the dup want to tear up the agreement i dup want to tear up the agreement the prime _ dup want to tear up the agreement the prime minister— dup want to tear up the agreement the prime minister negotiated i dup want to tear up the agreement the prime minister negotiated and. the prime minister negotiated and she voted — the prime minister negotiated and she voted for? _ the prime minister negotiated and she voted for? i— the prime minister negotiated and she voted for?— the prime minister negotiated and she voted for? i am very clear that our priority — she voted for? i am very clear that our priority is _ she voted for? i am very clear that our priority is seeking _ she voted for? i am very clear that our priority is seeking a _ she voted for? i am very clear that j our priority is seeking a negotiated solution with the eu and none of the proposals that i have put forward today make the eu any worse off. we want a solution that works for the eu single market and also works for the uk single market but the reality is the people of northern ireland are paying higher prices as a result of the operation of the protocol. so for example the road haulage association says the protocol has caused a 34% increase in the cost of moving goods to northern ireland. so

we are facing a real cost of living impact in northern ireland. what we want to do is fix the protocol to the benefit of both the united kingdom and the european union. article one of the protocol makes it very clear _ article one of the protocol makes it very clear that that agreement is to be without— very clear that that agreement is to be without prejudice to the good friday— be without prejudice to the good friday belfast agreement regarding the constitutional status of northern ireland. that means surely that the _ northern ireland. that means surely that the good friday agreement takes primacy— that the good friday agreement takes primacy over the protocol. if that is right, — primacy over the protocol. if that is right, whatever needs will my right _ is right, whatever needs will my right honourable friend bring forward — right honourable friend bring forward to make it clear that it is necessary — forward to make it clear that it is necessary for change if we are to avoid _ necessary for change if we are to avoid a _ necessary for change if we are to avoid a degradation or degrading in the constitutional order and generally in northern ireland. my ri-ht generally in northern ireland. ii right honourable friend generally in northern ireland. ii1: right honourable friend makes generally in northern ireland. ii: right honourable friend makes a generally in northern ireland. ii1 right honourable friend makes a very important point about the primacy of the belfast good friday agreement

which has been vitalfor the belfast good friday agreement which has been vital for peace and stability in northern ireland and it is our priority to restore that and as i've said we will set out our legal position in due course. what we have heard from this government today is astonishing. this morning the government announced they were going to ride roughshod over victims are ripping up roughshod over victims are ripping up the storm and agreement. now the foreign secretary has confirmed she is going to go against the majority despite what she might say, the majority of citizens in northern ireland who support the protocol, by ripping up an international agreement called the withdrawal agreement. it is a very, very simple question, despite what some people might not want to listen to the majority of the people in northern ireland. how can an international partner, citizen in the north environment, just this government

again? —— in the north of ireland. an overwhelming proportion of people in northern ireland, 78%, agreed that the protocol needs the change in polling conducted in december 2021. it is simply not true to say a majority of people in northern ireland support the protocol. as the honourable gentleman knows, the belfast good friday agreement is based on power—sharing. it is based on a steam for all communities. what we want to find, ideally with the eu, is a solution that works for all the communities in northern ireland. the uk - eu the communities in northern ireland. the uk — eu parliamentary partnership assembly met for the first time in brussels last thursday. we had the opportunity of a lively encounter between the paymaster general and commissioner

sefcovic. members were able to ask about the sort of points that have been discussed today. and it was clear from been discussed today. and it was clearfrom commissioner been discussed today. and it was clear from commissioner sefcovic that he believed there was a landing place for an agreement on these difficult matters. could ijust urge my right honourable friend to go the extra mile and see if we can get an agreement? because if we could, it would open up all the other opportunities for cooperation in energy, science and so many other things. i can assure my honourable friend that is absolutely what i want to do. i spoke to commissioner sefcovic last night, i want to see a meeting immediately of the joint committee to discuss this. but it will require to fix these very real issues in northern ireland, particularly on areas like customs and tax where some of these points are baked into the protocol. in order to change the situation on the

ground in northern ireland, we do need changes to the protocol. that is the issue that as yet, and i have had numerous discussions with sefcovic about this, as yet there is no agreement for his mandate to change to include changes to the protocol. that is the fundamental issue. i am very, protocol. that is the fundamental issue. iam very, very protocol. that is the fundamental issue. i am very, very willing to have those discussions. i am seeing the irish foreign minister simon coveney later this week to have further discussions with we are very open to resolving these issues between the uk and eu but you need a real acknowledgement of what is happening on the ground in northern ireland and the fact the protocol does need to change. so ireland and the fact the protocol does need to change.— ireland and the fact the protocol does need to change. so much for caettin does need to change. so much for getting brexit _ does need to change. so much for getting brexit done, _ does need to change. so much for getting brexit done, so _ does need to change. so much for getting brexit done, so much i does need to change. so much for getting brexit done, so much for i getting brexit done, so much for other and ready. what is the cost of the proposed actions? the treasury has drawn up economic impact assessments for this course of action. when will the government

released them for the house? the solution we are putting forward will save costs by reducing the bureaucracy that traders are currently facing shipping goods into northern ireland. flii" currently facing shipping goods into northern ireland.— northern ireland. our overall ro osal northern ireland. our overall proposal benefits _ northern ireland. our overall proposal benefits traders i northern ireland. our overall| proposal benefits traders into northern ireland, benefits the people of northern ireland, does not make the eu any worse off. and it helps protect the single market. i warmly welcome this statement. as i am sure will be noble laureate lord trimble who wrote in a national newspaper this morning it was urgent to address the problems of the protocol. an architect of the with john hume. european court ofjustice in northern ireland don't like candy foreign secretary is sure the house

under governance that she will take action? we under governance that she will take action? ~ ., , action? we will, to ensure the arbitration _ action? we will, to ensure the arbitration mechanism - action? we will, to ensure the arbitration mechanism is i action? we will, to ensure the arbitration mechanism is in i action? we will, to ensure the i arbitration mechanism is in place for northern ireland as it is in the tca rather than having the ecj as the final arbiter, which it is as present. he is right to highlight the article today by lord trimble. we need to go back to the original thinking behind the belfast good friday agreement, which was about treating the communities of northern ireland with equal esteem to make sure that we have successful arrangements in place to protect peace and political stability and that has to be this government's priority. that has to be this government's riori . , ., ., that has to be this government's riori . ,., , , , priority. the protocol represents know that i _ priority. the protocol represents know that i would _ priority. the protocol represents know that i would never - priority. the protocol represents know that i would never make i priority. the protocol represents l know that i would never make soft landing from this government's

decision to have a hard brexit. let me be clear, there is a majority of voters in northern ireland, and the business community who want to see theissues business community who want to see the issues of the protocol are grassed pragmatically to build a partnership of trust with the european union not through damaging unilateral action, european union not through damaging unilateralaction, damaging european union not through damaging unilateral action, damaging the uk's reputation including with the united states. there is the foreign secretary understand that if she tinkers with the european court of justice's jurisdiction that will the damaging... —— that will be damaging... -- that will be damaging-— damaging... -- that will be damaging... -- that will be damauain.~ ., , ., damaging... -- that will be damauainf ., , ., ., damaging. we are proposing a dual reuulato damaging. we are proposing a dual regulatory system _ damaging. we are proposing a dual regulatory system for _ damaging. we are proposing a dual regulatory system for northern i regulatory system for northern ireland encompasses either eu or uk regulation as those businesses choose, reflects its unique status of having a close relationship with the eu whilst being part of the uk

single market. i the eu whilst being part of the uk single market.— single market. i welcome the statement- — single market. i welcome the statement. the _ single market. i welcome the statement. the powerful- single market. i welcome the i statement. the powerful article referred to, or trimble, statement. the powerful article referred to, ortrimble, one statement. the powerful article referred to, or trimble, one of the architects of the good friday agreement, makes it clear the maintenance of the good friday agreement overcomes everything else. to that extent it would be helpful if there is to bang on about this at the moment on the other side, if they read the protocol, article 13 .8 makes it absolutely clear that the protocol can be through negotiation changed in whole or in part. the point here is therefore, my right honourable friend is quite correct, the eu needs to step up to their responsibilities in that protocol and do what 13.8 tells them to do. ma; protocol and do what 13.8 tells them to do. ~ , protocol and do what 13.8 tells them todo. y ., ., , to do. my right honourable friend is riaht, the to do. my right honourable friend is right, the protocol— to do. my right honourable friend is right, the protocol was _ to do. my right honourable friend is right, the protocol was never- right, the protocol was never designed to be set in stone. and what we have seen is the very real

consequences of the protocol, which has not yet been fully implemented on the ground in northern ireland. it has caused vertical instability, imbalance in the relationship between the communities in northern ireland, and we do need to fix that. my ireland, and we do need to fix that. my strong preferences for the eu to secure a change in mandate so we can find a negotiated settlement. i completely agree with commissioner sefcovic, there is a landing zone to be had. but what we do need to see is that flexibility we can make sure there is a proper green channel operating into northern ireland that we can ensure the people of northern ireland are benefiting from the same tax benefits as the people of great britain. and so we can fix those problems in a sustainable way. iunfith problems in a sustainable way. with a cost of living _ problems in a sustainable way. with a cost of living crisis _ problems in a sustainable way. in a cost of living crisis and rising tension in northern ireland, the

last thing our country needs is a poisonous stand—off with the eu and the prospect of a trade deal with our largest trading partner. until recently the prime minister himself was saying it is all ok, no border down the irish sea, ministers were incredulously parroting the wines that we will only break international law in a limited and specific way. does the foreign secretary agree it is the pinnacle of incompetence or deceit for someone to negotiate and sign a deal when they have no intention whatsoever of honouring that deal? as i have said, our priority is securing peace and stability in northern ireland and restoring the primacy of the belfast good friday agreement. the protocol was agreed in good faith but it has had unintended consequences and it is the responsibility of the united kingdom government to take action to restore the balance was that our

preference is a negotiated solution with the eu, we think there is a landing zone to achieve that. but there is a requirement for the eu to change its mandate. flan there is a requirement for the eu to change its mandate.— change its mandate. can i point out to my right — change its mandate. can i point out to my right honourable _ change its mandate. can i point out to my right honourable friend i i change its mandate. can i point out| to my right honourable friend i have rocks voted for the protocol, on the basis —— i reluctantly voted on the basis —— i reluctantly voted on the basis we were not allowed to conclude a permanent trading agreement with the eu until we left and it would be superseded or overtaken in due course. and also apart from the disagreement about whether we should have legislation, there seems to be very broad agreement across this house, as there was when i proposed a motion to this house on the 21st ofjune —— 15th ofjuly last year. the labour party supported it with very warm board saying there were legitimate concerns amongst the community that had to be addressed. it is a shame the labour party, the means as well

as the ends. can i invite her to engage the reasonable elements of the labour party to support her negotiating position so we can reach a negotiated settlement? i am negotiating position so we can reach a negotiated settlement?— a negotiated settlement? i am very ha- a negotiated settlement? i am very ha - to a negotiated settlement? i am very happy to engage _ a negotiated settlement? i am very happy to engage with _ a negotiated settlement? i am very happy to engage with colleagues i happy to engage with colleagues across the house, in particular to explain the issue of why there needs to be a change in the protocol itself to fix the issues about making a clear green line between gb and northern ireland, resolving these taxation issues. that is the fundamental issue with the negotiators from the eu which we have conducted in good faith. i have had numerous negotiations and conversations with commissioner sefcovic over the past six months. fundamentally, the eu's mandate does not allow those changes to be made that would help us create the green line to create the free flow of goods between gb and northern

ireland. also addressing the unfairness in the tax system where the chancellor announces a cut to the chancellor announces a cut to the vat on the sale of panels but that cannot be implemented for the people of northern ireland. however she may dress _ people of northern ireland. however she may dress this _ people of northern ireland. however she may dress this up, _ people of northern ireland. however she may dress this up, unilaterally l she may dress this up, unilaterally changing a previously agreed international treaty is breaking it. and it is doublespeak to suggest otherwise. the consequences are real, ordinary families up and down this country will have higher prices to pay because of a trade war. could you take this opportunity to be honest with the british people. if we get to the point where tariffs are raised as a result of a trade war with the eu, how much will they have to pay? or does she not care? we are very clear that this bill is legal in international law and as i have said we will set out our legal position in due course. our

proposals, which we will outline in more detail over the coming weeks, are clear about how we protect the eu single market. currently, businesses are northern ireland and great britain are facing increased costs as a result of the northern ireland protocol. our proposals will deal with the costs whilst protecting the eu single market. the eu will be no worse off as a result of our proposals.— eu will be no worse off as a result of our proposals. those punishment there is genuine _ of our proposals. those punishment there is genuine anger— of our proposals. those punishment there is genuine anger in _ of our proposals. those punishment there is genuine anger in the - there is genuine anger in the loyalist community about the protocol and the way many people think it undermines their british identity. now it has been unanimously rejected at the ballot box by the unionist community, what assurances can my right honourable friend give me that if negotiations continue to fail we will see a bill over the coming days and weeks, not months, in this house? we

over the coming days and weeks, not months, in this house?— months, in this house? we are committed _ months, in this house? we are committed to _ months, in this house? we are committed to introducing i months, in this house? we are committed to introducing a i months, in this house? we are committed to introducing a bill| months, in this house? we are i committed to introducing a bill to resolve the very real issues on the ground in northern ireland. in parallel, we are open to negotiations with the eu. but in order to proceed in those negotiations, the eu have to be willing to change the protocol itself to fix those very real issues. ., ,, . ., , ,, ., , issues. the foreign secretary knows there were only _ issues. the foreign secretary knows there were only three _ issues. the foreign secretary knows there were only three ways - issues. the foreign secretary knows there were only three ways of- there were only three ways of protecting northern ireland's special position after brexit. he land border on the island of ireland which we all reject. closer alignment between the eu and uk, which business wanted but the government rejected. and a sea border. the prime minister chose a sea border. he knew the czechs it would involve but denied it to the unionist community. there are solutions which can be negotiated. isn't the reason for today's statement that the government and

the foreign secretary, for reasons of her own ambition, see it feeling brexit divisions? i of her own ambition, see it feeling brexit divisions?— brexit divisions? i don't agree, there is a _ brexit divisions? i don't agree, there is a solution _ brexit divisions? i don't agree, there is a solution and - brexit divisions? i don't agree, there is a solution and we i brexit divisions? i don't agree, j there is a solution and we have brexit divisions? i don't agree, i there is a solution and we have put it forward to the eu, of using commercial data that is collected in the normal course of business, sharing that in real time with the eu, making sure there are strong protections on the trusted trader scheme so that any untoward activities are acted against. we can do all of that and make that happen and protect the eu single market whilst at the same time enabling the free flow of trade. what we need is flexibility in the eu's mandate so they are prepared to change the protocol. as many people in this house have already said, the protocol was never intended to be set in stone. it is our duty as the

united kingdom government to act to