>> from our studios in new york city, this is charlie rose. we continue tonight with our coverage leading up to president trump's 100th day in office that comes this saturday, april 29. the president has continued backpedaling on his ambitions ahead of the milestone that he now calls an artificial barrier. this departs from the campaign when he promised to achieve a range of accomplishments by this time in his presidency. include in building a border wall with mexico, replacing obama care, and tax reform. the president revealed plans to cut corporate taxes to 15% from the current rate of just over

39%. joining me is the chief correspondent at the washington post, thank you for doing this. everyone is asking the same question of you and everyone else. to hear it from you is important. these hundredss beginningng into the to the time we are now in this presidency? it with somess caution because it is only 100 days. we address it with some concern because of the kinds of problems the trump team at the president have run into. i think it is a little premature as it always is at this stage to draw conclusions about what this ultimately means for his presidency. but they have done a lot of things wrong. they've got some things that they can point to, that they will point to as successes.

it but this has been a very rough and rocky first hundred days for them. successes include the confirmation of a supreme court justice. some say be syrian air strike was a success. what else? their would say that from point of view, some of the things they have done on the immigration front. put aside the fact that the border wall is not in process at this point. but the actions they have taken are consistent with what we have .alked about in the campaign by some measures, they cut down on illegal immigration. they have created alarm within the hispanic community. i am not suggesting that they are not without negative consequence. there is the issue of trade that they will be much tougher than the past administrations have

been. unraveling the north american free trade agreement, simply .tepping away from tpp at what they have done with the order on steele. it signals a pretty dramatic change. charlie: the chinese just yesterday talked to some prominent -- this relationship, they are listening to each other. that is right and they have stepped away from the campaign promise to label the chinese a currency manipulator. and if you talk to people, they did not fulfill that promise. is answer that comes back

that the chinese are working with us on north korea. why would we not want that to happen? if the currency manipulation issue were to get in the way of that, that is not worth the cost of it. they see the north korea issue as a much bigger and more serious problem. they are developing a working relationship with the chinese that could perhaps bear fruit. charlie: a republican said this. because of what happened in whatever number of days -- 90 and counting. a republican said that they no longer say that donald trump views vladimir putin the same way he did as a great leader. he believes there's a lot of room for russia and the united states early on to work together against terrorism and other issues. dan: that is exactly right. the question is, was it circumstances that created this new view of russia in his mind? perhaps that is the case.

the talk in early january about a president that had cozied up to vladimir putin, you don't hear that much anymore. those around him, whether it is secretary tillerson or others have been very tough and very in their language. there is a different situation there. hoping there was could be a different relationship with the russians because of his desire to do something to eradicate isis. but a lot of other things have intervened to get in the way of that. even though he talks down the 100 day standard, they are working hard to have a big to take credit for a lot of things. dan: i think that is right. wants the best ratings and he

wants the best report card of 100 days. peter baker wrote a very good piece today that said, he thinks the idea of these report cards is ridiculous but he wants in a plus for his hundred days. there is a lot of truth on that. one thing there are quite aware of and everybody else is, they have done things on executive orders and foreign policy. but they don't have the big legislative achievement. even getting some piece of legislation through one chamber. and theyds as a void know they will be downgraded for that. they are forced to look at other things they have done to say that we have done this and that. they would love to have a vote on the health care bill go through this week.

sorlie: why are they insistent on that? not only was there no democratic support, there is division republican party. dan: particularly on the health care front. you can't lay the failure of the house on the white house. they may have contributed to it or they may not have been able to resolve it, but that is a long-standing division within the republican party that they, frankly, inherited. they have a strategy to overcome it. they work themselves through it and the white house can ratify it. every time they seem like they may be getting close, there is some hitch that gets in the way. i don't know how to predict they will get to that vote.

who knows when? charlie: there is a question of how many things are part of what we have seen our continuing issues that have nothing to do with a specific legislative goal, but have do with overall .erformance of a presidency what can we say about those kinds of factors? you can look it staff, staff shakeup, solidification of speaking with one voice. minimizing distractions. all those kinds of things. do we see that happening? do we see a president who is learning, do we see a president who is listening? as i talk to people, i get mixed reviews. learnedple say he has that the presidency is far different from the campaign and different from running a big business.

some would say that the white house today is a little bit more settled than it was ask weeks ago. other people say if i see donald trump as president, it's the same that i saw in the campaign. in some ways, that surprises me most. you think a president that comes in with a lack of experience would begin to operate differently because of the constraints built into the presidency and the traditions and conventions that go along with it. and in many ways, people will say, look, he's very much the same person that he was. it could be concerning. the other thing we know about donald trump is that the conventional ways that we have judged past presidents or past presidential candidates don't necessarily apply to donald trump. i think that is why it's a little bit difficult to render any real conclusion. there is no question this is a white house that has had more

palace intrigue and seemingly infighting in the early days. is that a function of the fact that no one was really empowered at the out that to bring order to it? has that changed? has the relationship between steve bannon and jared kushner changed in a way that will bring a more harmonious white house? is are still open questions. there is balance in the structure there. it comes after some very difficult weeks and months. charlie: the idea of predictability and being unpredictable is either an asset or a risk. how do you assess that? dan: we know what the president believes. that unpredictability is valuable. in many ways, they want to know that there is predictability,

particularly about a president who has said a lot of things during the campaign that were alarming to others in the world. the other area of predicted -- unpredictability is that he can be unpredictable to the people working most closely with him as he was last week when they announced they would unveil their tax plan on wednesday. cut people by surprise. they do not have a fully formed tax plan, from everything we know. it will have key elements of it. that this is not a plan that is ready to go to the congress in terms of the legislative language. charlie: great to have you. back in a moment. stay with us. ♪

charlie: john kasich is here, the governor of ohio. he is a former presidential candidate and served nine terms in the house of representatives. he chaired the house budget committee for six years and spent 18 years on the armed services committee. book calledon a new "two paths: america divided or united." it comes out of a speech he made. i am pleased to have him back on this program. gov. kasich: thank you, charlie.

speech and imade a assume what is here is a fundamental sense of where the country is and where the country ought to go. gov. kasich: that's exactly what it is. i didn't know that i was going to -- i've written -- this is the fourth book. i did not know i was going to do this. charlie, i'm so worried about where the country is going for two reasons. i love my country. twins.daughters are it has become coarser and more divided. we can't have this if we are going to be a great country again. gov. kasich: we will talk about coarser, then divided. meaning what? think about united airlines and how they yanked that guy off that plane. they were treating him like he was some sort of a widget. there is no sense of him being a human being with hurts and loves and cares and struggles. we see that in a lot of ways.

i find this amusing. i took up swimming after the olympics because i wanted to look like those guys. charlie: like michael phelps? gov. kasich: or any of them. charlie: the wing span of about 10 feet. gov. kasich: i understand. i dropped my phone in the pool and i had to get it replaced. i went to verizon and they made me wait. this was recently. charlie: the governor had to wait? gov. kasich: if you go to verizon, you will have to wait, too. do i o u?at they said nothing, we and convenience to you. the manager said this is really nothing. a week ago, a lady brought her smartphone in and it was broken. we fixed it and it was our fault. when we gave it back, she said to me, what do i owe you?

nothing. she said, nobody treats anybody with this kind of kindness where i live. i think there is that sort of rushing past people and i think we are more course. famously talking about the coarseness and also the dumbing down of everything about what we do. the lowest common denominator. it is part of that, too. gov. kasich: i don't want to say that we are in some sort of apocalypse here, but the drift is not where i would like it to be. i pay a lot of attention to young people, too. i watch what they do. some of them get it and some of them don't. i talked to people that have authority where they are. , if a young person is particularly polite and respectful -- i walked into a gym the other day. i think that's where i was.

been 18,g guy must've 19. how's it going, man. he said, have a nice day. i said, can i give you some advice? you don't say to someone, how's it going, man? you need to say, sir, how are you today? when you do that, you will stand out. you will get my attention. i will help you with my career. you said a sense of unity and purpose. gov. kasich: families are fighting each other over politics. they are too strident about it or consume only the news that they agree with. they feel entitled to be strong about what they believe. i'm all for that. but i'm not for the inability to look at someone else's point of view. and what i'm not for is a certain anger that is embedded in that. have been a populist

republican which in some ways is unusual. a democrat, blue-collar, working-class environment. populism is sort of the name of the game. charlie: how is it defined? gov. kasich: you want to think about the middle class. think about the working folks. you want them to get a square deal, including those that live in the shadows. they need the opportunity to rise to their potential. when i see the republicans continue to worry about cutting the taxes for the very rich. are we worried they are not doing well enough? what about folks at the bottom? when i cut the income tax in ohio, we created an earned income tax credit. the first time we ever did that in ohio because you want everybody to have a sense that they can get somewhere. that they can get ahead. back in the days when i was in congress, i was a reformer of the pentagon. if we can reform welfare for the

poor, we ought to reform welfare for the pentagon and the rich. i thought the issue of corporate -- i thought the issue of corporate welfare. i have a positive view of things. things out of our president is a negative populist. you have problems and someone else created them for you. and you have been taken advantage of. charlie: and thirdly, i will take care of it all. gov. kasich: which we know you can't do. but we live in an environment where a bumper sticker -- let me take this pill and i will feel better. life doesn't work with quick fixes. charlie: what has shaped your own views about government. ? about significant public policy issues? the way you grew up? the education you had? the experience in politics?

i assume a lot of those basic values were shaped before you got into politics. gov. kasich: my mother was something. she was very intelligent, very articulate, and very opinionated. i used to say that she was a pioneer in talkshow radio or radio talk. people say, why was that? someone on the radio would say something and she would yell at the radio. said, johnny, tell it like it is. my father was a postman and knew everything that was going on. i'm probably a combination. but more melded than i used to be because i was so much more outspoken. charlie, i have changed. i've gotten older. i've examined my life after my parents were tragically killed. by a drunk driver. i was 35 years old. in search of who i was and what i'm about.

i relationship to the creator and if there is a creator. things.nds of then becoming governor. i have 11.5 million people. in my state hurt, i hurt. i can't really explain it to you . i tell you, i was writing with one of the guys that looks after me. one of the guys in the highway patrol. i looked at him and he had a cigarette lighter. that's how he was giving himself a haircut. i said, you see that guy over there? that is your brother. he's my brother, too. and this is a good thing, to feel like this. charlie: you said during the campaign in 2016 that you had

the most, sort of, open reflective attitude towards the voters. reaching out to them, listening to them, wanting to have a dialogue with them. donald trump primarily had huge rallies. it was very successful. he won. wife said to me, and i've been saying this for a number of interviews, i was in a rocky start. john, you're the governor of ohio. act like it. people talk about medicaid expansion. it was very controversial but if i can help 700,000 people. i have a lady by the name of nina turner who is an african-american liberal former state senator who has a task

force along with the head of our highway patrol on the issue of community and police. stops thatn all ,olice had inside of our state we have policies in recruiting and hiring. we brought the police and the community together. charlie: you are the governor of your state and you have good poll numbers. why didn't you do better? gov. kasich: it's the craziest thing. congressman, budget committee chairman, pretty high profile in washington. almost 10 years at fox. you know what my name id was? 2%. no one knew who i was. i figured out that being in the midwest, nobody comes there.

if you are in the new york media market, they cover you. gov. kasich: more -- charlie: more governors have been elected. gov. kasich: it has changed, charlie. i do 106 town hall meetings and i finish second. i beat everybody other than trump. i did well in manhattan, by the way. i couldn't raise the money, either. i couldn't raise the money. everywhere i went. but it was a grassroots and growth thing in new hampshire. look at what happened when we got to the northeast, i finished second everywhere. but the trump juggernaut was just rolling. go to the convention, have it be contested.

turned out i was wrong. he couldn't be stopped. trying to disrupt and use my message. i didn't go to the convention. charlie: which happened to be held in what city? gov. kasich: cleveland. charlie: did he call you up and say, please come? gov. kasich: he asked me to endorse him. we are to companies and people want us to merge but we have different values, different visions, different structure. when that is the case, as you know in business, mergers don't happen. charlie: mergers involving companies of different cultures don't work. gov. kasich: i made this speech about how we should conduct ourselves. believe politicians are very malleable. charlie, i've got to tell

you there are a heck of a lot of republicans that i did not endorse and had nothing to do with it. tomorrow is another day. i think that is baloney. charlie: you said you are not a olitician.u are a pau i'm not sure that i really said i'm not a politician. that's the job i have. but i don't determine what i will do by checking in with the republican national committee. i do my job and i look at things like my mother would've wanted me to. look at something, be honest about it, get good at vice, then make a decision. it is challenging, but it's not hard. i don't search around saying, if i do this, how is the wind going to blow. i look at it and let the chips fall where they may. charlie: how much trading between ohio --

gov. kasich: we trade with germany and great britain. we are interested in china. charlie: is donald trump on the right track with china? basically saying, we've got to change -- he got out of tpp. gov. kasich: i was totally opposed to that. the asian trade agreement -- i did like it. andonly because of commerce the potential to expand it but because of the strategic side. now we worry about asia. we walked away from those countries. i was clear about that fact. witht to the oval office president obama to try to get him to pass it. and agree with donald trump i said during the campaign, if the copy will cheat us on trade and we let them get away with it, we are crazy. donald: that is what

trump says. we want a level playing field. gov. kasich: and when it isn't, we need a mechanism to stop the flow into our country that takes people's jobs. by the time that trade whenucracy gets done, even we win, we've lost the jobs. expedited process to look at trade is good. but free trade is critical. we can't go hide. we can't be threatening people charlie: brexit. gov. kasich: i don't agree with it -- let's talk about brexit, though. are institutions that got sclerosis. these things became bureaucratic. they can lock up and meltdown. a lot of people thought it wasn't going to pass and they didn't go to the polls.

the reason why it happened was frustration with the bureaucracy. charlie: young people that supported remain, they did not go to the polls. they were not worried about what would happen to them. the fear of trade and competition means consumers pay more and products are not very good. what happened when japanese cars came into this country? they said the japanese would take over america. american cars got better. competition is good. unfair competition is just silly. if we are playing golf -- charlie: have we not? gov. kasich: we have been. and that is why i have been concerned about -- charlie: what donald trump did, and you can correct me because you were in the battle. what he did was convinced those people that were factory workers in the middle class of america,

convinced them that he was going to save their jobs. that what he would do would save their jobs. gov. kasich: how's it going? charlie: he pointed to people that were villains and he said that he would stop them. that,asich: i didn't say charlie. you're asking me why didn't i win? low name id and being governor handicapped me because i wasn't going to make wild promises. charlie: the republican party needs ohio. gov. kasich: i beat donald trump in ohio soundly. we were competitive in michigan. i didn't win. it was a unique time. but by being responsible and not making wild promises that i couldn't keep, i became a boring candidate. , i will rip itl up on day one. what would you do? i would have to see. that didn't get anybody interested.

i've never been boring in my life, but it's fine. and now i think i have credibility. we will see if donald trump rips it up or not. gov. kasich: he didn't rip it up on first day. charlie: he's been in office less than -- gov. kasich: they set on the first day. but he did not say i was wrong about not liking the iran deal. iranians notis the only violate the litter but the spirit of it, we can't look the other way. we can't do it. it's not as though i can say we can trust iran or anyone else. let meway, charlie -- tell you what i fear that is coming. we have people worried about globalization. todaymber one occupation is driving. drivers. you know what will happen when we have autonomous vehicles? you know what happens when data

analytics begins to replace stockbrokers? , artificialwatson intelligence will have a big impact. charlie: you put that in your speech. gov. kasich: exactly -- charlie: you talk about artificial intelligence -- gov. kasich: our academic institutions are not preparing our people for the coming changes. the ceo of siemens is inviting me to talk about these issues to their board. he is concerned about it. i'm concerned about it. we have to prepare our people for the digital revolution or we will have more division, more anger, and it won't be pretty. it's one of the warnings i have out there. charlie: what do we have to do to be prepared for the future? we live in a very competitive world. and china, across the pacific,

has not only an economic growth rate bigger than ours, it is a larger population and has enormous potential. people will question if they can deliver on that. it does not call china being one of the superpowers and is interesting. that we have the intellect and the freedom that comes with the ability to bring about great advancements. this is back to this book. absorbed andelf not thinking about others, we maintain institutions that may not be delivering the goods for our people. charlie: you are very much in favor of not reducing, in the budget -- you are in favor of the kinds of commitments we've had in the past the national institute of health. you believe you have to support. gov. kasich: the national laboratories are not very

helpful to people that do want to create. they are bureaucratic and hard to get into. i don't think they are changed. the national labs conducted operations. and wants tor them be involved in managing the nuclear stock while. -- stockpile. let me tell you about universities. you have stanford, m.i.t., harvard. it is so hard to get university research and commercialize it. we have all this potential, but we are not taking advantage of it. they are a different institution, they have is this is directly involved. they provide incentives for professors. author, toe great catholic theologian. -- i thinknder laid

he was right. charlie: health care legislation. gov. kasich: democrats and republicans need to do it. reform the system but don't leave people behind. charlie: pre-existing a less? gov. kasich: we have to take -- pre-existing illness? gov. kasich: we have to take care of all of that. robert taft, mr. conservative, if people can't afford health care, we've got to give it to them. charlie: would you, therefore, find yourself being in favor of some kind of single-payer system? gov. kasich: i don't think that's the way to go. i think it is transparency, paying for performance. there is a variety of things that can make the system work better. let me say something about this book. tot is critical is for us find our common humanity to work where we live, work to defeat this drug academic -- epidemic.

charlie: are there more deaths in europe states? gov. kasich: it doesn't matter. we are high. what we need to do is education. i met with the drug enforcement agency. everybody needs to be involved in getting the next generation to stay away from these drugs. and we are clamping down on what doctors can prescribe. humanity. feeding the poor. the kinds of things were we see movements that resonate from the bottom up that have united us. gov. kasich: the central message is about humanity and finding common ground than it is about any particular specific policy. policies canpublic help us. for example, we have a mentoring program. we have a program called start talking to warn people about drugs.

people pidgeon, they will talk even if they don't agree with the president or a willhree -- pitch in, they talk even if they don't agree with the president or they do agree with the president. charlie: let me read this. two paths. one that exploits anger and encourages resentment, turns fear into hatred, and divides people. weakensves nothing and our country. it cheapens each of us. it has but one beneficiary, to the politician who speaks of it. the other path is the one america has been down before. it is well trod and at times steep. it is what our forbearers took together. from this path we are offered the greater view. or united.ided the author is governor john kasich. thank you for coming. gov. kasich: it is a real honor and pleasure to be with charlie

rose. thank you. charlie: back in a moment. stay with us. ♪

charlie: 81% of evangelicals cast their vote for donald trump in 2016. pulitzer prize winner frances fitzgerald traces the american evangelical movement in her new book, "the struggle to shape america."

the awakenings in the 18th century to the 2016 republican national convention. i am pleased to have an old friend at this table. frances: thank you, charlie. charlie: i remember the political and how much we talked about that book way back when. after all the journalism, why this subject? what sparked your interest? frances: it was an accident. i happened to be at lynchburg and some professor pointed me toward jerry falwell's church. i am a new yorker with an episcopalian background and never to my knowledge had i ever met a fundamentalist before. i thought i'd better go. i was fascinated. charlie: and later he formed

liberty college. frances: he was already starting a college that became liberty university in the end. i wrote a long piece about what .t was like i dropped the subject for a. of time -- for a period of time. i wrote quite a bit about it for the new yorker during the last phase of the w. bush administration. it is possible to understand the christian right, or indeed the

progressive evangelicals that have appeared in recent years without understanding the history of the evangelical movement. charlie: this is about white evangelicals. frances: black event jellico's have a completely different story. -- evangelicals have a completely different story. they start from a different place. it is not the same at all. it would be another book to write about lack evangelicals. at first, meeting fundamentalists.

it was how they took care of their children. higher education. what they felt about their pastors. how they felt about their lives being born again. in christ, this very emotional moment that was on them. felt that they were speaking to god as if god was sitting on their shoulder. charlie: they probably think that is true. evangelical, what is the definition? frances: a religious definition. all, a very high view of the bible. secondly, salvation through christ alone. born-againis

experience. between the old life and the new life. again youorning accept jesus christ as your savior? , meaning you accept jesus christ as your savior? frances: that is right. like jerryople falwell, what about billy graham? was he an evangelical? thanes: yes, and more that, he invented the modern terminology of evangelical. century, virtually all protestants were evangelicals. charlie: then there was donald trump. you end this with the 2016 convention. the beginning, no one would say that the person most likely to get the evangelical movement is donald trump. but he did.

in primaries and the election, 80% of it. frances: i think the people that were most puzzled were the evangelical leaders. the christian right had gone to a meeting, some 50 of them. they had endorsed ted cruz. the progressive evangelicals never endorsed anybody. that is not their thing. but they were hopeful that more people would vote for a democrat this time. what i saw that made sense was a poll that was done by life way, evangelical- an research center. april was done and asked about what issues people would vote on. when they asked the pastors, the pastors would talk about the

religious issues. religious freedom. they would be religiously minded and on their side. abortion and so forth. laypeople,sked the the issues we are going to vote on our economics and national security. there was a difference between and the creatures. i think the evangelical community is splintering now. charlie: into? frances: various parts. issues andonomic national issues versus cultural issues? frances: that is one of them. another is a generational change

. at the christian right as we used to know it under jerry alwell and pat robertson -- much more socially engaged group of young people for whom social justice issues are just as important as what they call -- charlie: when did the evangelical movement to become political? winded politics become a component? frances: i think it has always been political. , political in the , they weree responsible for almost all of the reform movements in this country ranging from the criminal justice system to care for the indigent and the poor. to the public school system that they essentially created.

in the civil war, they divide between the evangelicals in the north and the south over slavery. there is a conservative divide in the north. the fundamentalist and the modernist essentially broke apart. and the evangelicals are sort of an outgrowth of this fundamentalist movement. billy graham was the one that created the new evangelical movement out of this. was ae: and because he popular figure, politicians were attracted to have his support. and that was before the thatatist fundamentalist

were also attracted to powerful political figures. they had some support for the andakers on the state level the national level. the political influence today, trump got 80% of the vote . can they be a decisive component of electoral success? exactly.not they are 20% of the population. of them vote, it is a major thing. that, you know, the religious right have been trying to keep them in line all this time. splinteringcall the , the generational splintering. and, by the way, f

during. and, by more latinos -- the way, ethnic splintering. worry about that, they are more attractive in latin america and other places around the world to -- especially latinos, evangelicals. , then they aret the catholic church. here, they make up one third of the catholic church. and less of the evangelical churches at the moment. that may change because they may become prosit -- protestant. i'm not sure it will because the latinos while being socially conservative are also tending to vote democratic. because of economics and because of immigration. in 2016, it surprised

some people that it wasn't as against trump has many people thought it might be. that's true. but if you talk about latino , you find more and toe determined to vote reform the immigration system. charlie: where will they be in 2020? frances: that is a very good question. i think there will be many fewer white evangelical churches. white mainline protestant churches. that if the groups that do not .ccept the immigrants asians, latinos, so forth. they will find themselves very small.

whereas the other ones are going to grow. charlie: where do they become linked to the republican party? frances: in 1980, really. charlie: reagan's run. frances: jerry falwell and reagan made this sort of pact. solidified by those two and it never changed after that. and of course, the south went republican at that time. it was a lot of people and a lot of evangelicals. charlie: let me review before we close here. they are very much antiabortion. frances: yes. charlie: what are the fundamental issues that mean the most to them in the cultural arena and in the sort of social issue arena? frances: there is no them an ymore. abortion is probably dealmaking which unites evangelicals at the moment. certainly not gay rights.

the younger generation has grown andith gay friends acquaintances. they are not bothered by that. they tend to be much more tolerant about other people's religions. it is very difficult to describe evangelicals as a whole at the moment. charlie: who are the evangelical leaders today? frances: that is a good question. i'm not sure there are any, certainly not of the stature of falwell -- his son endorsed president trump. billy graham's son endorsed donald trump. they do not have the lifestyle that they would necessarily subscribe to at the pulpit.

but they supported him because, some say, they believed they needed a strong leader and that they thought he was a strong leader. frances: they also thought that as a republican, they would have support than a democrat would. trumps economics i think persuaded a lot of people. most of these are working-class people. charlie: they talked about jobs in china. the very rich would benefit, as they said then. there is a struggle to shape america, france fitzgerald. thank you for joining us. frances: thank you, charlie.

charlie: see you next time. ♪

♪ team trump pitches for the biggest tax cut in u.s. history. no mention of how exactly is going to be funded. >> that sparked caution the asia-pacific. a mixed day ahead as traders await policy decisions in japan and europe. >> twitter addressing it vague challenge, adding new monthly users. >> malcolm turnbull aims to tackle australia's power shortages,