♪ announcer: from our studios in new york city, this is "charlie rose." charlie: we begin tonight with a series of programs leading up to president trump's 100th day in august -- office, april 29. the 100 day mark has represented an important symbolic milestone since president roosevelt. as he nears his 100th day, the administration continues to pursue an ambitious agenda. the president is looking to move this week on a second effort to repeal and replace the affordable care act. in the face of a possible government shutdown, he plans to reveal information about tax reform later this week.

supporters applaud his strike on syria and the confirmation of neil gorsuch. critics say he has lit -- made little headway on major legislation and his record low poll numbers reflect this. joining me to talk about the presidency, from washington, glenn thrush.from california, hugh hewitt .andr we also have dan c r, former advisor to mitt romney, and in the office of george w. bush. and philip bump is a correspondent for "the washington post." do you go about an assessment of this president after 100 days? >> you have to use the old>> nixon yellow pad, the good and the bad. it has been the best of times and the worst of times. neil gorsuch is a 30 year with,

a significant win, and a huge free exercise for the court. more will be many decisions where justice gorsuch will be on the side of the originalists. it is impossible to overstate is they got with his -- win it on the other hand, the loss of the obamacare repeal is thestating to the idea republicans could a copy something if they had all three branches of government. they haven't. that's a major drawback. there are also 20 circuit court judges that are vacant for which only one nominee has been put forward. at the downside. on the upside, there are 13 congressional review act statutes which have long-lasting , deep implications for the rollback of the federal administrative state. it's a 50-50 perspective. charlie: glenn? hugh is grading on a curve

here. this is a president that, according to a pair of polls, in the 42% to 44% approval rating. that is the lowest by far of any president in the modern era.it means he has far less political capital with which to act, to handle the humiliating defeat on health care stuff. therehan that, i think was a fundamental misapprehension by the president particularly steve bannon, about how the presidency works.they thought they could achieve a great deal through executive action instead of realizing what most presidents know, which is executive orders are more effective at the end of an administration or the end of a first or second term, when read -- legislative routes have been blocked. the president, what we are seeing is him learning over the last couple of weeks about the

job, and if you are a reporter, there are a handful of encouraging signs. he is learning after months. charlie: but there's also support among his core base remaining five. >> 96% of the people who voted for president trump in november still support him, and his presidency among republicans is still as high as 85%. but his erosion has been fundamentally with people in the middle. independents who voted for him in swing states who still disapproved. remember, this is one of the most extraordinary elections in modern history. a substantial number of people who voted for the president disapproved of him. poll,e: there's also a i'm not sure who did this poll, that said he would still eat -- beat hillary clinton in the popular vote. >> if you looked at the erosion

that happened, the fact that donald trump was holding so much of his base, hillary clinton supporters are expressing regret. 15% of them said they might look elsewhere, not necessarily for trump, but third-party. and to the larger question? >> the surest sign donald trump is not happy with how he's trying to downplay. i think he has had some wins. certainly the gorsuch nomination is a big win, but he has done a good job of undermining the establishment in washington, undermining the bureaucracy in washington, making things a little easy. i think that something a lot of his supporters approve of.i think he's also done a good job of putting question marks next

to president obama's legacies. my we talk about how popular donald trump is with republicans, we have to keep in mind this is a polarized moment for politics. donald trump is seen very well by republicans in the same way barack obama is seen well by democrats. a lot of people wanted to see donald trump -- president obama's policies undercut. charlie: the other specifics of health care and other legislative challenges, what is his biggest weakness and strength in terms of the way he has conducted himself, in terms of leadership within the white house? >> i would say mostly in patients. he has this sense that in order to be successful, he has to rack up big wins early. you are right, he got trapped by this 100 a measure. it fueled was -- what's going on in the white house.

historically, bill clinton was widely panned for his first 100 days. signaturebush, his legislative achievement, no child left behind, did not get in until a year after he was sworn in. barack obama, the affordable care act, not enacted until 14 months after. there is a sense in the white go, as opposed to taking a step back and saying the 100 day mark is meaningless. in the other sense, he did act quickly where the president doesn't need congress, acting on syria.i'm critical on a lot of the self-inflicted wounds this president has made and a lot of the noise that shapes the daily headlines is justified, but i would add syria, because he basically enforced barack obama's redline, which barack obama did not due to his entire second term.

trump did it within a matter of days. you have bipartisan support for what he did, which is pretty amazing. i don't think people, including me, would have expected that. charlie: what about temperament? bob gates has been on this program a couple times, and said that the mark of a great president's temperament. does donald trump score high on temperament? >> not high, but rising, particularly when it comes to appointments. youlook at general mattis, look at secretary kelly, and h.r. mcmaster replacing michael flynn in the white house, and you have a trio of national security people who have amped up and created credibility around the president where he was weakest coming into office. so the seachange underway from the obama years, which was bleeding from behind, redline, aleppo, libya, you name it, it

was retreat and reversal day after day, and a frosting is with israel, our closest ally. .hat has changed in 100 days the temperament has maybe even asked the fact that he is upping game, and with it, his control over the second 100 days. charlie: how do we measure this idea that he has changed some of the campaign promises and some of the programs he suggested he would enact as president? does changing your policy or changing personnel in the first 100 days count for you or against you? >> i think with donald trump it counts for you. the fact that he reached out to secretary gates to recruit secretary to listen to the administration counts for. i see a lot of good developments in donald trump learning how to be president. he's a good developer. he's learning how to get the

next project done. i remain concerned. the biggest project is that almost no one is at the department of state with rex tillerson. only jeff sessions has stepped apartments.t scott pruitt is alone at epa. there's almost no one at defense with jim mattis. administration typically have more people in the pipeline. charlie: so that the failure? >> yes. >> on the issue of national security, people i speak to in the white house say on domestic policy and economic policy, it's chaotic. on national security issues, the president seems strikingly kellyntial to mcmaster, -- charlie: there, he has no experience. he has deferred to people with experience. >> on syria, he said, show me options, had a lot of meetings.

he actually chose the most cautious option they presented to him. on the national security front, he seems to respect expertise that's not his own. charlie: but on the economic issue, he also has gary cohn in the white house. he has mnuchin at treasury. he has the secretary of commerce, weighing in on economic issues. testshink we saw in early of his ability to affect economic change with the health care bill, which did not go well. i think that is because he did not have a lot of ownership they had. to take ownership retroactively. this week, he will announce his tax report package, supposedly a 15% tax cut for corporations. there will probably be more support from republicans than you would expect, but that will be a good test to the extent

that donald trump, this is an he can doid something. it will be a big test. he showed in health care fight that he has trouble figuring out how to manage congress. this will be the second big challenge. charlie: he also pulled out of tpp. glenn, what about health care legislation? can he make a deal with the freedom caucus? ranks somehow quiet the in the republican party and get a health care bill passed? >> i think it's pretty unlikely. a lot of the pressure is coming from reince priebus, who, as everyone knows, is close to house speaker paul ryan. both of them took it on the chin during this. reince priebus, his position is somewhat more secure, but he is still not a powerful chief of staff. unlikely, andvery

in order to get it through the freedom caucus, he has to get rid of the pre-existing provision. this is a one house bill. we are talking about the potential of passing this, jamming it through the house, having members walk the plank, only to have it killed in the senate. i think that's a difficult situation for him. as we know, there is a knock on effect, because they were hoping to achieve $1 trillion worth of savings to roll it into the tax cuts. now if they have to do is come up with $1 trillion or do some serious deficit spending, which is an anathema to other people in the house. whatever he does he finds someone blocking his way. there's a reason there's gridlock in washington. i agree about the president sort of changing the general tone of the place. but in terms of figuring out how to get this stuff done -- remember, this is a guy whose party controls absolutely everything in washington. it's funny, we are hearing

people talk about the schumer down. the republicans are trying to push this notion that chuck schumer and the democrats are going to stop the train from leaving the station. test for the a president, but the republicans, who, after all, are you dominant ruling party in washington dc. >> i agree. if you compare this period to barack obama, president obama had a unified democratic party and organized opposition. trump has a completely un-united republican party. charlie: still controls all sectors. controlling all sectors, but president trump did not run on a conservative agenda.everyone is trying to figure out where they fit in this new republican party being led by donald trump, so it is many things, but not movement conservatism as we have known it for 30 years. charlie: on syria, obviously that was a successful strike in terms of the goal is to stop them from using chemical

weapons. on the other hand, people point out that there is no strategy. there's no real knowledge of where to go from here, except for the fact that the president said, i don't want to get involved in the syrian civil war. >> i think we saw secretary mattis in afghanistan this morning and h.r. mcmaster following him there as they prepare a plan for the president, which i expect him to adopt. i do believe he will get the military above the 54 million that mick mulvaney has. i'm one of those republicans calling it the chuck schumer shutdown, because it takes 60 votes to pass the resolution. if there's any border security, senator schumer said he will shut it down. the strategy has to be first restock the shelves. president obama left the --artment of defense aaron bearing. 60% of our f-18s are not ready

to fly. we only have 10 carriers ready to deploy. japanese defense forces are sending this trials out in the korean peninsula. 's chuck schumer wants to shut down the government over the wall, i think the democrats, we should talk about them. they have really moved to the left. i think part of what we are 'seing is bernie sanders effect on the party is part of the legacy.they have gone way to the left. charlie: north korea is his biggest challenge. >> president obama was handing the transition off to the incoming administration. apparently he wanted the incoming administration that this was it, the sleeper problem. if there was one problem they didn't address they would have it was handling north korea. charlie: the president had a philosophy, they thrive if you

pay attention, so don't pay attention. >> don't make a lot of noise, and they won't make noise. the people around president has been forward leaning. they are not interested in just ratcheting things down. charlie: i think general mattis said the days of strategic patients are over. patience are over. >> i think there is early progress in that regard. especially getting china on board is no small thing. when people say president trump flipped on the currency manipulation -- i get it, you can get whiplash trying to keep track of this -- however, it was probably in response to the fact that the chinese government, for the first time, was sending ships back. the first time. ose was starting to

tighten. was this connected to diplomacy? i don't know, but it seems like a coincidence. other than foreign policy, one of the things that was said about president obama is that there was reservation about his will after the red line, especially among the arab countries. saudi arabia, the emirates, and others. where does donald trump stand on that? >> i think donald trump has shown he is willing to take without reservation, to some extent. we made the point earlier that he is sitting down and making decisions based on meetings, but he's not having a lack of willingness to enter into foreign policy challenges. he said on the campaign trail that he was going to make china deal with this issue, but it seems as though he has gotten china to wrap their hands around it more than barack obama was

willing to do. i think one of the things he managed to do on the campaign trail was portray himself as a different sort of foreign policy person then he's going to be. he talked about being hands-off and leading it to other people, but he's showing a willingness to work on it the way barack obama didn't. >> people on the conservative foreign-policy right are all excited to claim trump as a neoconservative. he's willing to engage in the middle east, willing to use force. neocon,h is he is not a but he's also not an isolationist. he's somewhere in between. >> i think he's leading the world into a different era. king abdullah coming to the white house, benjamin netanyahu, the sunni israeli alliance to oppose hezbollah axis, that is

real. i think we can put to bed talk that vladimir putin and donald trump will be best buddies. that is not happening. i think theresa may going to the electorate on june 8 is going to strengthen the idea that the world longs for leadership from the west.not le pen. she's off the chart. she's not like trump. i don't think she's part of the global realignment. i think she's an outliner. donald trump has had a lot to do with it, as has jim mattis and nikki haley at the yuan -- you and -- un. you.ie: thank we will continue all week talking about president trump and the first 100 days, exploring things we didn't talk about today, including the economy and regulation, or the end of certain regulations.

all of that and more as we look at president trump's first 100 days. back in a moment. stay with us. ♪

charlie: on sunday, france helped what is being called the country most consequential election in recent years. two antiestablishment candidates, marine le pen and mn macron, run -- emmanuel

advanced to the ren offs. today, le pen stepped aside as needed -- leader of the national front. some say the dissolution of the french party system as well as the european union, and the general election proves to be a test case for the future of france and europe. ,oining me is adam gopnik michiel vos, and from paris, france, sophie pedder. she is that paris bureau chief of "the economist," magazine. i am pleased to have all of them here for the implications of the french vote. tell me the mood in france today after seeing this first-round result. >> i think the french are just withning to come to terms what they've managed to do, is it the two parties that have politics the french

seen. you have two candidates, one of them from a party that didn't even exist a year ago, and the other from the far right. there is a mood of apprehension, pride, and also examine. one of the candidates is only 39 a country where candidates tend to be around a long time before they become president. this is a big change. charlie: how do you explain that phenomenon of emmanuel macron? sophie: i think he responds to a mood in france that is something different, but that mood has been partly met by the candidates on the extreme, and also a yearning for a different kind of politics. i think the french are fed up with the fact that the things don't change much, growth is slow, unemployment is high, youth unemployment is around 25%. people feel they want a different way of doing politics.

along he came, he's young and energetic, decided to build something across party borders. if an end to point scoring and the division we've seen. i think it captured the mood. it only captured the mood of a certain segment of the population. his challenge is to build on try and make sure he can bring the country together around -- in the second round. charlie: adam, i know how much you love this country. we are looking at lots of upsets and populist risings. could it happen? adam: we've been thinking about it. the terrible trifecta of brexit, trump, and le pen. it seems unlikely. macron's lead in the polls is

quite large. even beyond that is what happened yesterday. n, the leading conservative for the candidacy, he was derailed by corruption scandals, macron.diately endorsed there is a large ideological gap between them. it's not what any establishment republican would do in our country, which is not only criticize donald trump, but openly say he would vote for hillary clinton. he would vote for the patriot candidate instead of the and he said he does not agree with him, but is clearly not an enemy of the republic. it is part of the french inheritance. history affects everything.

there is a primary division between enemies of the republic and friends of the republic. even someone on the ideological divide from you is a more ally than any ideological divide can account for. charlie: can we say in any way that this is a victory for people point and to the next presidential election five years from now? if youou could say that look at how the establishment is now reacting. macron has painted himself as not being the establishment, but everybody lines up behind him immediately. 10 past 8:00, the endorsements rolled in. it is different from when her dad made it to the second round. populist, there was a movement, we are about to hand

the republic into the abyss, we have to do something. years later, now the endorsements are mechanical. there we go again, le pen in the second round, let's round up the usual suspects. everyone saying macron is our chance, the only way out, the answer to not go anti-immigrant, cannot close ourselves off from the rest of europe and go against immigration, etc. it feels a little tired. i hope he wins, let's be honest. but it feels a little tired that the establishment almost gives him the kiss of death. he becomes the establishment by being embraced the same establishment. now you, young boy, 39 years old, you have to save it. the country is in deep crisis. adam: maybe, but it also depends

on your vision of politics. if you believe in utopian politics, it is probably a bad thing. if you believe in remedial politics, one of my great mentors in france always, who d, always said i don't know what's good, but i always know what bad. we can identify what's bad and do our best to prevent it. that minimal but remedial sense, the coalition behind macron is a positive thing. i wasn't there yesterday. to people that i respect all day, i have heard there was a surprising amount of macron. about many people have compared him to obama eight years ago. .cm as a breath of fresh air there is a great deal about -- a great deal of excitement about

macron after the failures of the last presidencies. is the think that macron little boy putting his finger in the dike. a positive force in many people's minds. charlie: the idea of the dissolution of the french party system, the parties that have done well and have not done well. >> the parties on the right have always been in flux. we had the rally for the theblic of the union for presidential majority, then the republicans. they are always changing their name and identity. the extreme right party has been around for a long time. it is an entrenched party of the extreme right. there is no question that macron , as obama did in 2008, at least

the appearance of alternative politics. it is predicated on the idea that we're less divided than our politics make us seem. it is very hard to substantiate as governing policy. he will have a parliament that does not share a platform with him, nor share any partisan identification. let's say he makes it. the big loser is the average le not alwayswho is racist or anti-muslim, but feels rump out, like thae t voter, but feels left out by their own country. those people are going to be left out. she did very well in vast s north and east, those people are like "let's go again."

he looks good, presented well, and he will take it away from us. le france, they all try that of course. herself -- ited is always the question, what is france. what is happening in our world is the scary and provocative question. it seems that things that macron stand for, liberal democracy, openness to the world, not free market economics in a narrow sense, but some form of a regulated free market, are seen feelingulfill people's

that they have a common national identity that helps them feel they have a safe place in the world. that was true in britain. that seems to be motivating this vote. i am a heretic about it. it seems the economic precariousness is a secondary factor. charlie, we have been talking about france for a long time. they have had high unemployment for 20 years, economic issues, and economic successes. charlie: the large role of the state in the economy. me, you someone said to have to understand that france is the one country where communism worked. for a large part, that is true. >> yesterday, maybe. idea of identity versus cosmopolitanism is the thread that runs through these. charlie: there is the cultural factor, too. adam: touching on to you than if it -- do you benefit from some

broad globalization. if you do, it is macron. if you don't benefit from globalization, you vote extreme right or extreme left. >> beyond populism, there is a red.of feeling of pen is, because of her father and the views he's expressed, the people around her they think are too deeply connect it, either in terms of their own ideas or personal opinions, to fascism. >> there is no question. le pen senior was a follower of the vichy regime. .here is no denying it she has tried to sanitize it a good deal, but you can't

sanitize it completely. the crux of their ideologies seems to be anti-islam and anti-muslim rather than anti-somatic. a friend told me you have to remember that hating muslims is a recreation for some people and hating jews is a religion. you can't rule out the semetic. putting -- she stands for the worst. >> is there some sense anywhere ce this election that fran looks at the world, and we know if you follow closely, there are very smart technology that has been developed in france and reflects some of the things that have made america great, but a sense that france has fallen ,ehind what it might have been

because it was not a modern state and did not have the same kind of economic growth engines that other states did, weather in asia or the united states? >> i would say this is particularly the case with relation to germany. france and germany were the founding members of the european project, and they consider themselves equals -- or at least the french consider themselves equals with germany. germany has done very well and has benefited from the eurozone. they have full employment. they are a country that has outperformed the average in terms of economic growth. france has done the opposite. they never managed to break the cycle of joblessness and poor growth. the french feel it is uncomfortable, because their political clout in europe and the world stage is dependent on

their economic clout. losing that sense of economic power has been difficult for france, and it has made them, in a way, the junior partner, for the last five years, and before that, with germany. who does one call when one wants to talk to europe, it is angela merkel not the french president. that added to the sense that france has lost its way. i have to say goodbye, because we are to lose the feed from paris. asking yourself in europe, how can you run a european union win every two months holland, france, who knows what else country, not only are the regular issues on the ballot, but the existence of the european union. one party does well and says we are going to get out of the european union.

it is over and done, not working for us here it is hard to consider it that we have faith in the european union like that brexit, or the chance of brexit, in country after country. that is disorienting for europeans, i hear. win if: if macron does he can become the leadership of a new european union? >> that is what many in france help here that he can rejuvenate the european union. the picture of the european union was always a french jockey on a german horse. the jockey has been mud-bound for a long time. how quickly amnesia about what the european union accomplished coming out of 70-years of the ever fought, wars

certainly in the west. the european union has given europe, with all of its faults and bureaucratic nonsense, 60 years of prosperity and peace. charlie: it was overwhelmed by the notion that brussels was controlling local affairs. >> brussels made it easy. they went too far. now, people are resisting. charlie: emmanuel macron appeared on this program a number of years ago while he was the economics minister in the .ollande government here's one question i asked about the future population in -- of populism in europe. emmanuel macron: populism in europe is an economic crisis and unemployment. absence of by the vision. i am not concerned about that.

i just want to solve the situation and fight against it. my deep conviction is there is a strong future for europe. europe is a great continent. what we have to do now is programs, our reform to accelerate our program inside europe and the eurozone, precisely to deal with eurployment, especially for o people. t, thefail in tha dismantling of the eurozone will be fate. >> watching, you can see part of macron's appeal. blue-idy, unblinking, do. anyone who sympathizes with him ,nd and -- the steady

unblinking, blue-eyed stare. him,e who sympathizes with they cannot say that they lack any particular is a shirization. you need a little bit more grounding and detail. how about france giving it over to a 35 euros neophyte who has iser run for elected office after so many years of grand old statesman who may not have done a great job. it is amazing how fast the country was like, the 35-year-old or the right-wing extremist. washe image of jfk extremely popular in france. tony blair in 1997.

a young man, hugely appealing, intended to do you materialize in the absence of a specific project. >> reinventing politics is a reactive policy. he came apart on that particularly. there is something wishful about it. i would rather have the wishful mess of macron than the wickedness of le pen. >> if he survives that -- charlie: we will see what kind of government he farms. it is great to see adam gopnik on this program, because he has been composing a musical, which will debut in new haven, connecticut. >> may 10, the most beautiful room in new york. charlie: we will be back in just a moment. ♪

[ beep ] show me top new artist. [ applause ] [ laughing ] show me top male artist. my whole belieber fan group... it's not a competition, but if it was i won. xfinity x1 lets you access the greatest library of billboard music awards moments simply by using your voice. and thank you so much. the billboard music awards. sunday, may 21st. 8, 7 central. only on abc. i've spent my life planting a size-six, non-slip shoe into that door. on this side,

i want my customers to relax and enjoy themselves. but these days it's phones before forks. they want wifi out here. but behind that door, i need a private connection for my business. wifi pro from comcast business. public wifi for your customers. private wifi for your business. strong and secure. good for a door. and a network. comcast business. built for security. built for business. charlie: one of the greatest 21st century architects known for combining modernism with ancient architects. he made a 2003 documentary about his father. here is a look at louis khan, his own words. school, i had a teacher in the arts, head of the

department, and he gave a course in architecture, the only course in high school, i'm sure, in ,reek, roman, renaissance egyptian architecture. at that point, to of my colleagues and myself realized that only architecture would be my life. accidental our existence is are, how influenced by circumstance. story oftelling the his life and work. i'm pleased to have her at the table to talk about him and architecture. what is your interest? >> how did i get interested in louis kahn? through nathaniel's movie. came out, then i let it lapse until they built the monument on roosevelt island. i was there walking after it opened.

i was stunned by the said toture and what it me. if spoken a way that i felt i could respond to. -- it spoke in a way that i felt i could respond to. charlie: was he the most beloved architect? >> he seems to be. he didn't fall into any cap. the postmodernists loved him. everyone from all sources of architecture feel like he is the one best represents them. charlie: why is he a great architect? >> that he combines modernism with something more ancient. of being was in danger in human, machine-like, lots of cold surfaces. he, after a stay at the american academy in rome, was very

influenced by ancient rome architecture, pyramid's, and greek relevance. he built in from 1950 on words, that heavy, solid, concern with materials. another is his use of natural light. he is great in bringing natural light into his buildings, and that makes them wonderful. charlie: a series of buildings brought him worldwide acclaim? wendy: there are six on debatable masterpieces. the philips exeter library, the l center for british art in new haven, and 2 on the indian subcontinent, the indian institute of management and the national assembly building in the capital bangladesh. those are the six that no one would argue with. there are another 8 two 8 terrific-

buildings that he made from 1950 on word, starting with the l art gallery and extending through several private houses and a number of very appealing buildings. charlie: you understand architecture, then we will talk more about the man. you understand the man, you will understand the architecture. the institute in la jolla, california, it is amazing. beyond the edge is that the civic kosher. wendy: it is wonderful to the way he structured the view in that way so your eye pulls towards it. charlie: picturing them in estonia as small children. when did he come to the united states? charlie: when he was five years old. louis kahn at the

-- by thethis was provided philips exeter library. it looks like a roman ruin at the top. there are open windows. charlie: a roof of the assembly building. wendy: it is wonderful. that pictures by this photographer, who did wonderful pictures. it is like a tent floating over the assembly hall. charlie: then the mosque in the assembly building. my favorite of any of his buildings or you can see how the light comes in. charlie: what was it about nathaniel's film -- wendy: that attracted me? 2 things. film, aeat as an essay person for training his father in a way that is interesting about their relationship. it also shows the buildings in

the light that i have never seen in still photographs. you get a feel for them the way he moves the camera through them. the most interesting thing is that louis khan had three families, three children with three different women, all living simultaneously in philadelphia. he remained married to the mother of the oldest child, even as he had 2 children with 2 successive lovers. charlie: did they all know about each other? that: that was a discovery i made researching my book. they knew about each other. iny knew about each other person. the children met, and through the children, the mothers met. the wife was not eager to associate with the other two women, though she was aware. the other two women became friends, and their children became friends. charlie: you have written about

music, a novel, but you haven't written about architecture. schoolno, but in high and college i was interested in becoming a city planner, which i certaind, but i did a amount of research in that field. this was coming back to something i was once interested in. charlie: tell me about his death. wendy: it took place in penn station in new york. in, andas interested why put his death at the beginning, was because it was an unsolved mystery. people have confusion about it. people thought he had been carrying a crossed out passport, that is why he wasn't identified for two days. some thought he died in grand central, some people thought other things, some people did not realize he died of a heart attack. to straighten that

story. i ordered a police box and opened box to investigate his death. it was simple, the explanation. the police got his address wrong because they probably pulled a business card out of his pocket. instead of notifying his wife at her home address, they notified the police in philadelphia to go to the work address. it was a sunday on st. patrick's day, and the message did not get delivered. that miscommunication resulted in his body being kept in missing persons in new york until they found him. madly.e was searching from the moment he didn't show werehe and his secretary making phone calls, calling political figures to help them search. there was a search until he was found. charlie: does he remind you of

any architects we have in america? wendy: none. i cannot think of anyone who does the same work. he has inspired younger think they all i borrow something from him when they are interested in materials and natural light, but no one's work looks like his to me. charlie: that is the distinction of what makes a great architect. if you can see a building and say that is frank gehry, that is louis khan. wendy: what makes his different, is when you go inside the story is different. it lead to threw in a way that is an actual narrative. i don't find that into many other buildings. charlie: did he design bad buildings? wendy: yes. he designed some that weren't as good as his great ones. i don't think any of them should be torn down. right next to the phillips exeter library is the phillips

exeter dining hall, one of the least great he ever made. they could fix it if they rerouted the traffic inside, or something. charlie: was he friends with architects? .endy: he was he was friendly with philip johnson, who was the head of the moma architecture department. a role inlaying defining architecture? wendy: one of his great triumphs was he got a single exhibition to thent donated richards building. in 1961 moma gave that to louis khan. charlie: thank you. thank you, for joining us. see you next time. ♪

♪ >> the global rally lives on with nat -- nasdaq down 6000. has tariffs trump on canadian lumber. he says he does not care about a trade war. goldman sachs seeing 3% growth this year or next, but believes the growth -- risk of recession is quite small. for prudentmises policies. unemployment is at its lowest