£3 a box exposure as these guys. as a box m self, exposure as these guys. as a box myself. i'd-u _ exposure as these guys. as a box myself, i'd... inspiration? - myself, i'd... inspiration? boxing exist in a wider— myself, i'd... inspiration? boxing exist in a wider world _ myself, i'd... inspiration? boxing exist in a wider world concerned i exist in a wider world concerned about concussion but if two famous people fight each other there is a market for it. last night, people across britain got to see the northern lights, here never be forgotten. mr speaker, let us also send our very best wishes to effective chief inspectorjohn caldwell and his family. he is a man of immense courage who both on and off duty has devoted himself to the service of others. this house stands united with the people and leaders of all communities across northern ireland in condemning those who are try to drag us back to the past. they will never succeed for the book

with permission, mr speaker, i would like to make a seven on the northern ireland protocol. after weeks of negotiations, today we have made a decisive breakthrough. the windsor framework delivers free—floating trade within the whole night kingdom. it protects northern ireland's place in our union and it safeguards sovereignty for the people of northern ireland. by achieving all this, it preserves the delicate balance inherent in the belfast good friday agreement. mr speaker, does what many said could not be done. removing thousands of pages of eu laws and making permanent weekly binding changes to the protocol treaty itself. that is the protocol treaty itself. that is the breakthrough we have made, those are the changes we will deliver, now is the time to move forward as one united kingdom. mr speaker, before i

turn to the details, let us remind ourselves why this matters. it matters because at the heart of the belfast good friday agreement and the reason it has endured for a quarter of a century is equal respect for the aspirations and identities of all communities and all its three strands. but the northern ireland protocol has undermined that balance. how can we say the particle protects the belfast good friday agreement when it has caused the institutions of that agreement to collapse? so in—line with our legal responsibilities, are acting today to preserve the balance of that agreement and chart a new way forward for northern ireland. i pay tribute to our european friends recognising the need for change, particularly president ursula von der leyen, my predecessors for laying the groundwork for today's

agreement... laying the groundwork for today's agreement - -_ agreement... laughter jeering speak —— and my right honourable friends, the secretaries, for their perseverance in finally persuading the eu to do what it spent years refusing to do, to rewrite the treaty and replace it with a radical, . , , ., ., ~ radical, legally binding framework. toda 's radical, legally binding framework. today's agreement _ radical, legally binding framework. today's agreement has _ radical, legally binding framework. today's agreement has three - radical, legally binding framework. l today's agreement has three equally important objectives. first, allowing trade to flow freely within our uk internal market, second, protecting northern ireland's place in our union and, third, safeguarding sovereignty and closing the democratic deficit. let me take eachin the democratic deficit. let me take each in turn. mr speaker, cor to the problems with the protocol was that he treated goods moving from great

britain to northern ireland as if they were crossing an international customs border. this created extra costs and paperwork for businesses who had to fill out complex customs declarations, it limited choice for the people of northern ireland and it undermined the uk internal orchid, a matter of identity, as well as economics. today's agreement removes any sense of a border in the irish sea and ensures the free flow of trade within the uk. we have secured a key negotiating objective, the introduction of a new green lane for goods destined for northern ireland, with a separate red lane for those going to the eu. within the green lane, burdens of customs or accuracy will be scrapped and replaced with data sharing of ordinary existing commercial information. routine checks and tests will also be scrapped, the only checks will be those required

to stop smugglers and criminals. and our new green lane, we hope, will lead to a broad encumbrance of range of businesses across the united kingdom. i am pleased to say we have also permanently protected terror free movement of all types of steel into northern ireland. and for goods going the other way from northern ireland to great britain, we have scrapped export declarations, delivering, finally, completely unfettered trade. and mr speaker, the commits to establish the green lane is achieved by a legally binding amendments to the text of the treaty itself. this is fundamental, far—reaching change and it permanently removes the border in the irish sea. mr speaker, perhaps the irish sea. mr speaker, perhaps the single most important area of trade between great britain and northern ireland is food. three quarters of the food in northern ireland supermarkets comes from the rest of the uk. get the particle

applied the same burdens on shipment from... —— get the protocol. if it was limited in full we would see supermarket lorries needing hundreds of certificates for every single item, every civil document checked, supermarket staples like sausages banned altogether, more delays, less choice, so did a's agreement fixes all this with a new permanent legally binding approach to food. we will expand the green lane to food retailers and notjust supermarkets but wholesalers and hospitality too. instead of hundreds of certificates, lorries will make one simple, digital declaration to confirm the goods will remain in northern ireland. visual inspections will be cut from 100% now to just 5%. physical checks and tests will be scrapped on this we suspect fraud,

smuggling or disease. and so there will be no need for vets in warehouses —— unless we suspect. to deliver this we need to be sure the eu that food imports won't be taken into ireland, so we will ask retailers to mark a small number of particularly high—risk food products as not fit eu with a phased roll—out of its requirement to give them the time to adjust. and more fundamentally, we have delivered a form of dual regulation for food, the single biggest sector by far for east—west trade, and one the most important in peoples lives. under the protocol, retail food important in peoples lives. under the protocol, retailfood products made to uk standards could not be sold in northern ireland. today's agreement completely changes that. this means the ban on british products like sausages enter northern ireland has now been scrapped. if it is available... if

it is available on supermarket shelves in great britain, if it is available on supermarket shelves in great britain, then it will be available on supermarket shelves in northern ireland. we will still need to make sure that goods moved into northern ireland don't risk bringing in animal and diseases, but that is clearly a common sense measure, never opposed by anyone, to prevent diseases so collating within the single epidemiological zone on the island violin. and that brings me to the truman of parcels. if the protocol was fully implemented, every single parcel travelling between great britain and northern ireland would be subject to full international customs. you would've needed a long complex form to send every single parcel of even a birthday present for any sore nephew, and you could have only shopped online for retailers willing

to do without bureaucracy —— for a niece or a nephew. today's agreement fixes all of this. it achieves something we have never achieved before, removing requirements of the eu customs code for people sending and receiving parcels. families can rightly send packages to each other without filling in forms. online retailers can serve customers in northern ireland as they did before and businesses can ship parcels through the green lane. all underpinned by data sharing by parcel operators with a phased roll—out and time for them to adjust. mr speaker, no burdensome customs bureaucracy, no routine checks, bans on food products scrapped, steel tariff rate quotas fixed, tariff reimbursement schemes approved, that inspections gone, export declarations gone, parcels paperwork gone. we have delivered what the people of northern ireland

asked for in the command paper promised. we have removed the border in the irish sea. but mr speaker, but mr speaker, to preserve the balance of the belfast good friday agreement, we also need to protect northern ireland's place in our union. the windsor framework is about making sure that northern ireland gets the full benefit of being part of the united kingdom in every respect. under the protocol, into many ways, that simply was not the case. take tax. when i was chancellor it frustrated me that when i cut vat on solar panels, on beard when i cut vat on solar panels, on heard to see in pubs, those tax cuts did not apply in northern ireland. now we have amended the legal text of the treaty so these changes will apply to the whole of the united kingdom. this means zero rates of

vat on energy saving materials will now apply in northern ireland, reforms to alcohol duty, to cut the cost of the plane at pubs, when now apply in northern ireland. but because we now have control over vat policy we can make sure that the eu plan to reduce the vat threshold by £10,000 will not apply in northern ireland. and/or will the sme that done a vat directive that would've brought huge amount of red tape for small businesses. we are also making subsidy provisions work as intended. alreadyjust subsidy provisions work as intended. already just 2% of subsidy measures in northern ireland fall within the scope of the eu approval under the protocol. nevertheless, today's agreement goes further, addressing the so—called reach back of eu state law, does this by imposing stringent new tests for the eu to argue we are in breach of the rules. they now the dennis rate there is a real genuine and material impact on northern

ireland trade with the eu —— they now have to demonstrate. that is much higher threshold than protocol for limiting disputes to at the command paper called subsidies on a significant scale relating to northern ireland directly. weevils predicted the special status of agriculture and fisheries subsidy in northern ireland which will be completely outside the eu, agricultural policy. all of which means the problem of respect is fixed. as well as tax and spend the uk government has a responsibility to protect the supply of medicines to protect the supply of medicines to all its citizens. 0ur to protect the supply of medicines to all its citizens. our ability to do that was constrained by the protocol. the biggest problem is that drugs approved for use by the uk medicines regulator are not automatically available in northern ireland. imagine someone suffering with cancer in belfast seeing a potentially life—changing new drug available everywhere else in the uk but unable to access it at home. and

when the current grace period ends in 2024, the situation will get worse still. extensive and burdensome checks on all medicines, companies have to manufacture drugs with two complete different labels and supply change, pharmacies needing to check every package with complex scanners, and when 80% of northern ireland medicines come from great britain, those frictions pose a serious risk to the supply of medicines to the people of northern ireland. to fix this, today's agreements achieves something unprecedented. it provides dual revelation for medicines. the uk regular will approve all drugs for the whole uk market, including northern ireland, with no role for the european medicines agency. this fully protects the supply of medicines from great britain to northern ireland and once again asserts the privacy of uk regulation. the same medicines in the same pacts with the same labels will be available in every pharmacy

and hospital in the united kingdom. and crucially, dual regulation means that northern ireland's world leading altair industry, which brings much—needed jobs and investment, can still trade with both the you and uk orchids —— health care industry. this is a landmark deal for patients and northern ireland, a permanent solution that brings peace of mind. mr speaker, the protocol also banned but essentially british products going to northern ireland. when people wanted to import 0aktree to mark her late majesty's platinum jubilee, the protocol stood in their way. it suspended the trade of seed potatoes between scotland and northern ireland and it is lamented massive bureaucracy on people travelling across the uk with their pets, disrupting family life and our family of nations. that is why today's agreements will lift the ban on shrubs, plants and trees going to

northern ireland. lift the ban on the movement of seed potatoes, particularly important for scottish businesses, and we will deliver this by extending the existing uk plant passport scheme. and when it comes to pets we have made sure that people from northern ireland will have completely free access to travel to great britain. and if you are a pet owner travelling from great britain to northern ireland, just make sure your pet is micro chipped and then all you need to do is simply to take a box when booking your travel. so whether it is lower vat rates, lower beard your travel. so whether it is lower vat rates, lower heard to d, jubilee homes and garden centres, seamless travel with pets, seamless trade and seed potatoes or the summa supply of cutting—edge medicines, all of this now for everyone, everywhere, in the united kingdom. and mr speaker, the windsorframework goes united kingdom. and mr speaker, the windsor framework goes further still. safeguarding sovereignty for the people of northern ireland and

illuminating the democratic deficit. —— eliminating. in a mentally, the protocol meant the eu could impose new laws on the people of northern ireland without them having a say. i know some members of this house whose voices i deeply respect say that eu laws should have no role whatsoever in northern ireland. i understand that view. i am so pathetic to it. but for as long as the people of northern ireland —— synthetic to it, but as long as the people northern ireland support the businesses having access to the eu market and if we want to avoid a hard border between northern ireland and ireland as we all do, then there will be some role for eu law full subsidy question is, what is the absolute minimum amount necessary to avoid a hard border? today's agreements scraps 1700 pages of eu

law, the amount of eu law that applies in northern ireland is less then 3%. and the people of northern ireland retained the right to reject that 3% through next year's consent vote. however, that consent vote is about the whole protocol, so it cannot isolate or provide oversight of new laws and it does not address the number one challenge sovereignty made by the protocol, the ability of the eu to impose new or amended goods laws on northern ireland without them having a say. to address that, today's agreement increases a new storm and break. the storm and break does more than just give northern ireland a say over new eu laws it means they can block them —— stormont break. how will this work? the democrat elected assembly can oppose new eu goods rules that would have significant and lasting effects on their everyday lives. they will do so on the same basis as

the petition of concern mechanism in the petition of concern mechanism in the good friday agreement, the support of 30 members from at least two parties. if that happens, the uk government will have a veto. and we will work with the northern ireland assembly and all parties to codify how the uk government will use that veto. and let me tell the house the full significance of this breakthrough. the stormont breaks gives the institutions of the good friday agreement a powerful new safeguards it means the united kingdom can veto new eu laws if they are not supported by both communities in northern ireland. and, yes, it is true that until now, the eu had refused to consider treaty change. we were told it was impossible. that eu negotiators

would ever consider it. but the stormont break has been introduced by fundamentally rewriting the treaty. specifically the provisions relating to dynamic alignment. that is a permanent change. it ends the automatic ratchet of eu law and if the veto is used, the european courts can never overturn our decision. and the eu have also explicitly accepted an important principle in the political declaration. it is there in black and white that the treaty is subject to the vienna convention. this means that unequivocally the legal basis for the windsor framework is in international law. i would like to thank my right honourable friend for his support in negotiating this point. and it puts beyond all doubt that we have now taken back control. mr speaker, mr speaker, from the

very start, from the very start, we have listened closely and carefully to views on all sides of this debate. i am grateful to many members of this house, the communities of northern ireland and the voices of business and civil society of putting forward their suggestions. i want to particularly thank the northern ireland business groups that i've spoken to. i hope in today's agreement they reckon as we have addressed their concerns. we are delivering stability, certainty, simplicity, affordability and clarity, as well as strengthened representation for the businesses of northern ireland. i also want to speak directly to the youth —— unionist community. i understand and have listened to your frustrations and concerns, and i would not be standing here today if i did not believe today's agreement marks a turning point for the people of northern ireland. it is clearly

in the interest of the people and those of us who are passionate about the cause of unionism for power—sharing to return. of course parties will want to consider the agreement in detail, a process that will need time and care, and there are of course many voices and perspectives within northern ireland, and it is thejob of government to respect them all, but i have kept the concerns raised by the elected representatives of unionism at the forefront of my mind. because it is their concerns with the protocol that have been so pronounced. and what i can say is this. our goal has been to ensure the economic rights of the people of northern ireland under the act of union and belfast good friday agreement, placing them on an equal footing with the rest of the uk, with respect to tax, trade and the availability of goods. and we have works to end the prospect of trade

diversion, remove any sense of a borderfor uk internal diversion, remove any sense of a border for uk internal trade, diversion, remove any sense of a borderfor uk internal trade, remove routine checks for goods in northern ireland, removed thousands of pages of existing eu law and introduced a uk veto on dynamic alignment through the stormont break. we have created a form of dual regulation word works and it is needed most in sectors like medicines and food retail. we have delivered unfettered access to the whole uk market for northern ireland businesses and we will take further steps to avoid divergence in future. we've secured a clear eu commitments and process to manage future changes with especial goods body and all of this means northern ireland's businesses have continued access to the eu market as requested. it means we have protected the letter and the spirit of northern ireland's constitutional

guarantee in the belfast agreement. with these stormont break creating an effective cross committee safeguard. there are two distinct economies on the island of ireland and that will remain the case. today's agreement puts beyond all doubt that northern ireland's place in the internal markets and united kingdom is fully restored. mr speaker, i want to conclude by directly addressing the question of the northern island critical bill. —— protocol bill. the bill was only ever meant to be a last resort, meant for a world where we could not get negotiations done. as the government set at the time of introduction, our clear preference remains and negotiated solution. now that we have persuaded the eu to fundamentally rewrite the treaty text of the protocol, we have a new and better option was to the windsor

framework delivers a decisively better outcome, achieving what people say cannot be done and what the bill does not offer. it personally removes any sense of a border in the irish sea, it gives us control over dynamic alignment from the stormont break, beyond what the deal promised, and the building not change anything in international law, keeping thejurisdiction change anything in international law, keeping the jurisdiction of the ecg and leaving us open two months, maybe years of uncertainty, disruption and legal challenges. today's agreement makes binding legal changes to the treaty itself and is explicitly based in international law and an unlikely bill, there is agreement that provides certainty, stability and, crucially, can start delivering benefits almost immediately for the people and businesses of northern ireland. of course the house would expect to be informed of the government's updated legal position on whether there is a lawful basis to proceed with the bill, so i am

publishing it today. it says that because we have achieved a new negotiated agreement, which preserves the balance of the belfast good friday agreement, the original and it sounded justification legally for the bill has now fallen away. in other words, for the bill has now fallen away. in otherwords, neither do for the bill has now fallen away. in other words, neither do we need the bill and nor do we have a credible basis to pursue it. as such, we will no longer proceed with the bill and the european union will no longer proceed with their legal actions against the uk. instead we will pursue the certainty of a new way forward with the windsor framework, and let me just for forward with the windsor framework, and let mejust for mighty forward with the windsor framework, and let me just for mighty house of the full breath and significance of what we have achieved today —— let me just for mighty house. we have achieved free—flowing trade with a green lane for goods, no burdensome customs bureaucracy, no routine checks on trade, no paperwork whatsoever for northern irish goods moving into great britain and no

border in the irish sea. we have protected northern ireland's place in the union, with vat fixed, the same tax rules apply everywhere, certificates for food lori's gone for the ban on british sausages gone, parcel paperwork gone, paperwork gone, garden centres now selling the same trees, super markets selling the same food and pharmacy selling the same medicines. and we have safeguarded sovereignty for the people of northern ireland. with a democratic deficit closed. the vienna convention confirmed. thousands of pages of eu law scrap and with the stormont break, we have safeguarded democracy and sovereignty for the people of northern ireland. so that is the choice before us, mr speaker. let us seize the opportunity of this moment, the certainty of an agreement that fixes the problems we face, commands broad support and

consensus and offers us at last the freedom to move forward together. that is what the people of northern ireland deserve, that is what the windsor framework delivers. as a conservative, a brexiteer and a unionist, i believe passionately, with my head and my heart, that this is the right way forward, right for northern ireland, right for our united kingdom, and i commend it to this house. thank you. what i want to do is make sure we _ thank you. what i want to do is make sure we get— thank you. what i want to do is make sure we get everybody, and this is a very important day, i now call the leader_ very important day, i now call the leader of— very important day, i now call the leader of the opposition, keir starmen _ leader of the opposition, keir starmer. . ~ leader of the opposition, keir starmer. ., ~ , ., ~ leader of the opposition, keir starmer. ., ~ ~ .,~ leader of the opposition, keir starmer. ., ~ ., starmer. thank you, mr speaker, and thank ou starmer. thank you, mr speaker, and thank you to — starmer. thank you, mr speaker, and thank you to the _ starmer. thank you, mr speaker, and thank you to the prime _ starmer. thank you, mr speaker, and thank you to the prime minister - starmer. thank you, mr speaker, and thank you to the prime minister for i thank you to the prime minister for advanced _ thank you to the prime minister for advanced sight of— thank you to the prime minister for advanced sight of his _ thank you to the prime minister for advanced sight of his statement. thank you to the prime minister forl advanced sight of his statement and for the _ advanced sight of his statement and for the briefing _ advanced sight of his statement and for the briefing i— advanced sight of his statement and for the briefing i was— advanced sight of his statement and for the briefing i was given - advanced sight of his statement and for the briefing i was given earlier. for the briefing i was given earlier this afternoon. _ for the briefing i was given earlier this afternoon. i— for the briefing i was given earlier this afternoon. i would _ for the briefing i was given earlier this afternoon. i would like - for the briefing i was given earlier this afternoon. i would like to - this afternoon. i would like to start— this afternoon. i would like to start by— this afternoon. i would like to

start hyioining _ this afternoon. i would like to start byjoining the _ this afternoon. i would like to - start byjoining the prime minister in paying — start byjoining the prime minister in paying tribute _ start byjoining the prime minister in paying tribute to _ start byjoining the prime minister in paying tribute to betty- start byjoining the prime minister in paying tribute to betty booth i in paying tribute to betty booth freud — in paying tribute to betty booth freud as — in paying tribute to betty booth freud. as speaker— in paying tribute to betty booth freud. as speaker of— in paying tribute to betty booth freud. as speaker of this - in paying tribute to betty booth. freud. as speaker of this house, in paying tribute to betty booth - freud. as speaker of this house, she was at _ freud. as speaker of this house, she was at the _ freud. as speaker of this house, she was at the forefront _ freud. as speaker of this house, she was at the forefront of _ freud. as speaker of this house, she was at the forefront of a _ freud. as speaker of this house, she was at the forefront of a generation. was at the forefront of a generation that smashed — was at the forefront of a generation that smashed the _ was at the forefront of a generation that smashed the glass _ was at the forefront of a generation that smashed the glass ceiling - was at the forefront of a generation that smashed the glass ceiling for i that smashed the glass ceiling for female _ that smashed the glass ceiling for female politicians. _ that smashed the glass ceiling for female politicians. she was - that smashed the glass ceiling for female politicians. she was an - female politicians. she was an inspiration, _ female politicians. she was an inspiration, a _ female politicians. she was an inspiration, a dedicated - female politicians. she was an inspiration, a dedicated and l female politicians. she was an - inspiration, a dedicated and devoted public— inspiration, a dedicated and devoted public servants, _ inspiration, a dedicated and devoted public servants, who _ inspiration, a dedicated and devoted public servants, who will _ inspiration, a dedicated and devoted public servants, who will be - inspiration, a dedicated and devoted public servants, who will be clearly i public servants, who will be clearly missed _ public servants, who will be clearly missed by— public servants, who will be clearly missed by all— public servants, who will be clearly missed by all who _ public servants, who will be clearly missed by all who knew— public servants, who will be clearly missed by all who knew her. - public servants, who will be clearly missed by all who knew her. my. missed by all who knew her. my thoughts — missed by all who knew her. my thoughts of _ missed by all who knew her. my thoughts of the _ missed by all who knew her. my thoughts of the whole _ missed by all who knew her. my thoughts of the whole house, i missed by all who knew her. my. thoughts of the whole house, are with her— thoughts of the whole house, are with her very— thoughts of the whole house, are with her very many— thoughts of the whole house, are with her very many friends - thoughts of the whole house, are with her very many friends and i with her very many friends and family — with her very many friends and family mr— with her very many friends and family. mr speaker, _ with her very many friends and family. mr speaker, the- with her very many friends and family. mr speaker, the goodl with her very many friends and - family. mr speaker, the good friday agreement — family. mr speaker, the good friday agreement and _ family. mr speaker, the good friday agreement and the _ family. mr speaker, the good friday agreement and the peace _ family. mr speaker, the good friday agreement and the peace and - agreement and the peace and prosperity— agreement and the peace and prosperity it _ agreement and the peace and prosperity it brought - agreement and the peace and prosperity it brought to - agreement and the peace and i prosperity it brought to northern ireiand _ prosperity it brought to northern ireiand are — prosperity it brought to northern ireland are amongst _ prosperity it brought to northern ireland are amongst the - prosperity it brought to northernl ireland are amongst the proudest achievements of— ireland are amongst the proudest achievements of the _ ireland are amongst the proudest achievements of the last - ireland are amongst the proudest achievements of the last labour. achievements of the last labour government _ achievements of the last labour government. but _ achievements of the last labour government. but we _ achievements of the last labour government. but we in - achievements of the last labour government. but we in labour. achievements of the last labour- government. but we in labour have always _ government. but we in labour have always recognised _ government. but we in labour have always recognised this _ government. but we in labour havej always recognised this achievement does not simply— always recognised this achievement does not simply belong _ always recognised this achievement does not simply belong to - always recognised this achievement does not simply belong to us - always recognised this achievement does not simply belong to us but i always recognised this achievement does not simply belong to us but toj does not simply belong to us but to the people — does not simply belong to us but to the people of— does not simply belong to us but to the people of northern _ does not simply belong to us but to the people of northern ireland. - does not simply belong to us but toi the people of northern ireland. who over a _ the people of northern ireland. who overa quarter— the people of northern ireland. who overa quarter of— the people of northern ireland. who over a quarter of a _ the people of northern ireland. who over a quarter of a century - the people of northern ireland. who over a quarter of a century have - over a quarter of a century have overcome — over a quarter of a century have overcome differences _ over a quarter of a century have overcome differences that - over a quarter of a century have overcome differences that once | overcome differences that once seemed — overcome differences that once seemed insurmountable - overcome differences that once seemed insurmountable and i overcome differences that once - seemed insurmountable and showed that they— seemed insurmountable and showed that they can — seemed insurmountable and showed that they can work— seemed insurmountable and showed that they can work together - seemed insurmountable and showed that they can work together to - seemed insurmountable and showed that they can work together to build i that they can work together to build a better— that they can work together to build a better future _ that they can work together to build a better future for— that they can work together to build a better future for themselves - that they can work together to build a better future for themselves and i a better future for themselves and for the _ a better future for themselves and for the generations _ a better future for themselves and for the generations to _ a better future for themselves and

for the generations to come. - a better future for themselves and for the generations to come. i- a better future for themselves and for the generations to come. i hadj for the generations to come. i had the privilege — for the generations to come. i had the privilege of— for the generations to come. i had the privilege of working _ for the generations to come. i had the privilege of working for- for the generations to come. i had the privilege of working for a - the privilege of working for a number— the privilege of working for a number of— the privilege of working for a number of years— the privilege of working for a number of years with - the privilege of working for a number of years with the - the privilege of working for a i number of years with the police service — number of years with the police service of— number of years with the police service of northern _ number of years with the police service of northern ireland, - number of years with the police service of northern ireland, sol number of years with the police - service of northern ireland, so they can serve _ service of northern ireland, so they can serve and — service of northern ireland, so they can serve and represent— service of northern ireland, so they can serve and represent both - can serve and represent both communities. _ can serve and represent both communities, but— can serve and represent both communities, but it - can serve and represent both communities, but it is - can serve and represent both communities, but it is the i can serve and represent both . communities, but it is the police officers — communities, but it is the police officers themselves— communities, but it is the police officers themselves who - communities, but it is the police officers themselves who carried i communities, but it is the police i officers themselves who carried out that change — officers themselves who carried out that change. they helped _ officers themselves who carried out that change. they helped make - officers themselves who carried out. that change. they helped make peace of the _ that change. they helped make peace of the good _ that change. they helped make peace of the good friday— that change. they helped make peace of the good friday agreement - that change. they helped make peace of the good friday agreement stick, l of the good friday agreement stick, so i of the good friday agreement stick, so i was _ of the good friday agreement stick, so i was deeply saddened _ of the good friday agreement stick, so i was deeply saddened by- of the good friday agreement stick, so i was deeply saddened by the - so i was deeply saddened by the shooting — so i was deeply saddened by the shooting of— so i was deeply saddened by the shooting of dci _ so i was deeply saddened by the shooting of dci john _ so i was deeply saddened by the shooting of dci john caldwell, . so i was deeply saddened by the i shooting of dci john caldwell, and our thoughts, _ shooting of dci john caldwell, and our thoughts, the _ shooting of dci john caldwell, and our thoughts, the thoughts - shooting of dci john caldwell, and our thoughts, the thoughts of - shooting of dci john caldwell, and our thoughts, the thoughts of the | our thoughts, the thoughts of the whole _ our thoughts, the thoughts of the whole house. _ our thoughts, the thoughts of the whole house, are _ our thoughts, the thoughts of the whole house, are with _ our thoughts, the thoughts of the whole house, are with him, - our thoughts, the thoughts of the whole house, are with him, his i whole house, are with him, his famity— whole house, are with him, his family and _ whole house, are with him, his family and with _ whole house, are with him, his family and with his _ whole house, are with him, his family and with his colleagues. j whole house, are with him, his - family and with his colleagues. but mr speaker, — family and with his colleagues. but mr speaker, dci _ family and with his colleagues. but mr speaker, dci caldwell's- family and with his colleagues. butl mr speaker, dci caldwell's shooting is a reminder— mr speaker, dci caldwell's shooting is a reminder that _ mr speaker, dci caldwell's shooting is a reminder that we _ mr speaker, dci caldwell's shooting is a reminder that we must - mr speaker, dci caldwell's shootingj is a reminder that we must continue to strive _ is a reminder that we must continue to strive for peace, _ is a reminder that we must continue to strive for peace, that _ is a reminder that we must continue to strive for peace, that we - is a reminder that we must continue to strive for peace, that we in - is a reminder that we must continue to strive for peace, that we in the i to strive for peace, that we in the house _ to strive for peace, that we in the house must take _ to strive for peace, that we in the house must take our— to strive for peace, that we in the house must take our obligations. house must take our obligations under— house must take our obligations under the — house must take our obligations under the good _ house must take our obligations under the good friday— house must take our obligations. under the good friday agreement house must take our obligations - under the good friday agreement and to the people of northern _ under the good friday agreement and to the people of northern ireland - under the good friday agreement and to the people of northern ireland as. to the people of northern ireland as seriously— to the people of northern ireland as seriously as — to the people of northern ireland as seriously as they— to the people of northern ireland as seriously as they do. _ to the people of northern ireland as seriously as they do. it _ to the people of northern ireland as seriously as they do. it is _ to the people of northern ireland as seriously as they do. it is in - to the people of northern ireland as seriously as they do. it is in that - seriously as they do. it is in that spirit _ seriously as they do. it is in that spirit that i_ seriously as they do. it is in that spirit that i have _ seriously as they do. it is in that spirit that i have been _ seriously as they do. it is in that spirit that i have been clear- spirit that i have been clear for some — spirit that i have been clear for some time _ spirit that i have been clear for some time that _ spirit that i have been clear for some time that if— spirit that i have been clear for some time that if the - spirit that i have been clear for some time that if the prime i spirit that i have been clear for- some time that if the prime minister were to _ some time that if the prime minister were to get — some time that if the prime minister were to get an— some time that if the prime minister were to get an agreement _ some time that if the prime minister were to get an agreement with - some time that if the prime minister were to get an agreement with the l were to get an agreement with the eu, and— were to get an agreement with the eu, and if— were to get an agreement with the eu, and ifthat— were to get an agreement with the eu, and if that agreement - were to get an agreement with the eu, and if that agreement is- were to get an agreement with the eu, and if that agreement is in- were to get an agreement with the

eu, and if that agreement is in the interest— eu, and if that agreement is in the interest of— eu, and if that agreement is in the interest of this _ eu, and if that agreement is in the interest of this country _ eu, and if that agreement is in the interest of this country and - interest of this country and northern ireland, - interest of this country and northern ireland, then- interest of this country and i northern ireland, then labour interest of this country and - northern ireland, then labour would support it _ northern ireland, then labour would support it. and — northern ireland, then labour would support it. and we _ northern ireland, then labour would support it. and we will— northern ireland, then labour would support it. and we will stick- northern ireland, then labour would support it. and we will stick to - northern ireland, then labour would support it. and we will stick to our. support it. and we will stick to our word _ support it. and we will stick to our word we — support it. and we will stick to our word we will— support it. and we will stick to our word. we will not _ support it. and we will stick to our word. we will not snipe, _ support it. and we will stick to our word. we will not snipe, we - support it. and we will stick to our. word. we will not snipe, we will not seek to _ word. we will not snipe, we will not seek to play— word. we will not snipe, we will not seek to play political _ word. we will not snipe, we will not seek to play political games, - word. we will not snipe, we will not seek to play political games, and i seek to play political games, and when _ seek to play political games, and when the — seek to play political games, and when the prime _ seek to play political games, and when the prime minister- seek to play political games, and when the prime minister puts- seek to play political games, andi when the prime minister puts this deal forward — when the prime minister puts this deal forward for— when the prime minister puts this deal forward for a _ when the prime minister puts this deal forward for a vote, _ when the prime minister puts this deal forward for a vote, labour. when the prime minister puts thisi deal forward for a vote, labour will support— deal forward for a vote, labour will support it — deal forward for a vote, labour will support it and _ deal forward for a vote, labour will support it and vote _ deal forward for a vote, labour will support it and vote for— deal forward for a vote, labour will support it and vote for it. - the protocol will never be perfect it's a _ the protocol will never be perfect it's a compromise. _ the protocol will never be perfect it's a compromise. but _ the protocol will never be perfect it's a compromise. but i - the protocol will never be perfect it's a compromise. but i have - the protocol will never be perfect. it's a compromise. but i have always been _ it's a compromise. but i have always been clear if— it's a compromise. but i have always been clear if implemented _ it's a compromise. but i have always been clear if implemented correctlyl been clear if implemented correctly it is in— been clear if implemented correctly it is in agreement _ been clear if implemented correctly it is in agreement that _ been clear if implemented correctly it is in agreement that could - been clear if implemented correctly it is in agreement that could work l it is in agreement that could work in the _ it is in agreement that could work in the spirit — it is in agreement that could work in the spirit of— it is in agreement that could work in the spirit of the _ it is in agreement that could work in the spirit of the good _ in the spirit of the good friday agreement _ in the spirit of the good friday agreement. and _ in the spirit of the good friday agreement. and now- in the spirit of the good friday agreement. and now that - in the spirit of the good friday- agreement. and now that it has been agreed, _ agreement. and now that it has been agreed, we _ agreement. and now that it has been agreed, we have _ agreement. and now that it has been agreed, we have an _ agreement. and now that it has been agreed, we have an obligation- agreement. and now that it has been agreed, we have an obligation to - agreed, we have an obligation to make _ agreed, we have an obligation to make it — agreed, we have an obligation to make it work _ agreed, we have an obligation to make it work. the _ agreed, we have an obligation to make it work. the moral- agreed, we have an obligation to make it work. the moral call of. make it work. the moral call of the good _ make it work. the moral call of the good friday agreement _ make it work. the moral call of the good friday agreement is - make it work. the moral call of the good friday agreement is simple. i make it work. the moral call of the . good friday agreement is simple. all people _ good friday agreement is simple. all people of— good friday agreement is simple. all people of northern _ good friday agreement is simple. all people of northern ireland _ good friday agreement is simple. all people of northern ireland have - good friday agreement is simple. all people of northern ireland have the i people of northern ireland have the ri-ht people of northern ireland have the right to _ people of northern ireland have the right to identify— people of northern ireland have the right to identify themselves - people of northern ireland have the right to identify themselves and - people of northern ireland have the right to identify themselves and be i right to identify themselves and be accepted _ right to identify themselves and be accepted as— right to identify themselves and be accepted as irish _ right to identify themselves and be accepted as irish or— right to identify themselves and be accepted as irish or british - right to identify themselves and be accepted as irish or british or- accepted as irish or british or both — accepted as irish or british or both and _ accepted as irish or british or both. and freely— accepted as irish or british orj both. and freely participating accepted as irish or british or. both. and freely participating in the economic— both. and freely participating in the economic life _ both. and freely participating in the economic life of— both. and freely participating in the economic life of the - both. and freely participating in

the economic life of the uk - both. and freely participating in the economic life of the uk or. both. and freely participating in l the economic life of the uk or the repubiic— the economic life of the uk or the republic of— the economic life of the uk or the republic of ireland _ the economic life of the uk or the republic of ireland is _ the economic life of the uk or the republic of ireland is an - the economic life of the uk or the republic of ireland is an essential