this is gps, the global public square. welcome to all of you in the united states and around the world. i'm fareed zakaria. today on the show, trump and mexico. who won? who lost? and will this deal solve the migrant crisis? >> also, the trump administration's middle east peace plan. will it be dead on arrival? the man with the plan, jared

kushner, has cast doubt on whether palestinians are capable to have governing themselves. i'll talk to palestinian official hanana sclouy and dan seymore. while in britain and france this week, the president talked a lot about iran. >> iran. iran. iran. iran. >> there's always a chance of war, he said, but he would prefer to talk to tehran. what has iran's reaction been to all his rhetoric? we'll find out. finally, on this summer weekend, i'll make the data-driven case for a four-day workweek year round. but first, here's my take. donald trump declared victory in his war with mexico, of course. though he appears to have won little more than renewed assurances that its government would get tougher on migrants from central america. but he did achieve one thing with his bullying behavior, by threatening tariffs that are likely in direct contravention of trade rules.

>> the tariffs go on. >> he has undermined one of the most impressive foreign policy achievements over the last three decades, the trarelationship wi mexico. mexico saw itself as a developing country that was oppressed by its high-handed imperialist neighbor. from the mexican perspective, america's relationship with it were characterized by exploitation and annexation. the war in the united states took roughly half of america's territory in the 19th century. after that and well into the 20th century, washington's approach towards mexico was usually aimed at protecting the interests of large american corporations, especially its oil companies, that had tried to operate in mexico with minimal interference from local authorities. all of this bred a political climate of defiance towards washington that made cross-border cooperation difficult on almost any issue.

then things turned in the 1990s. mexico went through a series of economic crises in the '80s and '90s and desperately needed help. it began opening up its economy and political system. american firms were doing more business in mexico and wanted a stable trading partner. washington began to recognize that the best solution to all the problems across the border, immigration, drugs, violence, was a prosperous democratic mexico. mexico's old anti-americanism faded into oblivion. the two countries stepped up cooperation on almost all relevant issues, signing the north american free trade agreement and working together on everything from water management to immigration to drugs. despite all the scorn that donald trump has heaped on mexico, consider this its most radical and left-wing president in a generation, andres manuel lopez obrador has responded like a grown-up, saying, the mexican

government is a friend of the u.s. government. omlo, as the mexican president is known, is the mexican response to trump. he was polling at around 20%. as trump took office, amlo labeled him a neofascist and published a book entitled "listen, trump." then last july, amlo won with a staggering 53% of the presidential vote. so mexico now has a radical socialist at its helm and it's in no small measure thanks to the nasty and derisive rhetoric of donald trump. but even amlo recognizes that as mexico's president, he has to make nice with washington. the country, however, feels freshly humiliated and reformers in retreat. as a former senior mexican diplomat, jorge gaudharo wrote in politico, all of our old suspicions are confirmed. the united states is not a

friend. the united states is out to get us again. we are back to where we were before nafta. gaudhardo points out that mexico could stop cooperating on a host of issues that affect americans. mexicans see the drug trade as one created by american demand, financed by american cash, and fought with american guns. and yet mexican police die every month trying to stop this trade. the mexican government has tried to stem migration to the u.s. from central america, and cooperates closely with the u.s. on this, even though the level has become unmanageable for both mexican and american authorities. the two peoples, mexicans and americans, are now deeply intertwined, economically, politically, and culturally. the relationship between mexico and the united states could be a unique example of cooperation under very difficult conditions. but all of that would require a different american president. for more, go to cnn.com/fareed and read my "washington post"

column this week. and let's get started. let's keep talking about mexico and its relationship to america under donald trump. i want to bring in two experts on that relationship, whoijorge castaneda, distinguished intellectual was mexico's foreign minister from 2000 to 2003. he's now a professor at nyu and joins us from mexico city. shannon o'neil is a senior fellow for latin american studies at the council on foreign relations. shannon, let me ask you, it does appear that donald trump blinked in the sense that the deal that he announced, that was announced, was largely stuff mexico had agreed to months ago. the one ask that the trump administration had was, you know, to not to get too technical, but a third country

treaty, which the mexican government did not give. is it your sense that facing republican senate opposition, a lot of opposition from big business, donald trump realized that these tariffs were not going to work and essentially backed down, though, of course, he's declaring victory? >> well, i think he set up a crisis so he could make a deal, as he has across many foreign policy and domestic policy issues. so he had put on the table this idea that mexico would be responsible for all central americans. they would have to seek asylum there. that's what this safe third country agreement would have been. and the mexicans turned it down. they said, they would do more of what they have been doing. so that means, more troops and national guard at their southern border, to stop central americans from coming up. and then, also, accepting more of the migrants that are seeking asylum in the united states, letting more of them wait in mexico for the months as it goes

through the u.s. process. so mexico offered, at least promised more of the same to try to limit the flows that are coming north. >> jorge castaneda, do you think that this affects america's image with mexico, the kind of bullying tactics, the threats, the intimidation? >> well, it does a little bit, fareed, but it's also important to say that in many ways, people in mexico are seeing this as the mexican government, the mexicans played donald trump. basically, they promised to do what they had already promised to do and probably won't do it. you know, the mexican creed is, always say yes, never say when. and that's basically what the mexicans told donald trump. the problem with this is that as time goes by, it's going to be more complicated for mexico to actually deliver. and if it does deliver, it's going to be very harmful and

very damaging for mexico. what shannon was saying about accepting many more central americans who request asylum in the u.s., and then wait in mexico. right now, there's only about 10,000 of them. but 480,000 entered the united states over the first five months of this year. are they all going to come back? are they going to send them all back to mexico to the border on our side. what's -- that is something that mexico cannot imagine. there is no way. >> shannon, what about the use of the -- the threat of these tariffs? as i say, it's likely in contraventions, likely outside of the wto, which strikes me as fascinating, because here we are, the united states is accusing china of violating the world trading organization rules. that is our central gripe with china. and yet, when dealing with mexico, the united states is itself violating the wto in this

kind of willy-nilly threats of tariffs. >> i mean, this has been trump's line around the world, with china, he just pulled back preferences from india and he was threatening mexico with tariffs in order to get other things that he wants on migration. you know, mexico was in an incredibly hard place in this decision. if the tariffs had gone on, it would have likely tipped their economy into recession, rough tly a third of its gdp depends on trade coming north. andtariffs ratcheted up, it would have been very difficult for them. so instead they came up with this agreement and take back tens of millions. these are people they don't have the capacity to support. they will need to house and feed and educate many of them. because tens of thousands of them are children. so they may have the political will to try to meet trump's demands, but they really don't have the capacity. the other challenge they're going to have, frankly, is security. they have said that they're going to prioritize going after

migrants. they're going to send 6,000 or so national guard down there to deal with central americans. mexico today is facing historic homicide rates. some of the worst violence in its history. so they're going to have to pull resources away from that fight for trump's demands. >> jorge, this feels like a very different u.s./mexican relationship than the one you presided over with another republican president, when george w. bush was inaugurated, he made his first foreign trip to mexico, to the ranch, i think, of center fox's ranch. you were there. it feels like this relationship which had been on an upward trajectory is in a very different place now. >> it is, fareed, to the extent that lopez obrador is the first president of mexico not to have met with his american counterpart, during the first year following his election since the 1950s.

every president since 1964 has met with their american counterpart. lopez obrador hasn't and probably won't for some time. there are advantages to this, because it allows the two leaders not to get into personal fights or squabbles. and allows them to leave the ambiguity, for example, in this agreement, which is very worrisome, fareed. >> shannon, jorge, fascinating conversation. thank you so much. we will be back with the middle east peace plan. ♪

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the last elections prime minister netanyahu failed to form a new coalition. in the in the meantime, the first son-in-law may be showing some of his cards. when asked by axios recently whether palestinians are capable of governing themselves, he demurred. then he said he hopes over time they can become capable of governing themselves. so, let's bring in longtime palestinian official, hanan ashroui and dan cenow. dan, what is happening? is there a debate within the administration? take us behind the scenes? >> the debate is, with each day that passes, the u.s. government loses leverage with this process. so the hope was to get this done before the most recent israeli government. they couldn't get it done because the israeli government didn't want it to happen on the eve of the israeli election. and it couldn't happen during the process of coalition discussions to form a government, because this would create problems for netanyahu on

the right. they said, let's get through the formation of the government. and now there's another election. realistically, that happens in september. it will take 30 to 45 days to create a government, when you count in the jewish holidays, which won't be part of the process for forming the government. so you're looking at basically early to mid-november for a new israeli government to be formed, which will be one year before the u.s. presidential election. so time is an issue here. it doesn't mean all is lost. it doesn't mean a process can't be started but the internal debate within the administration would be how hard to push in this time context. >> hanan, when you look at this plan, what we can tell, the outlines appear to be the palestinians have given a certain amount of resources for economic development and an attempt to integrate them better into the israeli economy, but not the core demands of statehood that have long been at the heart of the palestinian movement. what is your reaction? >> well, my reaction is that this so-called peace plan suffers from three very basic

flaws. one is that it was very illusive. it is almost a mirage that keeps receding with time. and depending, of course, as dan said, on the israeli timetable and domestic israeli issues. and then, two, the americans, this administration is unilaterally taking concrete steps on the ground that are totally prejudicial and illegal. and that are preventing any kind of viable or any kind of legal or any kind of acceptable peace plan. the issue of jerusalem, the issue of refugees, the annexation of the golan. the total defunding of the hospitals. refusal to accept the two-state solutions. all of these are steps and positions that are illegal and that totally destroy the very credibility of whatever plan we have. third, now we have kushner coming out with the economic component. saying, of course, in a very,

very patronizing and racist way, that the palestinians are on probation and we have to prove that we are worthy of our rights. and that we may not be able to run our lives. and that we do need help. and i wrote about this as the white man's burden again. this kind of language is entirely unacceptable. this kind of racism and putting the palestinians on probation in order to see whether we deserve our freedom is unacceptable. >> dan, it does seem to me that there is a kind of misreading here in the sense that jared kushner is a businessman. and he seems to be approaching this like a businessman. we'll give you these great resources, these promising $50 billion, most of it, you know, seems pretty illusory to me. let's assume you actually got some money. but, you know, national pride and dignity often trump economics. not just for the palestinians, for the israelis, for the

iranians, for the americans. i think we sometimes forget that not everything runs on economics alone. >> yeah, i would just say that the way the administration and specifically jared are viewing this is in the context of the gradual soft normalization that's going on between the israeli government and arab governments throughout the sunni arab world. a very senior official in a government/sunni country said to me a year ago, in talking about this potential for this process, this look, there's a future in the middle east and there's a past. we want to be the future. we, the sunni arab world. we believe israel is the future. it's debatable whether or not the palestinian leadership is the future or the past. we're going to get this process going. they'll either show up or they won't. the administration does not think there's a lot of downside to this. if there are images beaming out of bahrain at the end of june, all sitting, talking in workshops and those images are being beamed into places like ramallah, are young palestinian going to look at that and say,

why aren't we part of this? >> is it possible that the sunni arabs are now aligning themselves so closely or increasingly closely with israel that they will not spend a lot of time, energy, or political capital defending some core demands of the palestinians and instead be more interested in better relations with israel? >> well, this is one way in which -- this american administration has been trying to reward israel, to normalize israel, to deliver to israel. and at the same time, to maintain its occupation. if anybody has any knowledge of the context of the history of the core issues, they will understand that no arab leader, no matter how autocratic they seem to think he is, is going to accept, first of all, israel's annexation of jerusalem or the negation of palestinian refugee rights, or maintaining the palestinians under occupation. no matter how much they try to normalize with israel, because

the u.s. is re-positioning israel as a major economic, security, intelligence source, power in the region. no matter how much they would try, i don't think they will succeed. because there is such a thing as a republic opinion. there is a retest of the integrity and credibility of the leadership, which is the palestinian question. >> i have to ask you before i let you go, dan, what is going to happen to bb netanyahu? it seemed like he was, you know, new term is going to be the longest serving prime minister in israel's history and now he's trapped in a kind of parliamentary problem, where he can't form a coalition. >> i think he's much weaker today than he was ten days ago. i still think that the right of center voting bloc, general election voting bloc in israel is still the majority, the center and center right are still the majority in israel. so if there's an election in september, i still think he gets at least where he is today and he'll be able to form a

government. i can only imagine what conditions he'll have to agree to in the formation of that government. but i don't think the politics, the electoral politics will change much between now and september. >> dan senor, hanan ashrawi, a pleasure to have you upon. up next, summer fridays. even if you love your job as i do, an extra day off every week sounds like a pretty good deal. when i come back, i'll look at the studies and make the case for a four-day workweek. you can show it to your boss on monday. because it takes two... to make a great everyday value. every store. every day. the italian way. hello primo. woman: (on phone) discover. hi. do you have a travel card? yep. our miles card. earn unlimited 1.5 miles and we'll match it at the end of your first year. nice! i'm thinking about a scuba diving trip. woman: ooh! (gasp) or not. you okay? yeah, no, i'm good. earn miles. we'll match 'em at the end of your first year. for moments that matter

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world" segment. summer is nearly here. and with it for the lucky ones come one of the greatest gifts. summer fridays. an extra weekend day is always welcome, but what if it were the rule, not the exception? in other words, what if summer fridays were available all year long? it may sound outlandish, but the idea of a four-day workweek is gaining ground in many rich countries. take the uk, where work hours have been creeping up in recent years. here's the head of britain's national federation of unions, frances o'grady at a recent conference. >> i believe that in this century, we can win a four-day working week with decent pay for everyone. >> if you take a long view, this isn't a crazy thought. throughout history, technology has allowed people to work fewer hours over time. as "wired" notes, early industrial workers had a grueling six-day week. in 1926, henry ford did

something unusual. he gave workers a two-day weekend, egged on by unions and enabled by production line economies of scale. eventually, this became standard. john maynard kaines predicted that technology would make us so efficient, his grandchildren's generation would only clock in 15 hours a week. that was clearly an overshot. but the british economist robert s skidelski told bloomberg that judging by historical trends, people should be working an average of 33 hours per week today. they're closer to 40 hours in britain, and a 2014 gallup poll showed full-time workers in the u.s. work even more hours each week. but some companies are now bucking this trend. the uk-based insurance sales company, simply business, told "the guardian," it would pilot a four-day workweek for some of its 500 employees beginning in september. the new zealand based estate management company, perpetual

garden, piloted four-day workweeks last year. employees had to adjust. they shortened meetings, some used flags that functioned as do not disturb signs on their desk. most importantly, perhaps, to increase efficiency, they had to cut back on browsing the internet. the company claimed that workers were as productive in four days as they used to be in five and they were more engaged and less stressed. as bryce covert notes in "the new york times," at a certain point, adding more and more hours in the office or a factory does not seem to get better results. the stanford economist found that after 49 hours of work per week, productivity actually falls. and in the u.s., fatigued workers cost employers $136 billion a year. so is less work actually good for the bottom line? well, not necessarily. look at sweden, which conducted a 23-month experiment and

shortened work hours that ended in 2016. 68 nurses in an elderly care home in the city of gottenberg took six-hour shifts instead of eight-hour ones. at the end of the trial, the nurses were healthier, happier and called in sick less, but the city did have to hire 17 new nurses to cover the slack and the trial cost $1.3 million. so if you're looking at balance sheets, it may be hard right now to justify a four-day workweek. but if you're looking at a more equitable, healthy society, the argument writes itself. one study found that if the u.s. kept working hours in line with european standards, it would consume 20% less energy and cut carbon emissions by 3%. and a standardized four-day workweek could also reduce the gender pay gap, making it easier for parents to share child care duties and not forcing young mothers into less-demanding, less-lucrative work. in some, better health, cleaner

air, progress towards gender equality. who knew that extending summer fridays could have such a big impact? next on "gps," secretary of state pompeo says the u.s. is ready to talk to iran. president trump says iran wants to talk to the u.s. we'll sort out fact from fiction, when we return. this is amazing. with moderate to severe ulcerative colitis, are you okay? even when i was there, i never knew when my symptoms would keep us apart. so i talked to my doctor about humira. i learned humira can help get, and keep uc under control when other medications haven't worked well enough. and it helps people achieve control that lasts. so you can experience few or no symptoms. humira can lower your ability to fight infections, including tuberculosis. serious, sometimes fatal infections and cancers, including lymphoma, have happened; as have blood, liver, and nervous system problems, serious allergic reactions, and new or worsening heart failure. before treatment, get tested for tb.

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quickly. i understand they want to talk, and if they want to talk, that's fine. we'll talk, but the one thing they can't have is they can't have nuclear weapons. >> president trump in cannes, france, on thursday talking about iran. perhaps he knows something we don't. but iranian officials say they will not talk to washington. the supreme leader rejected the spee again on tuesday. so how is america's pressure campaign playing in iran. joining me now is dena, a scholar on all things iran. she's a fellow at harvard's kennedy school. it's never been entirely clear what that deal was, president trump. and i think in the most

interview was, it was too short a duration. there were people who said they wanted other things included, like missiles. is there a prospect that if you keep this pressure on, the iranians would agree to a new and better version of the iran deal. >> had you asked me this question after the 2015 nuclear deal and said, is there a prospect for dialogue to continue, in order to address other issues like missiles, i would have said yes, absolutely. give it a little bit of time and now we can return to the negotiating table. today, it's very difficult. the u.s. has lost a lot of credibility from stepping away from the deal. from tehran's perspective, why would you reenter into negotiations with the united states. and what could you possibly get from them. what kind of assurance could you get from them, that would make it worth it? >> when you look at what's going on in iran, president trump's comments that they are hurting are absolutely true, right? the iranian economy is going to contract by 6% this year.

the currency is down more than 50%. what is that doing in iran? >> well, it's creating a lot of problems, both on the economic side, but also on the political side. it's undeniable that the iranian public is tired, they're frustrated, there was a lot of hope right after the nuclear deal, that things would improve for them. and clearly they haven't. and you've seen this over the course of the last year, with a range of different kinds of demonstrations, and expressions of frustration. but the problem is that the iranians don't want today a massive regime change. they don't want revolution. they want a reform of the current system. because last time they had a revolution, things didn't end up the way they wanted it to. >> when you look forward, what will this pressure do on the assumption that there is no dialogue? is there a possibility of conflict? iran does have proxies in various parts of the middle east? what happens? where do we go from here? >> well, the problem with this maximum pressure campaign, frankly, is that it's unclear what its goals are.

if the goal is to get iran to return to the negotiating table, well, that doesn't seem to work, because they're asking for iran's capitulation before it does come to the negotiating table. if the goal is regime change, that's unlikely to happen, because external pressure unites the iranian public, unites the system in the face of an external enemy. and if the other goal is conflict, well, again, to what effect? what are you going to try to achieve by creating a military conflict with iran? nobody, the iranians, the americans, even iran's regional neighbors, nobody wants conflict, because it's unclear what will happen if that happens. >> so you've said, it re-raised the level of tension in the region without it being clear what it serves. >> that seems to be what they've done so far. and the problem is, if you don't have an end game in mind or your policy isn't clear, which at the moment it doesn't seem to have been, you can't expect the iranians to react in a way that makes sense for you. they're going to end up doing

what makes sense for them. >> dana, fascinating insights. thank you so much. >> thank you. next on "gps," this is a picture of winston churchill 75 years ago, just after the d-day invasion. he's all smiles here, but according to my next guest, churchill wasn't at all happy before the invasion or about the invasion. why? find out when we come back. three-point turn. -[ scoffs ] if you say so. ♪ -i'm sorry? -what teach here isn't telling you is that snapshot rewards safe drivers with discounts on car insurance. -what? ♪ -or maybe he didn't know. ♪ [ chuckles ] i'm done with this class. -you're not even enrolled in this class. -i know. i'm supposed to be in ceramics. do you know -- -room 303. -oh. thank you. -yeah. -good luck, everybody. ...when a plan stops being a plan and gets set into motion.

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on thursday, leaders from around the world gathered in normandy to mark the 75th anniversary of d-day. it was a day that changed the course of history, thanks to the bravery and sacrifice of so many. but amazingly, the whole operation almost didn't take place, because of one very important brit who didn't like the plan. that's according to historian nigel hamilton. he's just published the final book in his fdr at war trilogy, the latest is titled "war and peace." nigel hamilton, a pleasure to have you back. >> it's great to be here. >> so 75th anniversary of d-day. the normandy landings are, i think, for much of the world, sort of the moment of world war ii. this is the moment when the allies move into -- on to the

continent of europe and begin the process of rolling back the nazi conquest of europe. and you reveal that winston churchill, the great world war ii leader was actually opposed to this. >> i'm afraid to say he was. it's really been covered up for the last seven decades, largely because he was such a brilliant writer, that he wrote his own version of world war ii and he didn't want to go into that. but i've spent ten years on the trilogy. and i wanted to look at it from fdr's point of view. and fdr immediately after the american defeat at pearl harbor was determined to impose a strategy, an american strategy on how to defeat first the germans, then the japanese. and in that strategy, it was a

crucial that ultimately, united states forces would have to meet it in open battle. >> the interesting thing you point out is that winston churchill, we think of as this great military commander in chief, was wrong on almost all his military strategies during the war. he was wrong for two reasons. one, sometimes he was just plain wrong. and other times, it was a secret way to actually try to retain the british empire while defeating the germans. >> yes. i mean, one could say that this was a reasonable national strategy, if it worked. but the trouble was, for all of his genius as a leader, as an orator, as somebody who could marshal the will of a nation, as he did in his finest hour in 1940, even though he'd been to military college, which fdr

hadn't, he was very unlucky and very impetuous and never really understood modern warfare. roosevelt was traveling to tehran because he had to meet with stalin. he had to ally with stalin to get the normandy invasion done. he had to go to meet with eisenhower. he's doing all of this on small flights. these are, you know, 15, 20 hours in prop planes, unpressurized kaicabins. and he's paralyzed from the waist down. his heart is in terrible condition. you know, he only dies two years later. it must have been a tremendous exertion, but he thought it was important, because he thought that you couldn't win the war without doing this diplomacy that went alongside the military strategy. oh, absolutely. he felt that it was vital to

have that happy alliance that would make a post-war united nations feasible and workable. and he felt that could only really be done using his great stature. after all, he was in a -- i know he was commander in chief of the armed forces of the united states, but he was, in effect, the commander in chief of all the allied forces. but as you say, he got back on his battle ship, in the beginning of 1945, sick as hell. and went to yalta, when only really able to function mentally, as well as physically, probably only two or three hours a day. and yet he forced himself to sit at that table. he wanted to get certain things accepted by the russians and the

british before he died. >> the vision -- the world we have now, you know, was created after 1945. sometimes people call it the liberal international order, a kind of, you know, free markets, free trade, rules, regulations, international organizations like the u.n., the world bank. you make the case that this was all fundamentally fdr's idea. >> oh, this was his vision, which he'd had since 1942. >> finally, when you look at the way things are going today, where there is a certain amount of unraveling of this liberal international order, do you think to yourself, you are watching tun raveling of the world that fdr created in the 1940s? >> i'm afraid to a great extent. that's not to say it isn't inevitable.

history moves in different ways. i do think it is unraveling. i do think that the saddest part of it is the lack of leadership. leadership beyond simple, nationalistic leadership. leadership that moves beyond isolationism. leadership that accepts a larger vision for the world. -- but eventually, i think that it -- the world that we're seeing, which is rather fragmented and inward looking, in terms of different countries, i think ultimately, we will move back to a more fdr-like vision. >> nigel hamilton, always a pleasure. >> thank you. >> and we will be back. s comes miracle-gro performance organics. it's miracle-gro's next big thing. ♪ ♪ organic plant food and soil that finally work. ♪ ♪

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[ slurps ] gwho's a good boy? it's me. me, me, me. hey guys! you're gonna want to get in on this. i know how to those guys in here. let's pause the internet on their devices. wohhh? huhhhh? [ grumbling ] all: sausages! mmm, mmmm. bon appetite. make time for what matters. pause your wifi with xfinity xfi and see the secret life of pets 2 in theaters. wry book of the week is nigel hamilton's "war and paes, fdr's final odyssey." you heard highlights from hamson himself earlier in the show, but the whole volume is worth reading. these are, as have been said, the memoirs that franklin

roosevelt never got to right. describing a master strategist and reordering the world even while his body was giving way. and now for the last look. on tuesday an estimated 120,000 protesters demanded the resignation of their prime minister. though the focus has been building for week this is the strongest leader yesterday. the leader is accused of fraudulently using eu subsidies to benefit his business empire. the prime minister is already his country's second richest person, and with that wealth his populous message and a beautiful younger wife some have called him the czech trump. now protesters wonder is he prime minister or crime minister? the prime minister has denied the allegations and even sued for allegations, but protesters are not deterred. the movement's organizers says

prague hasn't seen such enormossous uprisings since the develop rhett revolution when they brought down the entire communist empire. will this succeed? let's see what's happening around the region. montenegro faced weeks of demonstrations against its president's 30-year stranglehold on power and a network of corruption around him, but as pointed out the corruption that brings some to the street it pays off others thus ensuring longevity. the protests in slovakia forced that nation's prime minister to actually resign so will the czech republic go the way of montenegro or slovakia? stay tuned. thanks for all of you for being part of my program this week. i will see you next week.

thanks for joining me. i'm alex marquardt in for fredericka whitfield. massive protesters are gathering in hong kong and some of the protesters which organizers say have numbered more than a million people have turned violent as police have been using batons and pepper spray against those same demonstrators. the u.s. state department says it's concerned with the new bill that's closely monitoring the