we talk about it here as separation of the races. customs and traditions that have been built up over the last hundred years that have proved for the best interests of both, the colored and the white people. >> it was almost 100 years after the emancipation proclamation, and america is still rigidly and racially segregated. black people couldn't vote in the south. they couldn't even go into the public libraries. the public libraries were segregated. the churches were segregated. ♪ ♪ amen >> we are in atlanta, georgia, in the ebenezer baptist church where a father and son are the co-pastors. >> frankly, as others have said, i don't know what the future holds but i know who holds the future. this is our hope. this is that something that keeps us going.

>> martin luther king was immensely frustrated by the end of the 1950s because he had become famous, he's preaching all over the country, he knows that's his gift. but he says, people cry at my sermons, and the next morning it's still segregated. >> martin king called about 50 ministers from across the south to start a non-violent movement. the understanding of teaching non-violence was clear, but there wasn't anybody that could teach it like jim lawson. >> james lawson has been to india and comes back with this storehouse of gandhiian tactics. >> martin king said come to nashville now, we need you now. so i went to nashville and organized other people. >> now tonight we have a most important business to try to accomplish, and that is to try to have one major role-playing

experience, which sort of tries to set the stage for an actual demonstration for an actual sit-in. >> you talk about the civil rights movement in the '60s. people talk about selma, birmingham, confront. but the incubator of it is nashville, tennessee, where james lawson started teaching his classes on nonviolence. teaching people like john lewis, james bev. limit, diane nash, how to not swing back if somebody hits you in the head with a nightstick. >> we actually practiced sitting in. some took the role of students who were sitting at a lunch counter and others took the role of white thugs. we were practicing how to remain non-violent even in the face of violence. >> there had been other sit-ins in those early months of 1960, but no one is centrally organizing or coordinating this

like the student group from nashville. >> it was on february the 13th. and we had the very first sit-in in nashville. i took my seat at the counter. i asked the waitress for a hamburger and a coke. >> the students sit down at the lunch counter asking to be served, knowing full well that it's against the law. >> we were prepared to be arrested and go to jail and if necessary, stay in jail. >> it was a moving feeling within me that i was sitting there demanding a god-given right. i could no longer be satisfied or go along with an evil system. >> the big surprise for them was that they weren't arrested.

they sat there all day and they realized that white people were flummoxed. >> the new tactic came as a surprise, creating bewilderment and confusion in the white communities, and even among the negroes themselves. >> when this disciplined platoon comes into the store, occupies all the seats at the lunch counter, they refuse to move on the request of the store owner. they put on a bullish exhibition of what seems to be plain bad manners. crashing into a place where they are not welcome. i submit to you, sir, it strikes me insane for the leader of the race to charge the store owner with bad behavior. >> mr. kilpatrick, i think on this point you would have to agree with me that all people should obey just laws. but i would also say that an unjust law is no law at all. and when we find an unjust law, i think we have a moral obligation to take a stand against it.

s >> during the weeks after the sit-ins began, opposition in the white communities of the south solidified and the first signs of violence appeared. >> the man came out and said that there was a fight down the other side. there was a bunch of colored boys and girls on the stools of the counters. so i instructed the men to put them -- place them under arrest.

>> on february 27th, 80 nashville students were arrested out of 300 participating in the sit-ins that day. as the students were confronted with the choice of paying a $50 fine or spending over a month in jail, each of them chose jail. >> i felt free. i felt liberated. i felt like i had crossed over. >> while we were in jail, black women got on the phone and organized an economic withdrawal. >> the negro has a terrific purchasing power. so the merchants of course were feeling the pinch. because they were definitely not coming downtown to spend their money. >> the next day in the "nashville tennesseean" morning newspaper the headline, "mayor favored desegregation."

it was a great victory for the movement and the city of nashville. >> the economic boycott was withdrawn and nashville became the first major city in the south to permit whites and negros to eat together in public places. >> a remarkable group that lawson brought together in nashville. they became a cadre. >> we all applauded and here was the situation that turned out right. >> the ideas that they promoted very quickly spread across the region and across the nation. yup. all five of you for $175. our clients need a lot of attention. there's unlimited talk and text. we're working deals all day. you get 10 gigabytes of data to share. what about expansion potential? add a line anytime for 15 bucks a month. low dues... great terms... let's close. introducing at&t mobile share value plans... ...with our best-ever pricing for business.

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the sit-in movement. it has challenged certain fundamental concepts of law and

is shaking the regional traditions of the south in an entirely new way. >> king is extremely pleased with the emergence of the student sit-in movement in early 1960. there were sit-ins in atlanta where dr. king is living by that time. king himself gets arrested in one at rich's department store. king is kept in jail when everyone else is released. >> and that's when it got involved in the presidential campaign. >> john kennedy, the presidential candidate, calls mrs. king to express his concern. very unexpected public gesture. >> within 24 hours, robert kennedy called that judge and asked that he get king out of jail. next thing we knew is daddy king had gone public and had said, i was against having a catholic for president, but if he can wipe the tears from my

daughter-in-law's eyes, i have the courage to vote for kennedy for president. and i have a suitcase full of votes. >> dr. king, have you heard anything from vice president nixon or any of his supporters? >> i've been confined and i haven't talked with anybody from washington or from the campaign. >> do you know of any efforts made on behalf of the kennedy group? >> well, i understand that the kennedy group did make definite contacts and did a great deal to make my release possible. >> it turned out that phone call was given credit for kennedy's victory in one of the closest elections in modern history. king said, i hope that at last we have a president with the intelligence to understand this problem.

i'm convinced he has that understanding and now we'll have to see what his passion leads him to do. >> but what together we can do -- >> kennedy in his inaugural speech did not have a single mention of a domestic issue. harris wofford said all these people out there, and particularly black people who voted for you, and you've got to give them something. what they did then was add two words talking about freedom and human rights, abroad and at home. that was the only mention. >> kennedy's administration is trying to keep a lid on the civil rights issue, and civil right activists are determined to push ahead. >> brave blacks and whites rode into the deep south together on greyhound and trailways buses to challenge segregation as freedom riders.

>> the freedom rides started with two buses, 13 people going from washington d.c. to new orleans. >> the concept of the freedom rides was to show that desegregation laws were not being enforced in the south. >> even though the law the man says that a passenger can ride interstate and participate in the lunchrooms and waiting rooms and bathrooms, that even though the law says this, everyone cannot, particularly the negro. >> they are buying tickets from town to town and getting off in each town, going into waiting rooms, restaurants, cafes which are traditionally segregated, in such a manner to enrage them and provoke them into acts of violence. that's what they are doing.

>> we were aboard a greyhound bus going to birmingham. we were surrounded by a mob who followed us out of anniston for about four miles until one of our tires went flat. and finally threw a bomb into the bus. the bus filled very rapidly with black smoke. >> meanwhile, when the trailways bus got to birmingham, it was even worse. >> they dragged about six of the passengers out, both negro and white, they took them into alleys and began beating them, began hitting them with lead pipes. they knocked one man, a white man down at my feet and beat him and kicked him until his face was a bloody red pulp. >> freedom riders who were severely beaten could not continue. the nashville movement decided that we had to take up the freedom ride where it had left off. >> groups would be dispatched. >> diane nash said the line that

made the difference. she said, we will not allow violence to destroy nonviolence. this was the test. ten of the kids said, we will go tonight. and that's the stuff that makes you free. that's the stuff that is freedom. >> a group of them got on a bus in birmingham. when the bus pulled into the montgomery station, john lewis could see hundreds of whites headed towards them with baseball bats, bricks, rocks. >> an angry mob just came out of nowhere. they started beating the freedom riders. i was hit with a wooden crate. beaten, left lying in a pool of blood.

>> before police finally broke up the crowd with tear gas, they beat and injured at least 20 persons. >> after the riders are attacked and brutally beaten, the freedom riders essentially become trapped in ralph abernathy's first baptist church. >> the church was surrounded and people were setting fire to cars. >> that is a very dangerous situation outside. no one but no one could leave the church. >> dr. king had gone over to montgomery from atlanta to lend support to the freedom riders. and so king, too, along with the riders, is trapped at this church. >> now, it's very easy for us to get angry and bitter and even violent in a moment like this. but i think this is a testing point.

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i hope that we will remain calm as we have done in so many touchy, difficult moments. and i know we're going to do it. >> martin luther king jr. places a call to robert kennedy and said to the attorney general, something must be done. >> we are planning during the course of this afternoon to send in several hundred more u.s. marshals from around the country to help and assist. >> president kennedy called up the united states marshals who placed the city of montgomery under martial law. >> in this situation, i want to

make this announcement. that the city is now under martial law and troops are on the way into montgomery. >> now, this thing with king and all of the so-called freedom riders is to return to their homes, go back to their books, and mind their own business. >> finally, with federal intervention, the freedom riders were put on a bus and headed to jackson.

>> we pull on into jackson. the wagon was waiting for us. >> you are under arrest -- >> we didn't know it at the time, but the kennedys had agreed that the freedom riders could be imprisoned. >> the kennedy administration makes a deal whereby the mississippi police units agree that there will be no violence, but the tradeoff is that every freedom rider arriving in jackson immediately will be arrested. >> officials in mississippi think they found a legal way to circumvent desegregation. their method, calling any defiance of segregation a threat to the peace in an area where popular feelings run so high.

>> the freedom riders included james bevel, john lewis, james lawson, among others, were sent parchman state penitentiary. >> so this guy takes me back to the jail cell. when prison doors slam, it has an effect on you. that sound you felt you would never get out again. >> as soon as the agitators leave and get tired of trying to stir up trouble, we're going back to the same old way of living that's made our city such a wonderful place in which to live. >> thank you very much, mr. mayor. >> this attempt to stop the freedom rides only served to fuel the flames of the civil rights movement. >> i'd like to see the show of hands of those of you who would be willing to continue the freedom ride in the near future. let's see a show of hands, please.

>> freedom ride after freedom ride would come through and get arrested in jackson, they'd go to the hind county jail or jackson jail, then get moved to parchman penitentiary. >> during the time they spent in prison, a bond formed and they came out of prison more dedicated than ever. and they began to fan out across the south. >> james h. meredith, son of a cotton farmer, grandson of a slave, and applicant to the university of michigan university. james, why do you want into the university of mississippi? >> well, i think that every citizen should have the opportunity to receive an education in his own state. i think he should have an education -- an opportunity to receive the best possible education.

>> mississippi air force veteran james meredith insists on being admitted to the university of mississippi. and ross barnett, the governor of the state, he's not going to let this happen. >> we hereby deny you admission to the university of mississippi. >> and it becomes a crisis. >> ross barnett withdrew local police and allowed the campus to turn into a kind of war zone. >> please why don't you -- can't you give an order -- >> how can i remove him, governor, when there's a riot in the street and you step out of the building and something happens to him? we've got to get somebody up there now to get order and stop the firing and the shooting. then you and i will talk on the phone about meredith. first we've got to get order. >> finally, the army arrives from memphis and comes rolling on the campus and stops the riot at that point.

>> i deeply regret the fact that any action by the executive branch was necessary in this case. but all other avenues and alternatives, including persuasion and conciliation, have been tried and exhausted. >> james meredith went to school at ole miss today, but his travels to and from classes were not those of a regular student. >> go home, n --! >> for everywhere meredith went, so did his escorts. federal marshals and troops of the united states army. >> there is no country where the violence of sunday and monday has gone unreported. for example, the biggest story in the "london evening standard" was the violence on the mississippi campus. the outburst of violence was described as humiliating for american democracy and embasing for american prestige abroad. >> i think my father and uncle were originally focused on those foreign policy issues of america's leadership in the globe and saw the civil rights

movement in our country as kind of a distraction. >> i think this is a choice before the president. he must start now making moral decisions, rather than purely political decisions. huh, fifteen minutes could save you fifteen percent or more on car insurance. everybody knows that. well, did you know words really can hurt you? what...? jesse don't go! jesse...no! i'm sorry daisy, but i'm a loner.

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people that have ever trod this earth, i draw the line in the dust and toss the gauntlet before the feet of tyranny. and i say segregation now, segregation tomorrow, and segregation forever. >> george wallace became a almost mythic figure for white southerners. and that speech in which he promised segregation forever is the fullest expression of that commitment to becoming the leader of the resistant white south. >> i'm sorry, mr. wallace. god has spoken to me. that he wants freedom for his people. it may even mean physical death, but if it means that i will die standing up for the freedom of my people, god has spoken to me. >> king very wisely sees an opportunity to give more exposure to the civil rights movement and to prod the kennedy

administration. >> martin luther king decided that they should have major demonstrations only in areas that local law enforcement would react violently. >> do you think you can keep birmingham in the present situation of segregation? >> i may not be able to do it, but i'll die trying. >> bull conner has a well-known identity as one of the hardest hardliners in defense of segregation. he encouraged the hiring of klansmen on his police force. >> king is assuming that bull conner is going to provide the pictures and the footage they need to outrage the country. >> police commissioner bull conner used mass arrests, fire hoses, police dogs to break up the demonstrations. >> the demonstrations continued for weeks. you've got 12, 14, 20 adults maximum per day marching, they're making no news, and the numbers were dwindling.

the movement was on the brink of extinction when bevel and the nashville movement comes along and says, i've got plenty of teenagers in my youth workshops who are willing to go to jail. >> i was on the phone constantly with jim, with diane, and others about making it happen. >> there's an understandable reluctance on king's part of organizing for students to get arrested when their parents are going to be furious for putting their children in the line of fire. >> finally, it's king who makes the decision to send the children into the streets. >> will you use the hoses and dogs? >> we will use the dogs if they start drawing knives again, throwing rocks. we will use the hose if it becomes necessary to stop the mob. >> most of the pickets and the marchers were juveniles instead of the adults seen in previous protests. officers quickly moved in to make the arrests under the direction of commissioner bull

conner. police overflowed juvenile hall with the youthful demonstrators. all kinds of vehicles had to be pressed into service to carry the negroes. cars, police paddywagons, later in the day, school buses. the sheriff's department estimated upwards of 400 had been arrested. >> instead of 14 adults, you had 600 teenagers and the next day a thousand and that's when the dogs and the fire hoses came out. >> of course, what he was doing was exactly what head of the civil rights movement in birmingham wanted him to do, to create the theater that was going to be broadcast on national television that would show just how bad things were in

birmingham. >> demonstrators attacked with water hoses were as young as 6, 8, 9 years old. >> why did you want to take part in the demonstrations? >> just all the color folks get together and take part in certain fights for freedom, maybe they'll get some. but if they don't they won't get nowhere. >> birmingham was a crucible in which the soul of the nation was being forged. >> the negro drive for equality gathered momentum this week. the supreme court sanctioned sit-in demonstrations, another court removed the strongly segregationist city government of birmingham, dominated by eugene bull conner. >> all i can see is i enjoyed my 22.5 years as public safety commissioner in the city of birmingham. i don't believe i owe the taxpayers of birmingham

anything. they're going to owe me almost two and a half years back pay. >> don't shop for anything on capitol street. these are stores that helped to support the white citizens council. >> medgar evers, operating in and around jackson, mississippi, would be the heart of resistance to desegregation. >> the nbc network affiliate was notorious for featuring segregationist speeches. it became such a problem that medgar evers demanded equal time. >> when the jackson, mississippi, television station found itself under threat from the fcc, they agreed to allow medgar evers to go on television and make a statement about the goals of the movement. >> you know this black son of a bitch that's on television? been on more than goddamn 17 minutes, they better get his black ass off or i'll get up there and take him off.

>> sir, we are required to do this -- >> no, no, this is in the south. this is below the mason-dixon line. you don't have to put these black jungle bunnies on tv. >> to many white mississippians, it was an outrage. that's the first time a black man had ever been allowed to appear on television in mississippi. certainly to argue against segregation. it made him in some ways a kind of marked man in mississippi. >> we'll be demonstrating here until freedom comes to negroes here in jackson, mississippi. ♪ ♪ fill their bowl with the meaty tastes they're looking for, with friskies grillers. tender meaty pieces and crunchy bites.

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our guest today on "meet the press" is governor george c. wallace of alabama. his state is the only one in the country today whose schools are completely segregated. next week the issue heads for a climax when two negro students will seek to enroll at the university of alabama. governor wallace has been quoted as saying he will personally bar their entrance despite a federal court order and a threat of federal troops. >> do you believe that the negroes in the south are human beings created by god --

>> of course they are. i said so in my campaign address. >> do you think they should be discriminated -- >> obvious reasons. >> can they be enrolled without the use of troops? >> of course i -- we'll have to wait and see exactly what transpires on that occasion. >> at the center of this potential storm are two young negro students. vivian malone and jimmy hood. he's 20 years old, made the national honor society when she attended a segregated high school in her hometown of mobile, alabama. he's also 20, was president of his class in high school at gadsston, alabama, and president of the student council. >> what's the general feeling around the campus concerning the agreement to admit the negro here this summer? >> well, all the students i've talked to and my friends feel that it's not going to be any repeat of the mississippi situation, there's not going to be no violence. >> well, i feel like it won't be as much trouble as has been on other campuses. but it will be bad news when the n-- comes in.

>> does the government plan to use federal marshals if he does go through with his announced intention to prevent the negro students from entering? >> i know there's great opposition in alabama and indeed in any state to federal marshals and federal troops. and i would be very reluctant to see us reach that point. >> you know, those kennedys up there in washington, that little body flop and his brother the president, they'd give anything in the world if we had some trouble here. george asked me to ask you to do that, do him one thing. tell your friends between now and tuesday, don't go up there. leave it alone. they're going to handle this situation.

>> governor wallace has ordered 500 alabama national guardsmen into tuscaloosa. at the moment they are under his control. it would require hardly more than the flourish of a pen to convert their status to federalized troops and place them at the disposal of president kennedy. >> national guard units are commanded by a governor unless they're federalized and the president becomes their commander in chief. kennedy had to make the decision of what to do next. >> president kennedy has done some significant things in civil rights. at the same time, i must say that president kennedy hadn't done enough, and we must remind him that we elected him.n't done enough, and we must remind him that we elected hisn't done enough, and we must remind him that we elected him. >> under a searing alabama sun that already has the temperature near 100 degrees, the waiting continues.

governor george wallace's direct confrontation with federal authorities and two negro students at the university of alabama is now believed to be only a very short time away. the two negroes, vivian malone and jimmy hood, reportedly are en route from birmingham to the campus. governor wallace reportedly about ready to make his appearance on campus. >> coming into it, nobody knows what's going to happen. the justice department doesn't know what wallace is going to do. wallace doesn't know whether he's going to be put in jail. >> as governor and chief magistrate of the state of alabama, i deem it to be my solid obligation and duty to stand before you representing the rights and sovereignty of this state and its peoples. and now being mindful of my duties and responsibilities under the constitution of the united states, the constitution of the state of alabama, and seeking to preserve and maintain the peace and dignity of this state and the individual

freedoms of the citizens thereof, do hereby denounce and forbid this illegal and unwarranted action by the central government. >> governor wallace, i take it from that statement that you are going to stand in that door and that you are not going to carry out the orders, is that correct? >> i stand upon this statement. >> you stand upon that statement. governor, i'm not interested in a show. i don't know what the purpose of the show is. i am interested in the orders of these courts being enforced. that is my only responsibility here. the choice is yours. i would ask you once again to responsibly step aside. very well. >> remain on the campus. >> the justice department says that the negro students will be enrolled sometime today. >> after ole miss, the kennedys learned their lesson about

negotiating with a southern governor. kennedy just decides to go ahead and federalize the guard. he's not going to play games anymore. the national guard general henry graham goes up to wallace. he says, "it is my sad duty to tell you to step aside." >> we shall now return to montgomery for the purpose of continuing this fight, this constitutional fight, because we are winning. >> governor wallace moved away from the door and has left after being confronted with about 150 federalized national guardsmen. >> united states assistant attorney general nicholas katzenbach now all smiles as the two negro students are to enter the registration building. >> each time a big issue came up, the president and the attorney general did everything they could not to have to get involved. and it was after the encounter

with wallace that civil rights became top priority. >> this is not a sectional issue. difficulties over segregation and discrimination exist in every city, in every state of the union. but love alone cannot make men see right. we are confronted primarily with a moral issue. it is as old as the scriptures and is as clear as the american constitution. >> and that was the first time the president made the question of ending racial segregation not because it's politically expedient to do so, because it is morally right to do so. >> next week i shall ask the congress of the united states to act, to make a commitment it has not fully made in this century to the proposition that race has no place in american life or law. >> it's his most eloquent speech in some ways, most heartfelt speech.

>> and this nation for all its hopes will not be fully free until all its citizens are free. >> there's a kind of bitter irony in that within hours afterwards, medgar evers comes home and his wife and children are up because they want to tell him about the president's wonderful speech. >> shortly after midnight, medgar evers steps in his car in this driveway. then evers was murdered. his ca this driveway. then evers was murdered. the fatal bullet was fired from this driveway. then evers was murdered. the fatal bullet was fired frf this driveway. then evers was murdered. the fatal bullet was fired frr n this driveway. then evers was murdered. the fatal bullet was fired from in this driveway. then evers was murdered. the fatal bullet was fired from. then evers was murdered. the fatal bullet was fired from a vacant lot across the street from evers' home, crashing through his body and through the window of his home. he was 37. >> i was appalled at the cowardly ambush of him at his home in front of his wife and children. it said something about how far we still had to go in reaching any semblance of social and civic justice.

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we are going to washington to urge the congress to pass strong civil rights legislation this year. >> the nationwide response to the power of alabama supplies

the energy that allows the march on washington to start coming together. >> we will keep this demonstration nonviolent. it will be peaceful. it will be dignified and disciplined. and i think it will have a great impact. >> in my judgment, there was perhaps only one man or woman in america who could have put that march together, and it was bayard rustin. >> in any movement we need the cooperation of the best minds, many of which are white, as well as black. >> rustin was simply an organizational genius. he was the best and the brightest. >> do you feel that the president's civil rights program is actually not needed? >> i don't think it's needed. and furthermore, i think it's unconstitutional. >> segregationist senators like strom thurmond are attempting to trumpet the fact that bayard is

known to be gay as a way to undercut the march. >> there was an effort to block rustin being selected. and martin king said, let he who has not sinned cast the first stone. dead silence. i recommend very strongly rustin be designated as the director and chief of staff of the march. randolph said, i second that. >> freedom now movement, hear me. we are requesting all citizens to move into washington, to go by plane, by car, bus, any way that you can get there. go to washington. >> start on this side. pass them down. >> the white house, the washington police department, the defense department were all drawing up these tremendous contingency plans for mass violence. >> you have any questions, be

sure you contact your captains for anything, and they will take it from there. the whole thing is an orderly march. >> they came from all over america, negroes and whites, housewives and hollywood stars. more than 200,000 of them came to washington this morning in a kind of climax to a historic spring and summer in the struggle for equal rights. >> the march on washington was probably the most joyous protest march i've ever seen. ♪ ♪ >> this turned out to be a huge interracial gathering that clearly did send a national message that there was tremendous support for racial equality. >> i admired the people my age,

and i knew that john lewis was the youngest speaker at the march. >> as a student, and as a participant in an international movement, i was ready to go. i wanted to push. i wanted us to stand up and speak up and speak out. >> we're tired of seeing our people locked up in jail over and over again, and then you holler, be patient. how long can we be patient? we want our freedom, and we want it now. >> and i would never forget the speech of martin luther king jr. on that day, dr. king spoke out of his soul. and he used that day and the steps of the lincoln memorial to preach a sermon. not just to america, but to the world. >> i am happy to join with you

today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation. >> as he is speaking, mahalia jackson shouts to him, "tell them about the dream, martin! tell them about the dream." and i see him take the written text, and he slides it to the left side of the lectern, looks out on the 350,000 people there, and then he speaks. >> i have a dream that one day this nation will rise up, live out the true meaning of its creed, "we hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal."

i have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. i have a dream today. let freedom ring from every hill of mississippi, from every mountainside. let freedom ring. when we allow freedom to ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to feed up that day when all of god's children, black men and white men, jews and gentiles, protestants and catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old negro spiritual, "free at last, free at last, thank god

almighty we are free at last." >> i don't think they quite anticipated just how successful it would be. it represents the civil rights movement at a kind of high water mark. >> the momentum of change seems to be accelerating, and the hearts of 21 million american negroes, untold millions of sympathetic whites. they're meeting tonight in the hope that the dream of negro equality was at last overtaking the reality of history. ♪ freedom, freedom >> in the immediate wake of the march on washington, the civil rights movement has a national glow to it that it never before had had. but that glow tragically lasts

hardly two weeks. >> the bombing of this birmingham, alabama, church claimed the lives of four little girls attending sunday school. >> that was the church out of which all the kids had marched in may. so it was clearly a punishment. >> we felt like we were involved because if there had been no movement, chances are that bombing would not have taken place. >> kids were murdered in birmingham on a sunday and in sunday school in a christian nation, and nobody cares.

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white house press secretary malcolm kilduff has just announced that president kennedy died at approximately 1:00 central standard time which is about 35 minutes ago. >> after being shot at -- >> after being shot -- >> -- by an unknown assailant. >> by an unknown assailant. >> -- during a motorcade drive through downtown dallas. >> during a motorcade drive through downtown dallas. >> what are you feeling right now? >> i really couldn't say. really. right now i just don't know what to do. i don't even know where to go, what to say. there's nothing for me to say.

>> it is said that the human mind has a greater capacity for remembering the pleasant than the unpleasant. but today was a day that will live in memory and in grief. >> no words are strong enough to express our determination to continue the forward thrust of america that he began. >> lyndon johnson wasn't that widely known to the country at large. johnson's aides say to him in this speech, don't fight for civil rights. that's a noble cause, but it's a lost cause. you know what johnson says to them? well, what the hell is the presidency for then?

>> no memorial oration or eulogy could more eloquently honor president kennedy's memory than the earliest possible passage of the civil rights bill for which he fought so long. >> johnson gets that civil rights bill moving in the first few weeks after kennedy's assassination. >> dixiecrats led by richard russell announced a filibuster. that is, they would continue to talk and prevent the bill from coming forward for a straight up or down vote. >> this bill which we feel is a perversion of the american way of life and a great blow at the right of dominion over private property that has been the genesis of our greatness. >> lbj and his allies knew they were short. so thus began a 24/7 campaign. he bullied. he cajoled. he made deals in order to get enough senators on board.

>> surprisingly, after a year on capitol hill, this bill is stronger than the one president kennedy first requested. president johnson should have the bill on his desk by the fourth of july. >> we hope to send into mississippi this summer upwards of 1,000 teachers, ministers, and students to open up mississippi to the country. >> freedom summer, an operation to flood the state of mississippi with volunteers, white and black students. >> we were there because we could assume that if the white mississippians mistreated us the way they mistreated the black people, that would be the basis on which to mobilize national opinion. >> we will treat anyone with great respect here in mississippi, but we will treat the people who come here, these children, like any other backward children should be treated.

>> and here is the news. >> there is some mystery and some fear concerning three civil rights workers, two whites from new york city and a negro from mississippi. police say they arrested the three men for speeding yesterday, but released them after they posted bond. they have not been heard from since. >> they paid the fine and i released them and escorted them to their car. and that's the last time we saw any of them. >> we got word that mickey and andy and james had been arrested. and there was no word what had happened to them.

>> mr. president, i wanted to let you know we have found the car. >> yeah? >> now, this is not known, nobody knows this at all, but the car was burned and we do not know yet whether any bodies are inside of the car because of the intense heat. it's merely an assumption that probably they were burned in the car. >> or maybe kidnapped and locked up. >> well, i would doubt whether those people down there would even give them that much of a break. >> we believe that all men are entitled to the blessings of liberty. yet millions are being deprived of those blessings. not because of their own failures, but because of the color of their skin. we can understand without rancor or hatred how this all happened. but it cannot continue.

our constitution, foundation of our republic, forbids it. the principles of our freedom forbid it. and the law i will sign tonight forbids it. ♪ >> senator hubert humphrey has called the civil rights bill the greatest piece of social legislation of our generation. >> tell somebody on my staff, be sure we get some more pens here -- >> the civil rights act of 1964 is not going to create instant brotherhood. no one pretends that. but the attorney general gets new power to bring suits against racial discrimination in voting,

in public accommodations, in education, in employment. if a court finds you guilty of violating some part of the civil rights law, and if you continue violating the law, you can be fined or put in jail until you stop violating the law. >> three civil rights workers have disappeared in mississippi. they have not been heard from. our search has thus far produced only one clue, the burned-out station wagon in which the three were last seen riding. there is little hope they still alive. >> schwerner, chaney and goodman were found shot to death in a grave at the base of a recently built dam just six miles from the city of philadelphia. their bodies wrapped in plastic bags numbered one, two, and three were taken to the state medical center in jackson for identification and examination. >> the two white boys were shot once each through the heart. james chaney, the black youth,

had been beaten with chains until every bone in his body was broken, then he was shot three times. >> the finding of the bodies of the three mississippi civil rights workers is a saddening and shocking reminder of the brutality of race hatred. we naturally expect that those responsible for these terrible murders will be brought to justice. ♪ we shall overcome someday >> we know they're going to say not guilty. because no one saw them pull the trigger. i'm tired of that.

don't bow down anymore. hold your heads up. we want our freedom now. i don't want to have to go to another memorial. i'm tired of them, tired of it. you've got to stand up. >> the arrests had started before dawn. in all, fbi men picked up 21 men. included in the group were the chief law officers of the county, sheriff lawrence rainey and deputy cecil price. >> they were murdered by ku klux klanmen with conspiratorial help of the local sheriff. >> bond was set.

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i have the great honor to hand over to you the insignia of the nobel peace prize and a gold medal.

>> some critics have charged that the nobel peace prize was not appropriately given this year. what's your reaction to that one? >> well, first i'd like to say that i don't think the peace prize was given to me personally and i don't accept it as a personal honor. i think it is rather a tribute to the wise restraint of discipline and dignity with which negroes and white persons of good will have carried out the whole struggle for civil rights. >> by the end of 1964, dr. king is aware that the one major southern civil rights challenge that had not been dealt with in the 1964 civil rights act was voter registration. >> bewildering hodgepodge of election laws from state to state prevents many from voting. boss-controlled political machines disenfranchise others by downright fraud.

a negro citizen may go to register only to be told that the day is wrong or the hour is late or the official in charge is absent. >> there are five counties in mississippi, each at least 57% negro, in which no negroes at all are registered. >> today marks the beginning of a determined, organized, mobilized campaign to get the right to vote all over this state. >> martin luther king chooses the city of selma because it has the worst record of any southern city on black voting. >> we will dramatize this whole situation and seek to arouse the conscience of the federal government by marching by the thousands on places of

registration all over the state. >> now move. move. move. move. >> student protesters had already had a presence in selma going back to 1963, but had found it exceptionally tough going because the dallas county sheriff, jim clark, was an even tougher version of birmingham's bull connor. >> the registrar is not in session this afternoon as you were informed. you came down to make a mockery out of this courthouse. this courthouse is a serious place of business. you seem to think it will just

be a disneyland or something on parade. >> we have had numerous negroes that couldn't read and write come down and say they were told to come, and if they didn't come, they would lose their pensions from the welfare department or their social security or have their land confiscated if they didn't show up to register to vote. and when they came down, they had no idea then what they were supposed to do. >> you are breaking the injunction by not allowing these people to come inside this courthouse and wait. >> that's up to the -- >> this courthouse does not belong to sheriff clark. this courthouse belongs to the people of dallas county, and these are the people of dallas county. and they have come to register. and you know this within your own heart, sheriff clark. >> clark, he knew what he wanted to do to me, but he couldn't do it in the open because of all those cameras, right? >> we have come to be here because they are registering at this time. and i can't enforce the law. >> we have come to register. and this is our reason for being

here. >> you're blinding me with that light. >> we're not moving. >> move back. >> if you want to arrest us, arrest us. >> why don't you get out in front of the camera and go on. >> it's not a matter of being in front of the camera, it's a matter of facing your sheriff and facing your judge. we're willing to be beaten for democracy. and you misuse democracy. you beat people bloody in order that they will not have the privilege to vote. >> i'm here to tell you tonight that the mayor of this city, the police commissioner of this city, and everybody in the white power structure of this city

must take a responsibility for everything that jim clark does in this community. >> we're marching today to dramatize to the nation, dramatize to the world, the hundreds and thousands of negro citizens of alabama, but particularly here in the blightfield area, denied the right to vote. we intend to march to montgomery to present the same grievance to governor george c. wallace. >> governor george wallace's head of the alabama state patrol in tandem with his good buddy sheriff jim clark, thinks that what these marchers deserve is a good beatin

>> we arrive at the highest point on the edmund pettus bridge. down below, we saw a sea of alabama state troopers. >> opposing the protesters was a force of alabama state troopers, sheriff clark, and clark's private army, the so-called posse men. >> we saw these men putting on their gas masks. they came toward us. >> it will be detrimental to your safety to continue this march. you are ordered to disperse. go home or go to your church. this march will not continue.

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this is an unlawful assembly. you have to disperse. you're ordered to disperse. >> i thought we were going to be arrested. the major said "troopers advance."

>> they used electric cattle prods, bull whips, wooden clubs wrapped with barbed wire. >> i was hit in the head by a state trooper with a nightstick. i thought i saw death. i thought i was going to die. >> sheriff clark and his volunteer army, the posse men, sent 80 men, women and children into the hospital.

abc broke in with this footage. it was now being called bloody sunday. and white middle class americans sitting in their comfortable living rooms suddenly had the whole racial ugly mess thrust into their face. it was a watershed moment in television, a landmark moment in the civil rights movement. >> for the first time since birmingham, that footage sets off a national firestorm. >> in our country, we don't tolerate police by terror taking the law into their own hands. this is unacceptable and just not american. and i believe the time has come for the president to step in. >> the pettus bridge incident is one of those seminal events that help create a political

groundswell for lyndon johnson to quickly, and this time without nearly as much opposition as his civil rights act of '64, to push through the voting rights act of 1965. >> the president of the united states. >> johnson feels that he needs to go before the country in a joint session of congress about why this should be done. >> i was in the home of a local family in selma with dr. king, and we watched and listened to president johnson. >> at times history and fate meet at a single time to shape a turning point in man's unending search for freedom. so it was at lexington and concord. so it was a century ago at

appomattox. so it was last week in selma, alabama. there, long-suffering men and women peacefully protested the denial of their rights as americans. their cause must be our cause too. because it's not just negroes, but really, it's all of us who must overcome the crippling legacy of bigotry and injustice. and we shall overcome. >> to hear lyndon johnson, the president of the united states, use the theme song of the movement, "we shall overcome," i looked at dr. king. tears came down his face.

he started crying. we all cried a little. >> dr. king decided that the only proper response to this was to continue the march to montgomery and a court order forced the state of alabama to permit said march. >> johnson has just ruled that we have a legal and constitutional right to march from selma to montgomery. ♪ ♪ come and follow me you know the master said ♪ ♪ don't wait til tomorrow or you may be dead ♪

♪ i was young and i wanted to play, said i wait just one more day ♪ ♪ don't you know i would, no, i would, i would ♪ >> now with those who said we would get here only over their dead bodies, well -- all the world today knows that we are here, that we are standing before the forces of power in the state of alabama saying, we ain't going to let nobody turn us around. i come to say to you this afternoon, however difficult the moment, however frustrating the hour, it will not be long. because truth will rise again. how long? not long.

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in the summer of '65, johnson gets that voting rights bill passed. >> thank you, mr. president. >> thank you, mr. chairman. >> sure, the '64 civil rights act led to dramatic changes. but politically, at least in the short run, the voting rights act was even more dramatic. >> this is an examination room at the central post office in downtown birmingham where under the federal voting rights act of 1965, federal officials are , ur the federal voting rights act of 1965, federal officials are examining people to determine their qualifications to register and vote under the laws of alabama. >> once the voting rights act was passed and people got the right to vote, they stopped sitting in and started voting. and that turned out to be much more effective.

>> the number of blacks who began voting across the south, the number of black officeholders at the local level, at the state level, at the congressional level, one of the greatest changes in american society. >> this is what james meredith intends to do for the next two weeks, march along the highways of mississippi, a state where he is one of the most hated men alive. his purpose, meredith hopes to encourage unregistered negroes along the way to qualify as voters. he also by his very presence hopes to dispel some of the fear negroes have in the south. >> in 1965 with the passage of the voting rights act, you'd have thought anything was possible. but then very quickly after that, things start to fall apart. >> i'm shot in the leg.

>> as james meredith was walking along the highway, a gunman stepped out of the woods and just blasted him with a shotgun. >> meredith was taken to a memphis hospital under police guard. his blood still remains on the highway. >> once he was shot, then there had to be some response by the movement. they had to show that the segregationists can't win that way. they got together and decided to continue the march. stokely carmichael and martin luther king. stokely carmichael was very much unlike the national group in terms of his perspective. >> we feel that we must continue this march right now, that it is urgent to do it. and we will be calling on people of good will from all over the nation to join us in this march.

>> martin luther king was almost at the level of sainthood. stokely carmichael understood that he needed that symbol in order to provide legitimacy for what he was trying to do. >> we want to put president johnson on the spot. he called a conference two days ago to fulfill these rights. we want those rights fulfilled. they cannot be fulfilled with words. words cannot stop bullets. and we need action and we need it now from the federal government. >> no more questions, gentlemen. >> all right. >> we have the march. >> the most impressive thing about this march on mississippi is a developing coalition among civil rights leaders. there are reports of differences between leaders, and they are true. but their organizations have always been divided. a split among them is nothing new. put them all together on a march on a highway in mississippi, and frictions emerge because of personal competition and individual ego. >> our sweat and blood built mississippi, and we got to take it over because we deserve to have it.

that's what we are working for. >> stokely carmichael started expressing the goal now is black people exercising power. >> let me say first that this march is nonviolent. it is a nonviolent expression of our determination to be free. this is a principle of the march, and certainly we intend to keep this march nonviolent. >> mr. carmichael, are you as committed to the nonviolent approach as dr. king is? >> no, i'm not. >> why aren't you? >> i just don't see this as a way of life. i never have. and i also realize that no one in this country is asking the white community in the south to be nonviolent. and that in a sense is giving them a free license to go ahead and shoot us at will. >> if there was a symbol of white anger at negro protest in the north this summer, it was cicero, illinois, a town chosen by dr. martin luther king as the pressure point in his open

housing drive. >> dr. king takes the civil rights movement north to chicago. and the issue is housing. >> the northern scene was a far more complicated scene and did not have the advantage of the jim crow law. as a target. >> it was one thing for northern liberals when the issue was integration in selma. quite a different thing when it was in cicero. >> if let's say 10 or 20 families moved into cicero, which is a town of 70,000? >> they'd get killed. >> it was the beginning of serious white backlash against the entire civil rights movement. >> the nation suddenly learned what it should have known, that racial prejudice was not just a southern problem, it was nationwide. if whites in the north formerly could confront themselves by pointing an accusing finger at

the south, they could do so no longer. >> once again showing open hostility towards the civil rights demonstrators. these people here are firmly opposed to these marches. moreover, they don't see where they serve any useful purpose. >> most of the national press categorizes chicago as a defeat for king. >> i can say that i have never seen, even in mississippi and alabama, mobs as hostile and as hate-filled as have i seen in chicago. >> there was a growing feeling that king's movement wasn't working. he had lost a lot of support from whites and blacks. >> martin luther king is a good man. he's my brother. he's still like me. we're all catching hell. he's got his approaches to freedom. he's doing his best. and he's changing now too. he sees now that it seems to be impossible to do what he want to do. >> king was rapidly being

eclipsed by a younger and much more militant faction of the black power movement. >> we are not going to let these white people come into our neighborhoods and kill us. we're going to put every cracker in atlanta on his knees. >> there was a lot of disunity because the only thing that had really kept the black community together, ironically, was segregation. once that has been overcome, then the question is, what do you want? >> i would like for all of us to believe in nonviolence, but i'm here to say tonight that if every negro in the united states turns against nonviolence, i'm going to stand up as a lone voice and say, this is the wrong way. instead of mailing everyone my vacation photos,

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i think that there's a realization in this country that black power is not just a mere slogan, nationally or internationally. it is real that black people can come together and start determining for their lives how they're going to live and controlling their economic and political lives. so it means you have to build a movement so strong in this country that if one black man is touched, every black man will rise up and let this country know they're not going to tolerate it.

>> you better quit coming down here and talk about loving these honkys to death. during these rebellions, you have to stop looking and start shooting. >> black power! >> the issue is one that moves across civil rights, moves across poverty. we get this explosion of violence. you have the watts riots. then subsequently riots in newark, in detroit. >> the riots bring to the fore the problems of inner city life. a consequence of a generation of neglect in america's urban centers. >> this happened on 12th street in detroit in july. next time it could happen downtown or in your town. >> when you stood on the lincoln memorial, you said "i had a dream." did that dream envision the federal government preventing the society doing for the

negroes that which you think had to be done? >> it was a high moment, a great watershed moment. but i must confess that that dream that i had that day has in many points turned into a nightmare. now, i'm not one to lose hope. i keep on hoping. i still have faith in the future. but i've had to analyze many things over the last few years, and i would say over the last few months i've gone through a lot of soul-searching and agonizing moments. and some of the old optimism was a little superficial. and now it must be tempered with a solid realism. and i think the realistic fact is that we still have a long, long way to go. >> martin luther king jr. was killed tonight in memphis, tennessee, shot in the face as he stood on the balcony of his hotel room.

>> martin was gone. and the main part of everything was over. and we knew that the movement would never be the movement as it was. but then the things that we had lived and really fought for was one. >> i just want to do god's will, and he has allowed me to go up to the mountain. i've looked over and i've seen the promised land. i may not get there with you, but i want you to know tonight that we as a people will get to the promised land.

so i'm happy tonight. i'm not worried about anything. i'm not fearing any man. mine eyes have seen the glory of the coming of the lord. >> there were many kinds of sacrifices made for freedom. most liberation struggle is trying to bring about a better world and a better society. >> we had to give everything we had to the movement. we accepted a way of peace as a way of life, a way of nonviolence as a way of life, as a way of living. >> we forged an agenda in the mind of the country. the movement begins with montgomery, becomes the sit-in

campaign, the freedom ride, the birmingham campaign, the mississippi summer, the selma to montgomery march. >> history will record that those singular cumulative acts of courage transformed the south. transformed the country. >> we wanted to change america, make america better, not just for our generation, but for generation yet unborn. >> all of the civil rights, all the marches, all the people who have died in the civil rights struggle will have died in vain if once the opportunity, once the doors are open, no one is prepared for it. i know there's got to be several young people here who are like 5 years old, right? it's now becoming a possibility that that young man by the time

he's 50 could be running for the president of the united states. up next, a family vacation turns to a nightmare. vacation >> that's when i see the body of a female lying face down in the water. >> and possible clues provide more questions than answers. >> either it was an accident, someone caused her death, or she killed herself. >> experts can't seem to agree on exactly what happened. >> there is not one single eyewitness to anything. there are no confessions. there are no fingerprints. >> until groundbreaking science discovers the truth. >> method, opportunity, motive, and last person to see them alive. classic reasons for murder.