has won. >> okay. two words? >> i would say marco rubio. that's what i would say. >> brianna, mike anna dan, thank you so much for coming this morning. thanks for spending your sunday morning with us. jake tapper will be right here next week. "fareed zakaria gps" starts right now. this is "gps," the global public square. welcome to all of you in the united states and around the world. i'm fareed zakaria coming to you live from new york. it's been a tumultuous week on the world stage, and we'll tackle all of it. from vienna. tense negotiations over iran's nuclear program. from brussels. tough talk about greece's debt problem.

in beijing, grave concerns over a stock market crash and what it means for the future of china. and then for something completely different, there's nothing like a dame especially dame helen mirren. i spoke to the legendary actress about playing the queen, "the queen" on stage and screen. we'll get to all of the news in a moment. but first here is my take. you might have missed it but a meeting this past tuesday near pakistan's capital city of islamabad could possibly mark the beginning of the end of america's longest war. the conflict in afghanistan which will enter its 15th year this fall. a delegation from the afghan government met with members of the taliban. with pakistani, chinese and u.s. officials present as observers.

previous efforts have foundered and this one may go nowhere as well about youbut the war in afghanistan is likely to end in a forum like this one and not on the battlefield. talking to the taliban is tough for many americans to accept. dick cheney was speaking for many when he said we don't negotiate with evil. we defeat it. and yet, says jonathan powell tony blair's former chief of staff, he is dead wrong. in a new book "terrorists at the table, why negotiating is the only way to peace," powell argues forcefully the historical conflicts like the one in afghanistan have ended only through negotiations and not military victory. powell is no peace nick. having been an architect of britain's support for the wars in afghanistan and iraq. but over the course of his decade in office as one of blare's most important aides, powell came to recognize that terrorism cannot be solved

exclusively or largely by military means. he quotes huethe former chief constable in northern ire laryned who says there is no example i know of of terrorism being policed out or eliminated through use of force. governments are loathe to talk to terrorists. that's understandable since they regard the groups as barbaric worry about legitimizing brutality and remain convinced that military force can defeat or at least cripple them. but powell points out most governments end up talking to terrorists anyway. citing examples ranging from the kenya to spain to colombia. the argument is simple enough. terrorism is a reflection of an underlying political problem that almost always needs to be addressed politically. in afghanistan, for example, it reflects the reality that some part of the pashtun population

about 50% of the country, believes its interests are not represented by the current government in kabul. this week's negotiations might go nowhere, but one of the lessons that powell notes in the book is that often these talks begin too late because governments believe that one last military push will put the terrorists on the defensive even though he says there is precious little empirical evidence to support this one last heave argument. he reminds us that a crucial part of general david petraeus' surge in iraq was reaching out to sunni militants, terrorists who had been fighting american forces addressing their grievances and indeed paying them to move from being foes to friends. he notes that petraeus admitted that the united states waited too long before it talked to people who had, quote, american blood on their hands. of course none of this would apply to isis would it? in fact jonathan powell is bold

enough to suggest that it could. after all, isis is a particularly brutal and murderous group. but it is successful largely because it has tapped into the fewerors and rage of disempowered sunnis in iraq and syria. that is a political grievance that can only be addressed politically. talking to terrorists is not giving in to their demands, argues powell. but because governments are so spooked by the image and the optics of it all, they usually delay, fumble make mistakes and prolong conflicts that could be resolved earlier and with much less bloodshed on all sides. for more go to cnn.com/fareed and read my "washington post" column this week. and let's get started. ♪ ♪

today was supposed to be the day that all european leaders, merkel hollande and all met in brussels. the agenda was to vote yay or nay on a bailout deal for greece. hours ago the meeting was scrapped because the finance ministers who work for those leaders could not find common ground. instead, a smaller subset of leaders from the eurozone nations is set to start meeting this hour. the word out of brussels is that mean european officials believe the latest proposal from athens doesn't go far enough. will greece get kicked out of the euro? should it be. joining me in new york to discuss are the professor of economics and public policy at harvard. the times assistant managing editor and cnn's global economics analyst and in london is the editor in chief of the economist. welcome, all. zani you have the economist has

a lead editorial saying to stay in the eurozone the greece prime minister will have to jettison almost every promise he made to his voters. can you hear me zani? >> i'm terribly sorry. i can't hear you. >> we'll go to the others. rauna, it always seemed as though germany at the end of the day was willing to bail out greece, that it pushed hard it really made it look like it was trying its damnedest. every time it stared at the abyss it pulled back to and told the european central bank provide the funds, it wrote the checks. this time seems different. >> i think this time is different. you're right that it seemed like germany's leaders were working to make a deal. if you spend any time in germany

you see the public at large really never wanted a deal with greece. the german public i think feels like hey, let them go. we're better off without them. they have never believed the greeks were good for their word in terms of reforms and i think it underscores that this has become a political problem as much as an economic problem. the greeks have said fine we'll leave. socialist government. they've taken all this pain. tremendous pop ulymph. you can understand their point of view. but i don't think the math works. >> what i was going to ask you before we were technically interrupted. you wrote an editorial just before greece made its proposals where you said to stay in the eurozone the prime minister will have to jettison almost every promise he has made to his voters. he sort of did in the plan he put forward. yet, it doesn't seem to be working. what do you think is going on? >> i think, as rana said it has

moved from the realm of politics. a week ago the greek people said decisively no to an agreement or set of measures that the creditors demanded of them. four or five days later, alexis tsipras the greek prime minister essentially agrees to those demands with approval of the greek parliament. now particularly amongst the northern european creditors there is a question of can we trust this guy. they're fed up with him. whatever the rights and wrongs of the actual measures that they want the greeks to take there are a large number of people in northern europe particularly not just the germans, but say the fins or sloefacks who think the grexit is better. france and italy are keen to keep the greeks in. the really important person at the meeting this afternoon will be angela merkel. her finance minister wants the greeks out. he is talking about a temporary

grexit. i think you can probably cut the word temporary there, it will be temporary at least officially so that no one has to deal with the consequences of how you deal with the losses of -- if you push them out permanently. so he wants that. she is undecided. i think she will in the end want to keep them in. she really doesn't want to be the chancellor who presides over the breakup of the euro. it's getting difficult for her. her electorate is against keeping greece in. they think everyone would be better off with them out. it's a tough political thing. what they're going to have to hammer out for the greeks to stay in is that the greeks will have to do even more than they were offering they'll have to do a lot of actions up front to rebuild trust. i expect the program will be much tougher than anything on the table before. >> paul krugman and others say this is a recipe for total disaster. that more austerity will plunge

greece into a depression that this is austerity on steroids it's bad for europe and bad for the world. >> let's start with this referendum and what tsipras did, which paul krugman urged them to do taking the country off a cliff. it was very irresponsible. on top of that they spit in the germans' face. they were being offered money now. they should have taken it. and then after they had taken the money, then they asked to renegotiate. you don't default on a debt when somebody is still giving you money. i think a very important thing to understand about the austerity, there are many mistakes. certainly the debt should have been written down across the eurozone right away. but, in greece you could have torn up all of their debt and they still had to close a 10% gap of gdp in their deficit. that's like $1.7 trillion in the united states. imagine if we had to do half of that. and most of the austerity that

they've felt has been that they had a credit card when the world market saw that they were fraudulent with their books, they lied about their debt they lied about their deficit. it got cut off. the creditors, the official creditors came in and they definitely cushioned the blow. but it was very to pay that kind of money. they've racked up a huge bill. it does need to be written down but most of the changes have to come from inside greece. they have to want to become a modern european state. i see little will to do that. >> 90 seconds before the break, rana can a temporary or permanent grexit work, or is this another liamman like moment? >> a lot of private creditors have gotten out of greece. we're not going to see major international dominos. china creates a new greece every six weeks but i think it threatens the political integrity of europe.

if you have one falling out, what's the future or portugal spain, italy? this won't happen right away but it creates a slow burn problem. there needs to be political integration that isn't there yet. when we come back doesn't this mess in europe make america's crisis management look even stronger? we'll talk about that in a moment. do you like the passaaadd? it's a good looking car. this is the model rear end event. the model year end sales event. it's year end! it's a rear end event. year end, rear end check it out. talk about turbocharging my engine. gorgeous. what kind of car do you like? new, or many miles on it? get a $1000 volkswagen reward card on select 2015 passat models or lease a 2015 passat limited edition for $209 a month after $1000 volkswagen bonus. when you're not confident your company's data is secure the possibility of a breach can quickly become the only thing you think about.

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neutrogena®. we are back with rana ken and zani from london. as we like to say in america, enough about them. now what about us. ken, what does this tell you about crisis management? it seems as though the bush and obama administrations give credit to hank paulson and tim

geithner and ben bernanke handled a similar kind of crisis better in a way that was resolved quickly and early. >> yeah. i mean let's remember we this puerto rico going on at this same time. when greece appeared it was clear they were not going to grow their way out of it. their debt was too high. they were cut off from world markets. they should have written it down. it would have been very painful and tough with the german voters. it would have gotten it over with. instead they keep leaving them in this never-never land where they're cut off from markets because the debt hasn't been written down enough. they're dribbling out money to them which keep them better than if they didn't but the economy is crippled. they made very optimistic projections. growth is going to be fine. everybody did it. the imf, europeans. everybody said they'll be fine. it wasn't a healthy development. >> fundamentally, zani isn't the problem that the united

states has the capacity to bankroll its weak performing members in a way that europe doesn't? you had -- the economist has a wonderful comparison where it pointed out, forget about the germans bank-rolling the greeks. connecticut banks-rolls the weaker states in america, i am assuming mississippi, alabama, those kinds of states much more 5% of connecticut's gdp over the last 20 years has been net income transfers to states like mississippi and alabama. >> i mean that's because the u.s. has a much more fiscally integrated systems. it's where the europeans have to end up. they created a single currency without creating the economic integration and the fiscal integration that was necessary for that to survive. but i think the difference -- the europeans are absolute champions at kicking the can down the road. what they have done with greece ken is right. they should have written the

debt down in 2010. instead they kicked the can down. this is not a systemic immediate problem to europe in the way that it was a few years ago. if greece goes out of the euro now it will not wreck the euro overnight. what it will do is introduce a corrosive uncertainty that at some point will become a real problem again. because there is a fundamental tension in the euro. it's supposed to be irrevocable, so once you join it that's it you're there for good but it's also supposed to be based on rules and discipline. the way this greece drama ends will determine which of those things is more important. >> fundamentally does the problem ken has talked about, which is the lack of competitiveness in greece, is europe strong enough to be able to carry this kind of -- forget greece. there are other countries that are uncompetitive. part of the issue is europe hasn't done much structural reform in the last ten years. >> that's true in some cases. i think that the core of

europe -- germany really at the center of it -- is very strong. the germans are incredibly competitive. the french could be more competitive by making certain moves that i think would be relatively easy. i think really the issue is what you said earlier. europe needs a hank paulson. one integrative fiscal policy and well transfers. that's a deep extension question. it goes to the difference between the nations. it's a huge issue that europe has been kicking down the road at every possible juncture. i do think that if greece goes out and there is a kind of fundamental insecurity about what is this currency going to be i think that's going to come to a head. >> let's balance it the other way if suddenly merkel says we're writing off all the debt. portugal, ireland and spineain, i favor it. but then says german exit. that's a danger hanging over if you go too far in the other

direction. >> zani final thought from you. what all this means, the u.s. looks better the dollar remains stronger. at the end of the day it would be fair to say that we are back to that single engine world economy where the united states continues to power along? >> well the u.s. is looking stronger yes. let's put the greek thing in the short term in some perspective. finally the european central bank last year suddenly realized that it needed to boost the european economy more. the europeans broadly have got off the austerity kick that they were pushing so hard. the european economy, although not great and i'm not an apologist for it even though i've moved here i think it's actually not that bad. in many ways things are improving. the fact that the european politicians are so willing to go this far on greece is a testament to their general confidence that they can handle the fallout. in the long term i think it will

have big consequence but in the shorter term i think things are not so bad. >> very quick. 30 seconds. would you agree with that that at the end of the day, you know things are looking better? >> yeah. absolutely. what doesn't kill you makes you stronger. and they could handle a grexit. on the other hand the political fallout is unpredictable. >> economics looking a lot better than politics. i worry more about what does this mean for people like putin. can other nations stir up more trouble if europe is seen as unable to get its house in order. >> i love the line china creates a new greece every six weeks. to put that in perspective. next on "gps," the greek talks are not the only ones going down to the wire. the west's negotiations with iran were supposed to have been wrapped up two weeks ago and three deadlines have been passed. the next deadline is tomorrow. will they make it? or will this be a european kick the can down the road? find out when we come back.

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i remain hopeful. that's how secretary of state

john kerry described his mind-set this morning regarding the talks with iran over its nuclear program. tomorrow is the deadline por the talks but three deadlines have slipped by already. is there really hope this time? let's bring in my panel. joe is an expert on proliferation and nuclear weapons policy. he is president of the plough shares fund and the author of "nuclear nightmares" one of the world's top experts on iran. joe, first, you are very plugged in. what are you hearing about the likelihood of a deal? >> it's almost certain. this deal is coming. the climax will likely be tomorrow. if it doesn't happen now we're going to have a serious case of negotiations interruptus. it's a complicated document. about a hundred pages. they're in the final stages making sure the phrases are right. they don't want mistakes at this late stage. there are a couple issues unresolved. but most of the big issues that

have blocked the deal have all been settled. >> inspections of military facilities will be allowed? >> we are going to have inspections of iranian military facilities. they've crafted a way to do this with a little notice a little bit of management of the inspectors as they go in. but we'll be able to go where we need to go when we need to go there. >> the sanctions will be lifted not all at once but sequentially? >> this is what's holding up the negotiations. what is exactly the sequence. what does iran have to do and what is lifted. particularly on the arms embargo. arms in or out of iran. that will be lifted down the road as iran performs the restraints will be taken off. >> iran's ballistic missile program. iran says it should have no bearing, that embargo should be lifted. >> i've heard the sanctions will remain on the ballistic missile program as they will for the terrorism and human rights violations. so not all of the issues with

iran are settled. this is just the one on the nuclear deal to shrink raptus program. shrink it down to a manageable size and wrap it in a verification and monitoring system. >> bottom line. people say iran is currently two months away from breakout the capacity to make a weapon. the deal will take it to 13 months or so. there are critics, allen cooperman, who say the deal will only extend it by one month. your judgment. we can't get into the technical details. do you believe the deal as you understand it takes iran from being two months away from a bomb to 13 months away from a bomb? >> it lengthens the breakout time. it will take them at least the year to make the material at least for one weapon. then many months after that to fashion it into a weapon. this gives us ample warning time to take actions, should iran try to creep out, sneak out, or break out of this agreement. >> kareem explain what's going on in the negotiations. i noticed that zarif, the

foreign minister of iran keeps having to go back to tehran. kerry doesn't keep coming back to washington. that suggests to me the iranians are having difficulty coming to yes. the supreme leader made statements saying no inspection of military facilities at all. all sanctions will have to be lifted immediately. this is an odd way to prepare your public for the deal because those things aren't going to happen. what is going on inside iran? >> i think this is a difficult time for iran's supreme leader fareed. he basically has to reconcile the ideological prerogatives of the islamic republic which has been based always on resistance against the united states with the economic needs of the iranian nation. this is a country experiencing a perfect storm economically. they're losing hundreds of billions of dollars as a result of the sanctions at a time when oil prices have collapsed and they're spending billions of dollars each month trying to

sustain the assad regime in syria. as joe said i think this deal is likely going to happen but i think it's a very bitter pill for the supreme leader to swallow. >> what i wonder is the supreme leader supreme? by which i mean is he really ultimately -- does he have the kind of authority that mao when he brought china in from the cold and made peace with america? there were a lot of people in china at the high levels who didn't want to do it but it didn't matter. does the supreme leader have that kind of authority or is he juggling the revolutionary side, rohouni? >> i would say the supreme leader certainly has control over the main institutions in iran. you talked about the revolutionary guards. they oversee the nuclear program. and all of the statements from senior revolutionary guard

commanders have always been ob see ques to the supreme leader. it's my sense he may not be as powerful as mao. he is not an absolute being dictator. he is the second longest dictator in the east after the sultan. he is idealogical and pragmatic. his own survival is important to him. this deal is a necessity for them. >> reflecting a lot of what conservatives worry about, saying if the deal takes place iran gets access to lots of money, tens of billions of dollars. it could become more active in its foreign policy. some of which is very anti-american. do you worry that the deal will unleash a more activist anti-american iran? or could it be the beginning of

a genuine reaapproachment with the united states? >> i think it makes me hopeful that this current isolated iran which is a pariah state, is an anomaly of history and geography. 36 years of the policy of the islamic republic makes me sober. i think there is valid hope that five or ten years from now it could help transform iran but there is valid concern it could empower the hard-line forces in the short term. >> thank you both very much. up next china's markets have lost nearly $4 trillion in less than 30 days. what will this mean for the future of china when we come back. your baby's chubby little hand latches onto your finger so hard it's like she's saying i love you. that's why aveeno's oat formula is designed for your baby's sensitive skin. aveeno®. naturally beautiful babies.

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world segment. while greece's showdown with the eu has been grabbing headlines, i wonder if we will look back and see china's stock market crash as ultimately more

significant. since mid-june china's shanghai index plummeted 25%. the shen jen index compared to the nasdaq is down over 35%. altogether china's markets have lost nearly $3.6 trillion since the mid-june peak slightly less than the value of britain's entire stock market lost in just under a month. the shanghai index looks early similar to the dow jones industrial average near the beginning of the great depression as bloomberg points out. the chinese government is taking extraordinary measures to stop the bleeding. it got the country's big brokerage firms to promise to buy billions of dollars in stocks to restore confidence. new initial public offerings were curtailed this week and many existing stocks stopped trading. at one point, more than half of china's companies on the

shanghai exchange stopped trading their shares. now, it's been pointed out that things might not be as bad as they seem. china's stock market is a small part of its economy compared to other nations. only 5% to 10% of china's households have stocks compared to 50% in the u.s. according to a research firm. before the crash started in mid-june. chinese stocks enjoyed a meteoric rise. at the end of the day of the day the shanghai index is still up over 90% from last year. what's worrying us is the chinese government's handling of situation. instead of letting stock prices correct themselves observers say, the government is micro-managing the market. china's intervention have screamed of panic say the governments. the government's rec lationsgulations a ridiculous overreaction.

why are they so aggressive? maybe because its reputation and ultimately its grip on power are at stake. as "the economist" pointed out the stock market boom was one of the points they pointed to when making its case for the stewardship of the economy. beijing encouraged citizens to get in on the boom when other parts of the economy like real estate were slowing down spurring massive speculation. nearly 90 million people now own stocks. there have been up to 1.4 million new investors per week according to are novices. two-thirds of investors don't have a high school agree as pointed out in the "wall street journal." rural farmers have established their own stock exchanges they say. now many are losing their life savings. whether the government fails or succeeds it seems to create problems. obviously, if the fall

continues, china's communist party loses a crucial element of its legitimacy. its much vauntd and the now well deserved reputation for economic competence and good management. but if the intervention succeeds it might arrest the plans in bay beijing to transform china's sxhee economy into a more market related one. it makes it a difficult and troubling economic player on the global scene. so watch greece but keep your eye on china as well. up next the queen of england. well not the actual one, but a great proxy. dame helen mirren has just come off her third run playing elizabeth ii. stay tuned for a great discussion about getting into character and the future of the monarchy.

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i don't imagine you ever thought you would be prime minister did you? >> for the past four months as many as eight times a week the queen of england has graced the boards of broadway in new york city. not the actual elizabeth ii of course but as good an approximation as many people have seen. a is you pesh performance by dame helen mirren. she won the oscar for "the queen," and now two runs of the play. in london and the new york run which just ended. i sat down with dame helen recently to talk about the role and how she prepared for it. >> pleasure to have you on. >> thank you. >> when you do a portrayal like that of the queen or some of the other ones you've done who are historical figures, it's always struck me that for an actor,

this is a different challenge because, if you are doing harry potter it's an imaginary thing, you can make your own version. >> of course yes. >> here there is an actual hittercal truth historical truth, as it were. there is somebody. are you trying to get to that truth? >> of course. absolutely. there are two different -- for example, playing elizabeth i and elizabeth ii. two different challenges. elizabeth ii is alive. everybody knows that she sounds like talks like walks like. it's incumbent upon me to at least fulfill that -- the impersonation side of the role. it was fascinating playing elizabeth i because, you know her image was highly controlled. you know. she -- she would only be painted in a certain way. she controlled her own image. she was brilliant at sort of representing herself as a symbol

and as a brand, if you like. and then when i came to elizabeth ii again, there -- now there's a lot of very controlled actually sort of documentary, you know -- it's actually extremely controlled all of the images of the queen, including the video. but -- and so if a way, looking at the videos didn't really help me much. and then i thought, you know what why not go back and look at the portraits, because she has been painted a lot. i thought, you know what i'm just another portraitist actually here. i'm just another portraitist. my medium is not paint. it's the spoken word. but i -- and that sort of liberated me because i thought, you know what you can just do your version of who you feel this -- you're painting a portrait. >> you did think, in her case you had to get the impersonation

right, by which you mean things like the accent. >> of course. like the accent. >> you're ahead of me prime minister. >> in the movies in the film reels, in the '50s it's this very upper-class -- >> very very cut-class accent. it's absolutely like that. it's terribly exact. it's almost impossible to sort of over do it. now her accent is still what we would call in england posh. but it's -- it's more relaxed. >> you talk a lot in the play -- there is much talk about the monarchy. this is -- it's an odd role difficult for americans and many other people to understand because she actually has very little power. >> well no power really. at all. >> so what is the power? >> well as she says in the play and i think she's sort of

talking about herself through the words of peter morgan -- never underestimate the value of a symbol. she is a symbol. but it's a very potent symbol. it's a symbol that carries the history of britain with it. and along with that a certain -- a sense of continuity obviously. and in her particular case i think an incredible sense of self-discipline. which i suspect they all had, actually. >> so one of the great mysteries for everybody in britain and really everybody in the world is the queen has this weekly meeting with the prime minister. it is completely private, even though every -- virtually every prime minister of the 12 involved have written memoirs, they've never disclosed what happened in those meetings. so what happens at these meetings? >> i suspect it's all quite banal, actually. as in a way we show in the play.

harold wilson says is that it? a nice cup of tea, a talk about holiday homes and a nice cup of tea. and i suspect that's kind of it. >> now you've met her. how different was she in person from the person you imagined? >> oh well when i first fet her, i -- that was long before -- well a few years before i did the film before i had any idea that i was going to have to play her at some time. no. she was -- i mean i come from a republican family. my parents were vehemently anti-monarchist. so i was brought up in that -- >> are you republican? >> yes, i think i am really. >> you don't think britain should have a queen even though you've played the queen a three times. >> i'm a queenist. i wish we could have a queen without the rest of the royal family. although i'm not dising the rest

of the royal family. as individual people i think they're very decent. i think they're very hard-working and i think we got lucky, you know. there are other wonderful, decent royal families in europe. >> you would dispense with the institution. >> i would probably -- because i can't get my head around it. doesn't make sense to me that these individuals are looked at in that way. and the rest of the world is not looked at in the -- again, to quote the play -- she says we're not like everybody else. that's the point of us! [ laughing ] >> knowing her as you do in a sense, do you think she'll ever abdicate? >> no. notally not! of course not. >> duty is so important. >> yes. >> yes. >> the poor son charles -- >> i'm sure as she gets frailer, prince charles will more and more take over for her, in various official functions.

but she will never abdicate no. no. it's not on the cards. >> helen mirren a pleasure to have you on. >> thank you. thank you very much. big day? ah, the usual. moved some new cars. hauled a bunch of steel. kept the supermarket shelves stocked. made sure everyone got their latest gadgets. what's up for the next shift? ah, nothing much. just keeping the lights on. (laugh) nice. doing the big things that move an economy. see you tomorrow, mac. see you tomorrow, sam. just another day at norfolk southern. you wouldn't do half of your daily routine. so why treat your mouth any differently? complete the job with listerine®. kill up to 99 percent of germs. and prevent plaque, early gum disease and bad breath. sfx: ahhh listerine®. power to your mouth™!

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been named university of uone of the new world heritage sites. the list comprises more than 1,000 sites of cultural and natural significance around the globe. other additions include archeological sites from an ancient korean kingdom and the wineries of france's champaign region. it brings me to my question of the week. which country has the most unesco world heritage sites. china? india? the united states? or italy. stay tuned and we'll tell you the correct answer. this week's book is "being nixon, a man divided," by evan thomas. in a review he describes nixon as the oddest man to ever occupy the white house. the veteran journalist provides a highly intelligent, illuminating study of the psychology of this man. it is a terrific read. the correct answer to the "gps" question is d.

italy holds the record for the most unesco world heritage sites with 51 in all. china is next with 48. and spain, france and germany round out the top five. the united states ranks 10th with 23 sites. thanks to all of you for being part of my program this week. i will see you next week. donald trump dominating headlines while suing univision. how is spanish language media covering trump's anti-immigration message? plus the most anticipated book not only of the year but of the decade. did 89-year-old author harper lee even want it to be published? new information this morning from a journalist who met with lee a few days ago. what is going on at reddit, the ceo stepping down can women get a fair shake in silicon valley? it's time for "reliable sources." all those stories and more coming up. let's begin with