i have a pleasure this morning of welcoming dana bash who will be starting next week as a co-anchor of this show. dana has been a beloved part of the state of the union team for years, but we're glad to have her on as on official member of the team. the news continues right now. this is gps, the global public square. welcome to all of you in the united states and around the world. i'm fa reed sa car yeah coming to you love from new york. today on the show, high crimes and misdemeanors. the house impeaches donald trump again. this time for inciting violence against the government of the united states.

i'll be joined by great minds to d discuss the issue, last week's attack and the threat of other ones and what can all americans do to try to restore robust democracy to their nation. plus, mike pompeo's parting gifts for the biden administration on china, cuba, yemen and more. why is the secretary of state making a flurry of last-minute changes? but first here's my take. the most remarkable about the last few weeks in american politics has been the behavior not of donald trump but of the republican party. trump acted just as he said he would, disputing the election result, refusing to commit to a

peaceful transfer of power and encouraging extremism and even violence. even after the attack on the united states congress, only ten house republicans voted to impeach trump. recall that just hours after the storming of the capital a majority of house republicans, including their leader, kevin mccarthy, had voted in line with the demands of the mob, which were essentially to nullify a legitimate election and thus overthrow an elected government. will this slavish loyalty to the dear leader alienate some republicans? could it be that donald trump has finally pushed the party to a breaking point? you know, people assume that political parties are immortal, but they can and do die. the federalist party was, in a sense, the united states first political party led by alexander hamilton and john adams, but the party veered into authoritarianism and lost any

consistency or integrity and finally withered after its opposition to the war of 1812, the first time the capitol was stormed, because it was seen as treasonous. the whig party has closer parallels today. founded in opposition to andrew jackson, it contained pro slavery and antislavery factions. although he would go on to win the election, his election led antislavery whigs to defect. by the late 1850s, the whigs had shrunk into olive on. could these parallels hold today? they long harbored several factions that lived together

uncomfortably. they have been able to paper over the divides for decades. but in recent years, two factors have protelled the party into crisis. the first is that the iraq war and the global financial crisis broke the back of the republican establishment, opening the way for donald trump, who appealed not to discredit party elites but to the base with the help of war, cultural and racial rhetoric. the second factor has been the increasing awareness of its leaders that the republicans are not really a majority party anymore. in a trend unprecedented in american history, the republican candidate for president has won the popular vote only once in the last eight presidential elections. in 2004 in the wake of 9/11 and in the early days of the iraq war. nevertheless, the electoral college and the senate, along with gerrymandering and voter suppression have enabled the

party to win power without actually winning majorities. that has made it less responsive to the demands of the majority, to national elites, to the mainstream media. you see, it has found a way to thrive by cultivated its own smaller, intense ecosystem creating its own facts, theories and heroes. but that ecosystem is splintering. fox news central to the party's ability to indoctrinate its base, is losing market share. the newcomers newsmax and one american news are willing to enter where even fox would not go. the republican base is shrinking. not by a huge amount but significantly. partly this is a matter of long-term democratics. party it is trump. trump's approval rating has descended into the 30s but 30% of independents supporting his

removal from office. so republicans in swing districts across the country might find themselves in an impossible situation, unable to get dominated unless they embrace trump but unable to get elected if they do embrace him. if these trends persist, a big if in a country where party loyalties remain very strong, we might see a dangerous dynamic. some republicans vote at the elite level as well as ordinary voters will defect from the party unwilling to sign in to the trump family cult. the remaining republican party will become a minority party in more of the country, but it will be dominated by people who reject american democracy, who are enamored of conspiracy theories, evnragedry their powerlessness. in other words, the future

republicans in congress may look a lot like the mob that stormed it last week. go to cnn.com/fareed for a link to my column. and let's get started. ♪ it's been 11 days since the attack on the capitol shook washington, the country and the world. since then, around 100 criminal cases related to the incident have been charged by the u.s. attorney's office in washington, d.c. and dozens more in the d.c. superior court. and now washington and state capitols around the nation have been turned into varietiable in an attempt to thwart the next attack. will it work? joining me now is jay johnson. during the obama administration he was pentagon general counsel and secretary of homeland security. welcome, jay.

let me start by asking you, obviously, this was a failure. it was a failure to prevent a mob that attacked the capitol. but where do you think that failure lay? we knew this was coming. we knew that there were people, including the president, inciting the mob. that was all in plain view. what do you think broke down that allowed the breach of the barricades? >> fareed, i don't believe it's complicated. it was a failure to see something that was in plain sight. we know how to provide ample security to prevent a breach of the capital. it's called an nsse, national special security event. the inauguration is an nsse, the state of the union, un general assembly session with heads of state and the presidential conventions every four years or three years is dhs secretary had

the responsibility for overall security of these events. once something is considered an nsse at that level, it is simply a matter of going through a checklist to make sure that the secret service, which is put in charge, works in coordination with the local law enforcement, the national guard, fema, the tsa, homeland security investigations. and once all of that is in place, it makes something like the u.s. capitol grounds impenetrable from land, sea and air. this was an obvious failure to anticipate that what was coming on january 6th required that type of security, that level of security. there will be all sorts of investigations and hearings, i'm sure, but it seems obvious at this point that this was a failure to anticipate the obvious. we saw it coming, as you pointed out. >> but do you think part of it

was that the administration did not want to restrain this crowd or take those kind of actions? >> well, it's due in large part to the fact that, you know, as you know, fareed, over the last four years, we have had many actings in critical positions. on january 6th we had an acting attorney general. we had an acting secretary of defense. there are multiple positions in homeland security where an acting occupied the chair. they're focussed on leaving. they're thinking about getting out. and on top of that, you have a sitting incumbent president who literally incited this mob. he encouraged them to come to washington. he stoked them. he stoked the violence. and those two things in tandem very much contributed to the violence we saw two weeks ago. >> what do you make of this movement, of this group of people obviously desperate

elements. but what struck you as worrying and dangerous going forward? because, as i said, their focus has to be on now continuing attacks and threats. >> correct. fareed, as a nation, we have to confront the reality that there exists in the dark shadows of our society a strand of america that is prone to violence, intolerance, racism. we have seen this now for decades that largely exist under a rock. when you have a president who is willing to peel that lid off, encourage this group to come out in the open, tell them they're special people, you love them, then you see things like charlottesville in 2017. you see the boiling over of this violence at the u.s. capitol a week and a half ago. i have to say that of the many horrible images we saw, the violence, the injury to law

enforcement and others, the one that i will never forget is the confederate flag being paraded through the u.s. capitol all during the civil war we never saw such a thing. but this is a permanent phenomenon that i'm afraid is going to continue to exist. my hope is that we never again have a sitting president who is willing to encourage them to come out and stoke them to violence. >> when you were the director of homeland security, were you seeing that this group -- these groups had become a much greater threat, the statistics bear this out. >> yes. >> a much more violence than any kind of islamic or international terror? >> yes. that's where we are now in our domestic security situation. in the last several administrations post 9/11, we were obviously focussed on foreign inspired, foreign

directed acts of terrorism here on the homeland, but that's evolved. this has been tracked by numerous organizations like the antidefamation league. the terrorist threat now to our country is domestic-base d domestic inspired violence and extremism that we saw vividly in the u.s. capitol a week before last. that's where we are. it requires a very different type of focus. i fear that my old department, homeland security, is now outdated in its structure, which was meant to deal with extraterritorial threats by securing the borders, land, sea and air. this requires a whole new different approach from law enforcement and homeland security. >> stay with us. stay with secretary johnson. when we come back, we'll talk about how the nation can move forward. what about the conviction of this impeachment charge? nd why. (money manager) because our way works great for us!

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we are back with jay johnson, the former secretary of homeland security and the former general counsel of the department of defense. let me outline what i see as my concern about the impeachment trial. you need 17 republicans to convict. that seems like a tall order. the party is still very strongly pro trump. there was a great piece in "the new york times" today that pointed out that kevin mccarthy, the house minority leader who said a few words against trump after the riots is now facing a backlash in his district for being too anti-trump, not for being too pro trump.

so if he gets acquitted, he can present himself as twice having been acquitted. and in that circumstance, it doesn't seem to me you achieve the objective you want, which is to deter this kind of behavior. do you hold out hope that the republicans, 17, will convict? >> i believe that the eyes of history will be on those who have to vote in the senate for conviction. i believe that history will not view the trump presidency and those who supported it kindly. there is an obligation now to step up, try the case and vote at the end of the trial. i do hold out hope. but if all that fails, it is up to the american electorate if donald trump should run again to disqualify him from office. you know, fareed, four years ago, we engaged in a very

dangerous experiment, by electing someone who was utterly unqualified for office who had no moral and legal compass and frankly had impulses toward fascism and autocracy. my hope is that, as time passes, americans will realize that this was a failed experiment and we should never try it again and just look at the consequences of that over the last four years. there is a track record now on which donald trump and his presidency should be judged. so in our democracy, if congress doesn't step up to this, the american public must do so. >> what do you make of the fact that there still are -- i saw the most recent cnn poll. 75% of republicans believe that joe biden was illegitimately elected. that comes to probably 60 million americans. what does one do about that phen phenomenon? >> we live in alternate

universes right now where americans are able to -- to receive information on social media, on the internet highway that does nothing more than play to their own prejudices, suspicions and conspiracy theories, which is how you end up with polls like that, three-quarters of republicans believe that the next president was not legitimately elected. i believe that there needs to be greater standards toward what is put out as so-called news, what is put out by the internet, by social media. this is largely a mission for social media itself. i don't believe that the government, particularly security agencies of our government, should be in the business of policing political content and speech. but social media itself, and i think they have learned a lot of lessons over the last four years in the last several weeks, needs

to do a better job of policing what is put out to americans, what americans are inclined to believe. >> jay johnson, always a pleasure to have you on, sir. >> thank you, fareed. next on gps, we will dig deeper into just who the attackers were and how can this rebellion be quelled. can it help with snoring? i've never heard snoring... exactly. no problem. ...and done. and now, the queen sleep number 360 c2 smart bed is only $899. plus, free delivery when you add a base. ends monday.

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there is the now infamous man with the horns and the face paint, the one carrying the confederate flag and another stealing a lek turn. i'm curious about the bigger, deep ir picture, how much of this was about trump and trumpism. how much about other causes like white supremacy. to help me understand it all, i want to bring in cynthia, the director of the polarization and extremism research lab and the author of "hate in the homelan: the new global far right."

let me ask you to start by giving us a sense of who are these people? is there a core here that is motivated in one direction? or is this just a completely mottly group of desperate red c radicals (. >> what you see here is the coming together of a normally fairly fragmented spectrum across the fair right. and they're united here by a sense of precarty, which is the fear that something is going to be taken away from you, to which you think you are entitled and given to someone else. so we see that with white supremacists groups that are there, protesters and we see that here. it is a sense of precarty but also intitledment. you have both of those things together. that translates into a sense of threat that gets defined slightly differently across all the groups, but it is an

existential one that has to be fought against and that's what we saw on january 6th. >> you said that at the heart, and it makes sense of the desperation t desire to act violently is based on this year that their situation is precarious, that their world is collapsing or going away. is that sense of precariousness about economic position or is it about social and culture position? you know, is it the economics, or is it their status in an increasingly multicultural society? >> it depends on the group that we're talking about within the spectrum. i think what's important to note is it doesn't really translate into actual disfranchisement. we're not seeing here a mass movement of the impoverished or people who are really in a financially precarious situation. that's why we see it is a lot of middle and upper class employed

people. but they feel like something that they are about to lose out on something, something is being taken away from them in ways and then given to someone who doesn't deserve it. i think that comes across whether that's white territory in a loss of majority white society or second amendment rights or freedoms that you are being forced to wear a masks. and then the language tied it together with massive disinformation about an ill le lag matt election and a broken democracy. >> why do they so love trump? >> well, i think the thing that you get here with trump, the far right, this spectrum on the far right has never had a charismatic leader the way that other extreme groups have had. so he stitches together all of these groups underneath a charismatic leader who says a lot of the things they're thinking that has normalized in

mainstream even if it's not clear the intent is there by saying things in debates like stand back and standby. people on the far right receive that as a leg mags and a call to action. >> i worry that if you have these social media bans, particularly if they're permanent bans and these movement sort of go underground, they actually become more dangerous because we can see less of them. you have been following them and tracking them in places that many of us don't like telegram and things like that. what are you seeing there? >> unfortunately, you are absolutely right. we are seeing there are now play books circulating online that in these chats from white supremacists advising others in the group on how to recruit conservative and pro trump voters who migrated over from platforms like parlor and how to

radicalize them gradually. there is no question about the white supremacist and far right fringe. they are using this opportunity in slightly more anonymous apps and other platforms underground to try to recruit, radicalize and build the movement. >> is the movement genuinely global? >> it's absolutely global. and i think it's one of the really important things to understand here. there was an attempt to storm the german parliament just several months ago. we have had the assassination of a german politician last year, the assassination of a british poli politician. we have seen increases in far right terror around the world from christ church to oslo to germany and elsewhere. this isn't a problem that is only national in the u.s. and it's not a problem that's going to go away with a transition to a new administration. >> and what does one do to fight it? >> well, with all due respect to my colleagues in counter

territoryism, it is important to have accountability and to have the resources for surveillance and monitoring in law enforcement as well as deplatforming. but all of those solutions will always be a band-aid if we're not also addressing at its root things like how people are so susceptible to propaganda, to manipulation online. so i really think this has to be a coalition of resources from within the education and social work, health and human services worlds in addition to homeland security approach. >> and finally, i just have about 30 seconds, but i do have to ask you. when you see all this and you have been studying it so carefully, does this feel to you like the end of a movement or the beginning of a movement? >> unfortunately, i do feel like we have to consider this as not the end of something but the beginning of something and something that we're going to be living with now for many years to come.

>> thank you, professor. very enlightening. >> thank you for having me. >> next on gps, from vandalism at the capitol to what has been called diplomatic vandalism. secretary mike pompeo's moves that are designed to put the biden team in a bind. we will explain in a moment.

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susan glasser to help us get to the bottom of this. welcome, susan. first i want to share whether you share my sense. this is completely unprecedented. i cannot think of an outgoing secretary of state or an outgoing administration that tried to make all these moves that have no -- they're in no way going to be able to implement this. it is all designed to box in the incoming administration. have you seen this before? >> no. absolutely, fareed. it is a remarkable end to perhaps the most disruptive and undiplomatic of any secretary of state in our lifetime. it is impossible to think of any precedent. it all goes to, i think, understanding that mike pompeo is perhaps the most hyper political creature ever to serve as secretary of state. he comes out of this sort of flame throwing house republican conference we have seen.

what those house republicans are like in terms of their almost fanatical trumpism. this seems to be an extremely politicized end to a very unsuccessful tenure as secretary of state. >> and it has real costs on the ground. let me ask you to just run through some of them here. the designation of the who this. it was that designation that led david to describe this as diplomatic vandalism, the former secretary who now heads the international rescue committee, a committee trying to save lives there. and he argues that by designating one side in this very complicated war as te terr terrorists, you will have thousands and thousands of lives lost, if not more. >> well, that's right. you see humantorians warning about the actual costs on the ground of what appears to be essentially posturing by the

secretary of state. the other way to look at this, right, is that it's an example, an extreme example of how the u.s. as in effect outsourced a lot of its foreign policy in the middle east to two of its partners, the saudis on the one hand who have been fighting in yemen against the rebels for the entire length, actually of the trump presidency unsuccessfully, i should note that mike pompeo has done nothing whatsoever to stop this conflict. and, so, you have it as an example, i think, of how the u.s. as abdicated leadership in the region. there is real costs to this. he's also seeking to impose political costs on the incoming biden administration if they seek to reverse this, if they reverse the cuban designation that they are somehow going to be in league are terrorists. you can imagine the campaign commercials that mike pompeo is cutting in his mind. >> if you look at the cuba and the iran ones, they seem spirely

of that nature. he's designating cuba as a state sponsor of terror. it falls on the biden administration to awkwardly have to undo that designation. and he's saying al-qaeda as a new base in iran, which seems a huge stretch. al-qaeda being a radical suni designation. both would be politically awkward to undo, right? >> i have no doubt that the new administration is going to attempt to undo this. in fact, just this morning, jake sullivan, the new incoming national security adviser for president-elect joe biden tweeted that he was against this designation of the whoties. i thought it was notable that he cited a republican senator's criticism of the move. you will see the biden administration attempting to work with those remaining more

establishment republican senators and elected officials, you know, who are trying to pull american foreign policy back. but it is a desperate last ditch attempt to create a record of success where one doesn't exist. this is the same administration that bragged and blustered about all the deals it would make in the world. it has an aggressive rhetoric towards iran. but it withdrew from the iran nuclear deal. by all expert accounts, iran may be closer to having a viable nuclear weapons plan as a result of that. the regime is pressured by sanctions but still standing. that is a way to distract from what their record is. >> it falls exactly into the pattern you described because it is pure similar bow lichl.

it is not as though there is any establishment. but mike pompeo can't see he opened the door to contacts in a way that no previous administration did. and, again, hard for the biden people to reverse that because, as you put it very well, you can imagine mike pompeo and his political action committee cutting the campaign ad that will then go viral on twitter. >> yeah. there is nothing that's been more, i would say, central to mike pompeo's rhetoric especially in this last year than a very sort of aggressive antichina rhetoric and posturing. he continues to use the label of wuhan virus to blame china and the u.s. and you see an entire constructed around negative rhetoric, essentially. they don't have much of a record to speak of. what you are going to see from the biden team is an approach that's much more resurrecting the alliance that mike pompeo

has done so much to expose, especially on china. i think you will see the biden team wanting to work with the europeans on standing up more to china and that's a huge contrast to mike pompeo's unilateralist approach. in fact, mike pompeo wanted a final trip to brussels. the american secretary of state was not welcome in brussels. he had to cancel the trip rather than face the embarrassment of not being met by our partners. >> i think it is an interesting test of the biden administration as to whether they will have the courage to do what they regard as diplomatically and sub stannively the right thing to do. before you go, i want to ask you one thing about russia. the one thing mike pompeo has not dealt with is the largest hack of american securities network in history by russia. russia also faces a particularly interesting moment tomorrow,

right? >> well, that's right. actually right now this great drama is unfolding and aleksi any validity. they ( saved his work. pinned this work down to fsb agents acting at behest of the kremlin. he's on an airplane right now flying back to moscow. no one knows whether he will be arrested or not. such a contrast to here in the united states. you have this here i am in the capitol surrounded by 20,000 national guard having to secure the capitol against right wing pro trumps. they closed down the airport, surrounded it with police vans. so it is a real confrontation there between a democracy activist and the government. but to your point quickly about

mike pompeo -- >> unfortunately, susan, i'm so sorry, but i got to let you tgo. we will come back to this and to you because it is always a pleasure. >> thank you, fareed. >> next, tim snyder on how to rescue american democracy. on't understand why. (money manager) because our way works great for us! (judith) but not for your clients. that's why we'rere a fiduciary, obligated to put clients first. (money manager) so, what do you provide? cookie cutter porortfolios? (judith) nope, we tailor portfolios to our r client's needs. (money manager)) but you do sell investments that earn you high commissions, right? (judith) we don't have those. (money manager) so what's in it for you? (judith) our fees are structured so we do better when our clients do better. at fisher investments we're clearly different.

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"the washington post" has tallied 30,000 false or misleading claims coming from donald trump in his four years in the oval office. he will go down in history as many things, but one moniker is certain. he is the post truth president. post truth is prefascism. the question confronting america as it prepares for joe biden is how does the entire nation, not just the white house get back to

honesty and the rule of law, trust in elections? tim snyder is a scholar of the holocaust and one of the world's foremost experts on au authori authoritarianism. welcome, tim. i want to start by asking you to explain that wonderful line in your book. post truth is prefascism. what do you mean? >> by post truth, i mean the turn in our culture which has gone all too far where we accept there is opinion, no truth. you have your views. i have my views. we look at each other and walk away. we see politicians tell ever bigger lies until those lies become violent. at the same time, we have let the sources of facts go away. facts don't arise by themselves.

we need to work. you need investment. you need local news and local reporters. we have to restore that. when people don't believe in truth and there are no facts to be had. what happens next is we fall back on belief. there is a vacuum that's filled by spectacle. politicians emerge who are wealthy or charismatic and they fill that void with a myth, with a story with their own personality. that's when you start moving towards fascism. wouldn't it be fair to say that perhaps the most disturbing and the long-term dangerous thing that has happened in the last two or three weeks may not even be the attack on the capital. it is this widely held conspiracy theory that the election was stolen that seems -- it seems difficult to dispute it to the people who believe it, despite the fact that you have had audit after

audit, recount after recount. 60 court cases where the courts all ruled against the trump administration. that seems to me to be, you know, the most pernicious part of what we're living with now. >> i think one of the ways it's pernicious is that the two events are directly connected. what happened in november is that mr. trump moved from being someone who continuously told lies to being someone who told a big lie. the claim that he won the election is a big lie. it is not just false, as you say. it's self-contradictory. how could there have been fraud against him when there wasn't fraud against other republicans. it is a big lie in that it reaches into the dark parts of american history because what he's really saying is if we didn't count those votes is that i would have won. the thing about a big lie is it brings you in. if you believe it, you think everyone else is against you. if you really belief the big

lie, it demands action. and once you take action for the big lie, like, for example, you storm the capitol, of course you are going to believe it even more. now you are committed to it. so we have to recognize this for what it is. it's a big lie. and we have to -- and we have to try to break it into ways you can break big lies which is people of responsibility telling the truth and people who tell big lies that lead to violence being forced to take responsibility and accountability. you talked, as i recall, in your book that even if you support the rule of law, if you believe in constitutional democracy, don't just say. take one piece of it, one institution, one judge, one court and support people if they are trying to do the right thing. >> yeah. thank you for remembering that. that's lesson two on tyranny. the idea is if we can't do everything, then we can do something. the passive position is to say, as too many of us have said, the institutions are going to hold.

the institutions are going to protect us. the active democratic thing to do is to say, hold on. those institutions need us. in fact, those institutions can't be better than we are ourselves. so you choose one. it could be a newspaper that you pay your subscription for. it could be a labor union that you join. it could be -- it could be a court that you pay attention to. if you are a lawyer, a doctor, you can try to inject some e ethics into your professional organizations and hold your colleagues accountable. everyone can do something besides vote and tell the truth. we can all affirm these institutions. and if we do that, that's actually what democracy looks like. democracy isn't just about rising and falling or dramatic things that happen in washington, d.c. it is about a kind of forward commitment from us both to truth and to engagement. >> facts first, proof first. tim snyder always a pleasure. >> thank you.

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this is "reliable sources," where we examine the story behind the story and we figure out what is reliable. brand-new polling showing trump's big election lie is widely believed. what are the consequences? we're going to get into that. plus, how should the press cover this pro trump insurgency. chris krebbs is here with answers about that.