all this as a blessing. i look at all of this as having made me a better man. little kid made into a man by a series of circumstances over which he had no control. >> thanks for watching. fareed zakaria gps starts right now. >> this is "gps," the global public square. welcome to all of you in the united states and around the world. i'm fareed zakaria coming to you live from new york. >> today on the show, the death of a president. george herbert walker bush succeeded in helping to end had cold war and wage a limited war in the middle east. and yet failed to win re-election. bush's best friend and secretary of state shares memories. also this week, the g-20 summit

in buenos aires. the greetings and the meetings. the highs and the lows. what was accomplished, what was not. i'll ask an all-star panel. and a sneak preview of my newest documentary "presidents under fire, the history of impeachment." it airs tonight, sunday, at 9:00 p.m. in it, i explore what the experiences of andrew johnson, richard nixon, and bill clinton can tell us about this moment in history. but first, here's my take. the g-20 summit in argentina took place at a moment when the united states still stands at the center of the world. the u.s. economy is booming. the dollar is almighty. american tech companies continue to dominate the new digital economy. and the u.s. military remains the unrivaled master of land, sea, and sky. but there are forces both short-term and long-term that are working to erode this

hegemony. as morgan stanley points out, the economy is looking like peak america. u.s. stocks have outperformed the rest of the world this decade, and that sort of trend rarely lasts. the current recovery is now the second longest in history, and it is due for a downturn. interest rates are rising. corporate profit growth is slowing. and budget deficits are surging. even president trump seems aware of the likelihood of a dip, which is why he has been preparing the ground for it by blaming the federal reserve for raising interest rates. but there are broader structural realities at work as well. while the united states continues to outperform other advanced economies, the rise of the rest also continues, with china the world's second largest economy growing at three times the pace of america. a quarter century ago, china accounted for less than 2% of the global economy. today, it is 15% and rising. china boasts nine of the world's

20 most valuable tech companies. this economic reality is having a geopolitical effect. china is the largest trading partner of major economies in latin america, africa, and asia. that gives it clout. it's belt and road initiative is designed to extend beijing's influence in asia and beyond, creating not just a market but a string of allies and dependencies. it's expanded its control over the south china sea in ways neither the obama administration nor the trump administration has been able to block or counter. foreign leaders note the u.s. is also likely to be increasingly constrained by its mounting budget woes. the financial times points out that the u.s. federal government now spends $1.4 billion a day on its debt. ten times more than the next major industrialized country does. as interest rates rise and more americans reach the age of collecting social security and medicare, the federal government will be tightly constrained.

ezra klein has quipped that the american government is an insurance conglomerate protected by a large standing army. soon, that might well be true. americans retreat will not produce a better world. it will be messier and uglier. at a time when these forces of entrpy are intensifying, when america does face real constraints on what it can be internationally, the wiser strategy would be to bolster the institutions and norms that washington built after world war ii, both to maintain stability and order, and also preserve american interests and values. the smartest path to constraining china comes from from a head on policy of containment, but rather from a subtle one that forces beijing to remain intermeasured with other countries. china recognizes this and tries to free itself of multilateral groups, preferring to deal one-on-one with countries where

its power will always overshadow the negotiating power. and yet, nothing animates the trump administration more than its opposition to multilateralism of any kind. so, as the world gets more chaotic, the forces that could provide order are being eroded. and as is so often the case, china simply watches quietly and pockets the gains. for more, go to cnn.com/fareed, and read my "washington post" column this week. let's get started. i want to talk about george h.w. bush's legacy, but also this weekend's big g-20 meeting with our panel. richard haass was on george h.w. bush's national security council as senior director for near eastern affairs, and then director of policy planning at the state department under the younger president bush.

he's now the president of the council on foreign relations. ian bremmer is president of the eurasia group. anne-marie slaughter was a director of policy planning but her tenure was under president obama. richard, let me ask you about your former boss. you wrote a wonderful appreciation of him, and you touched on something that i think was the hallmark of bush as a strategist, as a policymaker. which was a certain restraint. he was always able to be restrained, so when everyone was telling him, as he put it, to go and dance on the soviet union's grave, when the soviet union essentially surrendered at the end of the cold war, he was very restrained. he didn't want to rub gorbachev's nose in it. he didn't want to humiliate the russian people. when iraq happens, everybody told him go to baghdad, and he was very restrained about not doing things like that. do you think that came partly from a certain kind of, i don't

know, kind of patrician mentality that said to him, look, i don't have to pander. i don't have to go with the flow. i know i have an internal core. >> i think you're exactly right, fareed. he knew who he was. there was also a strong sense of modesty. he didn't have to go through his life bragging or proving things to other people. at 18, he showed his courage by volunteering to fly in world war ii. and you mentioned, i think, the two most extraordinary moments in the foreign policy of his tenure. the peaceful end to the cold war, and i think he was sensitive to gorbachev and then yeltsin's predicament. he didn't trigger any nationalist backlash. with the gulf war, on one hand, he was very firm, much firmer than the u.s. congress, that what saddam did ought not be allowed to stand. at the same time, he was aware of the important of limits.

one of the things we talked about at the time was truman and mcarthur's mistake that when in the flush of tactical gain during korea in 1950, they went beyond their mandate and they decided to liberate the peninsula by force. that brought china into the war, as you know, it cost another 20,000 american deaths. and we were very conscious, the president was very conscious about sometimes what you don't do is be every bit as wise and kaungs conventional as what you do do. >> one other thought, richard, which is on the domestic front, the extraordinary thing he did again there, it seems to me, was he compromised in terms of what he wanted to do, recognizing the budget deficits run up by his predecessor, ronald reagor, and he approved a tax increase. he knew this would drive the right wing of the republican party crazy. it did. newt gingrich launched a savage attack on him, and it may have done something with the re-election, losing support on the right.

you were on the foreign policy side, but you were very close. did he ever express regret for having done that? >> no. he thought it was the right necessary thing to do. the economy benefitted tremendously, both the growth as well as the elimination of the deficit. i think you're right politically. it brought buchanan into the primary process, which hurt the president. any time a sitting president faces an internal challenge, he pays a price. it brought perot into the general election. i think that helped explain the outcome. the president was comfortable. i think where he could have done more, ironically enough, is talking about it. i think if he had gone on television and said to the american people, i broke my promise. but here's why. it was difficult for me, but here's why i believe it was the right and necessary thing to do, i believe he might have been re-elected. we talked about it, and brent scowcroft and i, who was his national security adviser, talked about it. the president came from a school of manners or of style where

often you thought it was enough to do the right thing, and he didn't feel it was necessary always to talk about the right thing. i actually believe this might have been one instance where he paid a price for his modesty. >> all right. we're going to talk more about george h.w. bush with his best friend, james baker, who was also his campaign manager, secretary of state, chief of staff, very, various things. let's get to the g-20. an anne-marie, what is the point of the g-20? does something like this make a difference? what is your thought of having all these people there? >> the way to think about the g-20 is that it's bigger than the security council and far smaller than the general assembly. so you have more of the world's nations there who need to be around the table. you have india, you have brazil, you have indonesia, south korea, australia. that's important. if you did try to reform the security council, you would probably have some of those nations there. but of course, it's small enough

to get things done. but fundamentally, like its predecessor, the g-7, which then became the g-8 and the g-13. it's there for crises. so when after the financial crisis in 2008, there were two very consequential g-20 meetings where obama and the chinese and the japanese, the world financial system was able to do a lot of repair. but in the down times, there's not a lot that happened in this meeting. in fact, all the americans see are three lines in the communique. support for a rule-based order, but on the other hand, we're going to reform the wto and something about climate change. the rest of it is about the future of work and financial inclusion and infrastructure. nobody pays any attention. so what it is is there as a bulwark for the next crisis. >> the one thing that didn't happen than everyone thought was going to happen was a meeting between trump and putin. he says it was because of

ukraine. highly implausible explanation. why do you think they didn't meet? >> let's keep in mind at the last g-20 meeting in hamburg, the one big surprise was the one guy that trump wanted to talk to and ended up spending almost an hour at the dinner was vladimir putin. he gets up, goes around the table. that's his buddy. this time around, he says last minute, actually, i'm canceling the meeting because of ukraine. first of all, the russians weren't even told. they found out on the tweet, from the public setting. secondly, it comes on the back, not of the ukrainian challenges with grabbing the ships but comes on the back a week later from outcomes of the mueller investigation where it turns out that people have been lying, including trump's personal attorney, about how long conversations were going on with the russians on specifically the trump organization's attempt to build a trump tower in moscow. it did not come to fruition, but certainly, trump didn't want to deal with that. yes, he ignores that meeting. he cancels and sidelines a couple others and makes them

pull-asides with the south koreans and turks. probably the biggest embarrassment for trump in the course of the g-20, but let's be clear, it was his best summit of his presidency. >> when we come back, we'll talk about whether the trade war between the u.s. and china is over. when we come back. your insurance rates skyrocket after a scratch so small

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we are back with ian bremmer, anne-marie slaughter, and richard haass. anne-marie, the trump/xi meeting, the truce, there's been two views about trump. one, he's a businessman, he wants a deal, he's going to cut a deal. the other is he's been tough on china and a protectionist for most of his life. does this mean he's the businessman who wants the deal?

>> i do think he's the businessman. in part because of the political costs of the chinese counterterrorists. but i don't think it's clear whether this is a truce that will lead to a deal or to a cease-fire. what i do think is that he's pivoted faster than he otherwise would have because he needs a win domestically. this is the only place out of the g-20, out of this whole week with the mueller investigation, that he can point to a win. i think there was a good chance before he was going to go through january, raise the tariffs to 25%, and then pivot. that's his negotiating style, but because of where he is domestically, he did it sooner. >> does that mean the problem is solved with the u.s./china relations? >> no, the problem is not solved. this meeting was bake today go well. i'm not surprised they made actual meaningful progress at the g-20. trump, i think, does want to

show that he's the guy who can get a deal done with xi jinping. he never beats on the chinese president directly. that's unprecedented in looking at how trump deals with other people. but the actual relationship between the u.s. and china, especially in terms of technology trends, especially in terms of china writing all of these checks and getting countries to have to choose between the united states and china, that's actually getting to be much more difficult to manage. and over two more years of a trump administration, even if trump and xi are doing well personally, the pressure is on the most important bilateral relationship in the world are growing significantly. >> on both sides. the u.s. is turning and china is also feeling like the u.s. is trying to constrain it in various ways. >> no question. >> richard haass, let me ask you about the g-20 in general, but you were the director of middle east policy, so i wanted to come to this one point. mbs, the saudi arabian relationship, we have now had

for a month the u.s. secretary of state and defense calling for a cease-fire in yemen. to end what is the world's worst humanitarian crisis, 12 million people on the verge of famine. was it a missed opportunity for president trump having supported and subcontracted foreign policy to saudi arabia to finally pus them to do something at this summit? >> fareed, to paraphrase the former palestinian prime minister, when it comes to saudi arabia, the trump administration never misses an opportunity to miss an opportunity. it's clear to anyone who is willing to look at it straight that the crown prince had a direct role in the murder of mr. khashoggi. the administration has not leveraged that to get the saudis to change their behavior on yemen or anything else. indeed, one of the many frustrating things of the g-20 was the two people who ought to have been the biggest pariahs, for putin for what he's doing in ukraine, and mbs for whaum he's

doing in yemen as well as the murder of the journalist, neither one of them was shunned. they both got away lightly, and the big accomplishment of the summit, again, was something that was avoided, in this case, the escalation of the u.s. trade war. i would say going from where we are over the next 90 days to actually dealing in an enduring way with the differences on the trade front and on the economic front between the united states and china will be extraordinarily difficult because so many of the issues on the agenda don't lend themselves to an easy bilateral negotiation. i would not exaggerate what this g-20 meeting showed. if anything, it showed what the g-20 is not willing or able to do. >> and do you think with regard to the middle east and mbs in general, do we have the ability to stop saudi arabia from prosecuting this war? they're using american weapons. they use american intelligence, american training. is that a reasonable expectation to say that washington could put

pressure on saudi arabia and do something? >> we absolutely could. we could refuse to give them the intel. we could refuse to let them use the arms. we could let it be known through some private envoy we don't believe the current prince is someone we could work with. we're essentially choosing not to do any of that. for some reason, we see saudi arabia not just as critical on oil, i get that, but as critical against iran. we ought to be very careful that saudi arabia and the crown prince do not use the known american animosity towards iran somehow to help bring about a crisis with iran that would force us to come in behind them and ignore our difficulties with the crown prince. i actually think iran and the saudi/iran/israeli relationship or triangle is probably now emerging as the most dangerous hot spot in the world for the coming months. >> richard haass, anne-marie slaughter, ian bremmer, fantastic conversation.

thank you. next on "gps," george h.w. bush as remembered by his best friend and one of the last people to speak to him, james baker. helped put a roof over the heads

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baker in "the new york times," former secretary of state james baker stopped by to see his very close friend george h.w. bush on friday, just hours before bush died. here's what the times said transpired. mr. bush suddenly grew alert, his eyes wide open. where are we going, bake, he asked? we're going to heaven. that's where i want to go, mr. bush said. now, i had the great pleasure of interviewing baker on a number of occasions. on one of them, i asked him to reflect on the legacy of his best friend. >> describe him as a president, how would you describe him? you have seen him work. >> i think history is beginning to understand and appreciate the significance of his presidency. the world changed in the four

short years he was president. i am biased, of course, but i think he was the best one-term president we ever had, and among the most underappreciated of all of our presidents. and i think history is correcting that. when you look at what happened on his watch, the cold war that we had fought for 40 years ended, and it ended peacefully because of the adroit way in which he managed its end. he got criticized strongly for not being more emotional about the berlin wall coming down. he was criticized for not in effect dancing on the wall. he said wait a minute, we're not going to do that. we have a lot of unfinished business with gorbachev. to make sure the cold war ends with a whimper and not with a bang, and it did. it was his adroit management. he promptly set about to unify germany. in peace and freedom as a member of the north atlantic treaty organization, and a narrow

window of opportunity over the objections of the soviet union and the initial objections even of france and great britain. that was a significant diplomatic achievement. he then brought all of israel's arab state neighbors to the table to talk peace with israel for the first time ever. in the madrid peace conference. that was not an easy thing to do. then, when iraq invaded kuwait, he didn't dither or wait. the second day, he said this will not stand. this aggression against kuwait. he told the world what he was going to do. he marshalled an international coalition to do it, got a resolution from the u.n. security council authorizing the use of force against a state, first and only time it's been done. probably won't be done for a heck of a long time. and set about doing what he said he was going to do, and after a

very effective and efficient military campaign, guess what he did? he got other people to pay for it. i say that's a textbook case of the way to fight a war politically, diplomatically, and militarily. he did other things, of course. apartheid ended on his watch, on president bush's watch. so many things happened. so things on the domestic side, too. we can talk about those later. >> you know, the thing about what you describe, they are big accomplishments. they're all foreign policy accomplishments. he did do things domestically, but people often felt his heart was in foreign policy. >> hue knee foreign policy. his experience was in foreign policy. presidents have greater power in foreign policy than they do in domestic policy. they don't have to share as much of it with the congress. and he had been ambassador to china, director of the cia, and

then he ambassador to the u.n. he had extensive experience in foreign policy. he enjoyed it. he knew it. i have often said that our foreign policy team was the exception to the rule. you didn't see the fighting and the back biting and the leaking on each other that you saw in other administrations, both democratic and republican. why? because we had a president who made sure that that didn't happen. >> you said once that george bush was the most competitive human being you have ever known. >> very competitive. extraordinarily competitive human being. if he hadn't been competitive, he never would have been president of the united states. he would never have run. he was an asterisk in the poem, and he filed to run for president against luminaries like ronald reagan, john conley, howard baker, bob dole. who ever heard of george bush? >> he was secretary of state of the united states, one of the great storied offices in the country, an office that thomas

jefferson held. you resigned that post to run your friend's what turned out to be his last presidential campaign. why did you do it? >> i did it because he was my friend, and he needed the help. and he came to me and he asked me to do it. and i was not about to say no. >> did you -- >> did i want to do it? snow, i didn't want to do it. he knew i didn't and i knew i didn't. and he sent me a number of notes and told me on any number of occasions how much he appreciated it, but it was what i should have done. i would never have been secretary of state of the united states but for him. i frankly would never have gone into politics and public service had it not been for his compassion toward me, his friend, when my wife died of cancer at the age of 38. >> tell that story. >> he came to me after that, he and barbara were the last two people to see mary stuart before she died other than her family. and after she died of cancer at

the age of 38, he came to me and said, you know, bake, you need to take your mind off your grief. how about helping me run for president? i said, well, that's great, george, except for two things. number one, i don't know anything about politics. i had never done any politics. number two, i'm a democrat. because in those days, everybody in texas was a democrat. you were either a conservative or a liberal democrat. i was a conservative democrat. and he said quickly, he said we can change that latter problem, and we did. but we won harris county. we lost the state generally. but that was my introduction to politics. it never would have happened but for his compassion toward me and my family. >> you have known him for -- >> i have known him since 1950, personally known him since 1959. >> what kind of a man, if you were to summarize in a sentence or two, what do you think of when you think of him? >> well, i think he's a unique -- he's a unique character, when you consider

that here's a man who became, against all odds, great odds, he became president of the united states by being nice to people. now, isn't that something for our politicians today to focus on? he became president of the united states by being nice to people. he knew that we judge our presidents on what they get accomplished. he knew how to reach across the aisle. he had many friends on -- look, you won't hear anybody say bad things about george h.w. bush. because nobody believes bad things about him, because he was a genuinely beautiful human being. a wonderful person. a very compassionate, thoughtful, and kind person. >> what was it like for him as a father to watch his son in the oval office? obviously, pride, but there were issues on which they disagreed. >> he was very proud. extraordinarily proud of his son and of his son's

accomplishments. and i don't think there is any better example that i have ever known of the love between a father and a son than the love between 41 and 43. his position with 43 was, look, i have been there. i had my time. we did certain things. he's president. if he asks me for advice, i'll give it to him. sometimes he did, sometimes he didn't. but above all, i support him. >> but on iraq, there must have been -- he must have been distraught to see where his son ended up. >> i can't say that that's the case. fareed, it may well have been the case. i know that there may have been some reservations initially about doing it. but he was not in a position to judge the intelligence that said that saddam was building these

weapons of mass destruction. the son went to the united nations to seek authority from the u.n. security council and got it, in a 15-0 vote, the way his father had recommended. and the way his father had done it when he went in. so i don't think there was a lot of, i mean, i know this. there was no -- he was motivated simply by his love and concern for his son. they didn't have, as far as i know, open debates about the wisdom of this or that or the other. did he have reservations? maybe so. he wouldn't talk about that. >> even to you. >> no. >> this is a guy who has gone skydiving in his 80s. >> yeah. >> what does that tell you about him, and did you -- were you ever tempted to join him? >> i was never tempted to join. he said when are you going to take your skydive? i said -- this was when i was 75

or 80. i said i'm not old enough yet. >> but it says something about, just the physical courage of doing something like that. >> yeah, well, how about the physical courage of enlisting in the navy at the age of 18, the youngest fighter pilot in the navy at the age of 18. and going off to fight in world war ii and getting shot down. i mean, why did he do it? because it was right. he did so many things because it was the right thing to do. he was such a gentleman, some people said he was too much of a gentleman to be president. i disagree with that. here's a guy who got to be president by being nice to people. what a lovely thought that is. how could we get back to that today in our politics? >> thank you, james baker, for that great remembrance. next on "gps," have we reached peak america? that is what one of the smartest economic thinkers i know

believes. he will explain in a moment.

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now for our what in the world segment. the american economy is doing very well, as president trump is happy to remind us all, unemployment is the lowest it's been in decades. consumer confidence is high. people from all income groups are spending, so why is the market up one minute, down the next? on wez, stocks rose as jerome

powell calmed investors. there are usual explanations, the variations of investor nerves, optimism, the changing winds of tech, but the real reason for what we're seeing could be much bigger. we may have reached peak america. i mentioned this point at the start of the show. here to explain what that means is richard sharma, chief global strategist at morgan stanley and the man who coined this phrase. what you point out is that we are at the end of a very long trend where america has outperformed the world. >> you know, this has really been america's decade. both in economic terms and especially in financial terms. america is a financial superpower as probably not been this powerful as it is currently. >> so let's look at the data because you have an amazing chart. the cumulative return for the

stock market since 2010. the united states stock market has basically tripled. and look at what the rest of the world has done. that second line is the entire rest of the world combined. >> absolutely. that's what's been going on. that has major implications. both for businesses, for investors, you know, like in the fact that if this trend is about to turn, and i see lots of signs to suggest that. one thing we have spoken about even previously. today, the market value of america's largest companies such as apple or microsoft is equal to some of the large emerging markets all put together. >> the entire economy. >> exactly, market value. for example, you put all the southeast asian markets together, for that, you get one company in america. that's how extreme things have become out there. >> one of the signs of this being unsustainable, the u.s. market cap, the value of the stock market, as a percentage of

gdp, is at essentially an all-time high. what i'm struck by is if you look at the graph, there are only two points in history where it's been that high. 1929 before the crash of '29, and 1999, before the crash the tech bubble burst. that's pretty ominous. >> i hope it's not going to be that ominous, but the big sort of strategic decision that people have to make is to sort of go much more international, because what happens is people get so caught up in terms of what's worked, and there's an entire sort of temptation to extrapolate this. i think a lot of american investors, too, are sort of very relaxed co eed and complacent b nothing else has worked in the world. my point, this could exactly be the time when you need to shift much more overseas. >> another sign of it being unsustainable. if you look at what america's market share in terms of what is its percentage of the global economy, we're at about 24%. but our share of global stock

markets is 55%. >> right. >> now, the u.s. has always had a big stock market. >> yeah, but this gap has never been this large. again, america's share in the global economy has been sort of declining overtime. depending on what you take as the stort of starting point. the gap is 20 percentage points. the only time where there was such a large cap is the late 1980s when the japanese economy was on the rise, but the share of japan in the global market cap had risen to 45%. 30% gap, so we have a similar disconnect, which is taking place in america today. >> for you, the sign, the first real signs of this downturn are when you look at what the projected earnings growth is. this is what companies themselves are often projecting. sometimes more often than not, analysts projecting it, but look at where the s&p 500's earning share is, if that happens, that

begins the process of this perhaps collapse of the stock market or at least a significant correction. >> so the really shocking thing this year is the only major economy in the world where growth has actually accelerated this year is america. this is because of the tax cuts, the deregulation, the other stimulus which has been put into work. that's also helped the earnings of companies. my point is from next year onwards, those effects begin to fade. and when that begins to fade, the rest of the world sort of much more attention will be paid to what's happening in the rest of the world rather than this obsession with just america. >> pleasure to have you on again. thank you so much. >> enjoy. applebee's bigger, bolder grill combos are back. now that's eatin good in the neighborhood.

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it seems that other countries are now following president trump's lead on climate change and it brings me to my question. which country said it was

withdrawing its offer to host a major un climate conference? brazil, china, russia, or india? stay tuned and we will tell you the correct answer. i don't have a book of the week because i want to recommend you watch my documentary. presidents under fire, the history of impeachment. it airs tonight, sunday at 9:00 pem eastern on cnn. i look at what lessons can be drawn from previous presidents and impeachments, including the early 1970s that led to the resignation of richard nixon. for the republican who is turned on their president, it was not a simple decision. take a look. >> committee chairman peter rodino was a machine liberal from newark, new jersey. some doubted whether she could handle it. >> a highly partisan prosecution if ever there was one. >> many nixon loyalists were

angry and immovable. for republicans, impeaching their president was political suicide so they kept holding out for more evidence. >> the weight of evidence must be clear. it must be convincing. let's keep to those two words. you can't substitute them for anything else. clear and convincing. you cannot and you should not under any circumstance attempt to remove the highest office in the world for anything less than clear and convincing. >> as emotions began to run high, the facts were calmly recited and documented and something surprising happened. >> there is an obstruction of justice going on. someone is trying to buy a witness. >> larry hogan, the father of maryland's current governor was moved by the evidence.

>> the thing that is so appalling to me is that the president when this whole idea was suggested to him didn't in righteous indignation rise up and say get out of here, you are in the office of the president of the united states. how can you talk about black mail and bribery and keeping witnesses silence? this is the presidency of the united states. but my president didn't do that. he sat there and he worked and worked to try to cover this thing up so it wouldn't come to light. >> one by one, conservatives who revered the president put conscious over party. >> i can't condone what i heart and i cannot excuse it and i cannot and will not stand still. >> i wish the president could do something to ab solve himself. >> perhaps the most conservative southerner was walter flowers of alabama. he was the segregationist of george wallace's campaign. >> i woke up nights on the nights i have been able to go to

sleep, wonder figure this couldn't be some sort of dream. impeach the president of the united states. >> but he did vote to impeach, even though walter flowers said it gave him an ulcer. again, presidents under fire. the history of impeachment. it airs tonight at 9:00 p.m. eastern. don't miss it. the answer to my gps challenge question is a, brazil. it announced it is withdrawing the bid to host the conference in 2019 citing budgetary reasons and the transition to the upcoming government. that will be headed and plans to open up the already drinkinging amazon ran forest, a critical absorber to more industry and more infrastructure projects. thank you for being part of my program. see you next week. ♪

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included with your internet. plus, get $200 back when you when you buy a new smartphone. xfinity mobile. it's simple. easy. awesome. click, call or visit a store today. i'm wolf blitzer in washington. we want to welcome our viewers here and around the world. thanks very much for joining us. we are following breaking news in to cnn. james comey is set to testify in private to house republicans this coming friday about the fbi's actions leading up to the 2016 election despite his legal battle to force a public testimony. we will have details on how comey plans to keep the process as transparent as possible. stand by for that.