the foundation there is konstantin simonov, a famous poet, that is, this initiative came from them; it is important that the lecturer be known; the president himself was both a lecturer in social science and an executive secretary at that time in the school, that is, he organized this work. he understands that it is so important that we want to name the speakers, you want to name them, the lecturers are classical, and the people who come to the audience charge. and what is called establishing contact. these are the people we have appeared, we have them and we are actively inviting them as part of the events that but we carry out. well, let's take two of ours , probably, over the past year, the largest and most basic actions by which we are recognized, which we are proud of, belarus 1 and in the pravda mode belarus one she appeared. well, somewhere spontaneously. that's just a big conversation with the president, where he raised. about the

knowledge society, and already in august-september on the eve of our first day of national unity on september 17 , we decided to travel through the regions and we saw that shpakovsky dermont was an avdonin. i can go on listing those people who are recognized, trusted, who listen and who are waiting, that is, we can say that they are ordered in a good way. yes, we work by order in a broad sense, according to the social order and specifically of certain organizations, and in fact often they order not some kind of lecture, but this or that person. here we are waiting. let us come. i can continue to continue borovik petrovsky and bilyaev , that’s what pleases me, there are journalists who are waiting for azaryonok, it’s really a smooth tour and they know how to communicate with uh, the audience listens to them completely or does not quite agree to argue discusses. it is very important. see how many of

these people we have. e in the deputy corps. and so you need to work with them for them. if you like, you need to create a platform matrix to offer a model of working methods, because we have also established even this year or two and the form of work, be it a dialogue platform. whether it's a lecture. it is necessary to change it is necessary to change the format of reporting information. let it be a little, but nevertheless, that is, this forum was such a shot. yes, it must be repeated, and in that form. eh, here look. here we have in february, and on the eve of the vote on the constitution there was a large forum in the regime of truth in the sports palace, and on september 17 there was something similar. e in nu dedicated history. this is our history in minsk on september 17 - it was held under the guidance of the ministry of culture. we partly participated there, but we saw that people are keen on such formats. bathroom,

look. we are now talking about speakers. they are more or less even professionally trained, but in the same ussr there was galina ulanova yes, a ballerina a ballerina. yes her can be called now celebrity yes would be called. but i know who you see now as the headliners of the renewed society. you know, it's interesting, they mentioned about ballerinas, as if you were reading our plans. although i know that mine is not shared. yes, we are now working very actively with our big theatre. uh, with uh, our ekaterina dulova about interaction and forms of information presentation. here is the musical theatrical methods. and i really like the way we worked. i also see that people are in demand on stage kupala theatre, when in august of this year. we went to

our kupalovsky patriotic forum. and we even interact with the national beauty school, we see, so i’ll say it straight, maybe even looking ahead. here is our famous merch of the first, those slogans that are written, with which we go out, because behind each of these slogans there is an idea. behind each of these slogans there is a certain message, this appeal and it can be revealed, relying on it, you can convey this or that information , an idea, it can be embodied in different forms, and we try these forms. and in working with the audience. you have an understanding, if we remember the social science of the soviet union, we understand that there were 2,000 academicians there. there were over 200,000 doctors there. yes, there were 400,000 engineers, yes, who took part in one way or another in the work of social science. we understand that in order to come to the same audience of cultural workers. yes , it is desirable that a person has certain

knowledge in this area and speaks the same language with them. you have such an understanding. well, this is if he speaks to the topic of culture, because we have cultural workers i had to speak. eh, workers in the sphere of culture, if you are talking about geopolitics or economics, you must first of all understand another issue. you correctly point out that when you communicate with people, you must understand who you are talking to. and speak to them in a language they understand and understand, although i will tell you. right now, on the eve of the seventy-fifth anniversary, we have organized such a lecture hall marathon on the basis of the academy of management, a series of lectures dedicated to the national idea of ​​geopolitics and economics, but to historical continuity. and this is a very profound lecture. it's because, you know, we have sometimes. they want to follow the audience, they just want to captivate, but it is important that there is knowledge and understanding of arguments and we have organized such a series of lectures, and we see how people perceive them, we will continue this lecture hall . you have already mentioned that the

president was an active lecturer in social science, and in 1978 it was he who became the responsible secret of the shklov regional organization. yes society here becoming the head of the republican. social science yes, you certainly raised the archives. yes, and interested. by this very fact, of course, i am grateful to our archival workers. we looked at the materials. and by the way, we also looked at newspaper publications, because social science has always been actively reflected in the media, as it is now. here. you, when you said that you had not heard anything for several years, but this communication was not organized. i'm not saying who's to blame there knowledge or themselves. well it's just a fact it is very important to interact. by the way, when the society was created in the forty-seventh year, one of the tasks was to widely publish in the media, including, interestingly, the transcripts of the lecture. this is such a task that we can say that

lecturer lukashenka was expected. uh, his information was trusted to the audience what we now know was always crowded, he was preparing for a lecture. this is very important. uh worked, relevant literature. this is what we see, and by that time i am convinced that the formation of the personality of our president of his particular style. that's the time of work and the executive secretary of the electronic was more time than, uh, occupying a full-time position in the knowledge society. so this had a big impact on him. ok then. in 2007, by his decree, the president transformed the public association of knowledge into a republican state public association. come on, it's a status, and with your appointment in the twenty-first year. yes, in fact, he breathed new life into it. well let's talk straight. i'm not in front i don’t bow to you, i say what is

what i see, i’ll sincerely appreciate clairvoyance. president, he knows what will be needed in the future, and i'm not just talking about your organization. well, you must admit, what is anti-privatization alone worth, and state-owned enterprises and pandemics, when moisture did not drive us. when he really wanted to, and here's how you explain these things to yourself. this is some kind of special knowledge. well, firstly, as regards the attention of the president to our society, we feel and the decree was not only of the seventh year, but also in last year in november. they just supported us. well, i set specific tasks, and they are promising, but also demanding, which we must do in the field of historical knowledge of political and scientific popularization of science. of course, we will fulfill the goals and tasks that have been set, but if we talk about the president, lukashenka, of course,

this is a very big intuition. it's important, that we don't learn. this is an innate feeling. then a great worldly experience is huge that's why the president always says you need to go from life, because there shouldn't be any artificiality there shouldn't be desire. well , you know, you need to indulge in something rational, which is characteristic of our belarusian nature of reasoning. and the trees. well, mother, lepiy not only for you, alleya. uh, where do you live? and this is a clear understanding that is peculiar to us, it is inherent in the president, of course. this is a huge store of knowledge . definitely a and trust in specialists, because look, during the same covid , there were always specialists next to the president. in this

area. these are not some voluntaristic solutions. they are based on an in-depth analysis of the information provided by specialists, and only after that one or another decision is made. on tuesday, the president held an important meeting to bring individual laws in line with the updated constitution. these are two important documents. the laws of the all- belarusian people's assembly and the law on political parties were considered. these are the main messages you heard for yourself, not debatable, but those that are necessary for deep reflection, understanding and communication up to people. and now, you must agree, your task is precisely this when we discussed the changes to the add-on. the constitution , just the same issues relating to the entire belarusian people's assembly were among the leading ones in discussion. yes, people asked, what is it

for what is it already, when we held dialogue platforms in the fall. why is it necessary that the entire belarusian people's assembly was not asked if there was understanding, there is understanding, and the question arose only there, how to form it. eh, how will it be directly? yes how is it will work? here, as it seems, the main thing is not lukashenko who needs the belarusian people's assembly. it is not necessary for the presidential power, it is necessary for the country, for which, to ensure the stable development of society, to ensure continuity and as a vivid embodiment of the true principle of democracy. unfortunately, the model of democracy that is offered to us, and more often imposed by the west, is a manipulative model, we see how it actually happens. this is the model of the oligarchy,

which is a variety of cunning technologies. tries to people, and explain to create an illusion the fact that the people participate in governance, we the entire belarusian people's assembly really lays down the principle of our true democracy, that we associate it with our traditions. this is no coincidence. here i will not even touch the evening. take the 20th century, our belarusian experience, the all-belarusian congress of the 17th year. it was in a non-parliamentary form, but the people got together and claimed their right to live in their own land and determine how we live. take the people's assembly of western belarus in the thirty -ninth year, thanks to which we united in one state, it had great legitimacy, and we can see this from documents, any historian who has come across the history of the national gathering of the gangway and belarus will confirm that it was a genuine popular representation in the

ninety-sixth year in full swing. we remember the islands of constitutional political crisis. the people's assembly is all belarusian. the people's assembly played a huge role in the twentieth year in february. that is, it is already now we are shaping our historical experience into a legislative form, including modern history, that is, not something so illusory, but what already exists, what has already been worked out and we are laying a certain perspective. yes, we are pioneers here, but there is no need to be afraid of this, since we still rely on our understanding of our political system. and how to ensure the main principle that the people should be the source of power is good, but the main reproach that yes is thrown at the authorities is that labor collectives. they will not be represented practically in the composition of the supreme people's forces, the president said very clearly about this, how you will bring. eh, i'll tell you that when we had

discussions now. here, uh, reproach, even far-fetched. well, that such a problem was not raised, people rather said how to take part, you just need to be able to explain it, because there the majority will be just the same representatives of the labor collective. here is a concrete example. hmm , about a third is a deputy, and moreover, at all levels of the village councils and the president insisted that we remain in the constitution, the village council is that, uh, the first level, when a person encounters a representative power, or vice versa, assumes part of this power, becoming a deputy from the village council to the national assembly of the house of representatives of the soviet republic. and this is not representatives of labor collectives. where do our deputies come from? we have deputies only in the house of representatives they work with a break from work, all the rest , look, these are doctors, teachers, businessmen. uh, these are people from this or that

collective, well, then we take our main uh, civil society actors who will send their representatives trade union. well, a trade union is the flesh of the flesh of labor collectives. this is basically the work of the belarusian republican youth union. and where we have young people in the audience and in labor collectives, they will also be avoided, the same applies to the veterans of white russia of the women's union, these are the representatives of these collectives. and why do we have a question, when is a public association at all. if they don’t put forward with us, the same director of the enterprise has quite a lot of worries about the economy, providing jobs for sales products. i can list further. we are still the management and, uh, the team has a task than the organization. here is the election. and why are there trade unions in this collective then, and why did they nominate

their deputy from this collective either by collecting signatures or directly from the collective. this is their voice, their voice will be presented to the entire belarusian national assembly, so there is logic here. it seems obvious to me. it seems to me that one more point should be emphasized, president. e drew attention to it well, delegates. don't just have to to participate in all the belarusian people's assembly. they must then come to their labor collectives and report back. that is, they must then work with them. that may be what we lacked before the constitutional referendum, and before this law we had e we were delegates, but now we have worked out all the belarusian people's assembly. let's be honest, let's go. here i took part once and still no. now you are for the entire duration of the entire belarusian people's assembly. what is facilitated primarily by responsibility before those who nominated you? it's not just you being present. communicated with like-minded people, worked there 1 2 3 more days, listened to the president, asked questions, discussed the program of socio-economic

development. you are responsible for the implementation of this decision and, moreover, the powers that we vest in the entire belarusian people's assembly. they are huge, in fact, such a collective body, uh, in the hands of which the fate of our country will be. including even in the most difficult situations a good political party. yes, the second part of the second regulatory document, which was discussed. here's a clear one for you. which parties should remain. that's what we discussed a lot on this topic, yes, and we had different points of view. look here. let's compare with those strange ones. where did political parties come from, if in fact they were reborn there, here are the parties that we study in the course, classical political science, which were written about by scientists representatives of political science in the middle of the 20th century. well, they don't. well, take it any, but oh well, there is an american system, it is special. well, take the french parties, but where are those classical socialists, galist

communists, new movements are now being created. uh, very fast dynamics of political life, everything changes, and we are often offered. no , let's go back. here we will create something to that scheme of the fifties. we must, firstly, look at the trends, and secondly, proceed from our own interests , the party should not divide society. it should represent the interests of a significant part of society, not necessarily everything, but not to divide the party should not demand overthrow of the constitutional order. it can and should criticize the government if it is not itself the government, but it cannot lead to a civil split in the party; it cannot be financed, and abroad the party cannot be an instrument of an individual oligarch or oligarchic groups; it cannot be bought by some big businessman, these are the key requirements, but the party must also

have some kind of ideology. a party cannot be created only to participate in this or that electoral campaign. and it's very serious. the requirement is that the party must represent the whole of society. er, well, not necessarily. that's right, all citizens. but if this is a party, it should be in minsk, and it should be in vitebsk in all regions, except for the regional level. we have districts, but if not in all of them, well, at least in the third there should be structures, when a person comes out, he says, i am a representative of one party or another. we must understand. yes, there are at least 10, 20, 30,000 party members behind him. here is such a program, we understand who we are dealing with, but if the party was created in order to cut grants or satisfy someone's ambitions, why does the belarusian society need such a party and most importantly, god forbid, if this arises, this is in the future a way of manipulating our political system,

as a rule, from abroad . here are the clear barriers. you think that we have already got rid of random parties. here's your new look, not yet, not yet, not yet. uh, let's wait for the adoption of the law, then, as i understand it, the procedure for re-registration of the party should go through, probably some parties will leave. even there will definitely be obviously new parties. uh, i don't know. can we talk about, uh, concrete examples here? well, i would still say, look how they showed themselves. the communist party is working in a new way, and many have tried to impose such an image. eh, this is the party of the past. yes, this is it. where does it come from, only the old people, well, if the old people, well, look. how many young sheets appeared bright recognizable liberal democratic party. yes, definitely many times. yes, it has its own ambitions how the situation will develop. i see that there are some.