this is gps, the global public square. welcome to all of you in the united states and around the world. i'm fareed zakaria coming to you live. today on the show, joe biden tells world leaders -- >> america is back. >> back in the paris agreement, back supporting the trans atlantic alliance and working to

get iran back to the negotiating table. will it make a difference? we'll discuss with a terrific panel. >> we are not backing backwards. we are looking forward together. >> then a texas-sized disaster as millions there lose power, heat and water. the state's energy infrastructure was left crippled by an unusual cold and ferocious winter storm. why wasn't texas ready for it? is any part of the world properly prepared for the ever more intense weather caused by climate change? i will talk to texas resident and climate expert. finally, the government of bhutan is known more about caring more about national happiness than gdp growth. they should be particularly happy about how their country

has conquered covid. they have thus far suffered just one covid death. i'll tell you how. but first, here's my take. the central question in american politics right now, one with global implications, is whether the republican party can purge itself of its most extreme elements. obviously, this relates to donald trump, but it goes beyond him as well. the current republican congressional delegation includes people who insist the 2020 election was stolen, have tied to violent extremist groups, traffic anti-semitism and have propagated qanon conspiracies in the past. at the state level it gets worse. republicans have tolerated these views and voices for years. can the party finally find a way to control them? the answer to this question could well determine the future of american democracy. in a brilliant scholarly work,

conservative parties and the birth of democracy, it is argued that britain remained a democracy in the early 20th century while germany veered into fascism because the main conservative party in the u.k. was able to discipline its extremists. for years before world war i british conservatives faced a democrat from anti-democratic redirect examination calls in their party. the party was eventually able to tamp it down and stabilize democracy. in germany, by contrast, the main conservative party was weak and disorganized, depended on outside groups for help. this provided an opening for an early incarceration of rupert murdoch, who used his media empire to seize control of the party and tried to drive it to the right.

the infighting zapped the strength of its party and many of its voters began to go to far right alternatives like the naz sa party, allying with hitler deciding this was a way to take control of the conservative movement. the rest, of course, is hitler. i am not making a comparison between extreme republicans and nazis. i am making the argument when parties lose the ability to police their extremists not just to the party but also to democracy itself. much of today's republican party has been permeated by extremism. according to a survey, 56% of republicans believe the traditional american way of life is disappearing to fast that we may have to use force to save it. 39% backed and even stronger statement. if elected leaders will not

protect america, the people must do it themselves even if it requires taking violent actions. these are not views compatible with democracy. the republican party has lost control of the forces it has long encouraged. an early moment of reckoning took place way back in the 1980s, according to david frum's book. they had finally taken charge for the first time since fdr's reign in the 1930s. now they could repeal the new deal and the great society. but as they quickly realized, the public was utterly opposed to doing so. ever since then, republicans have gotten comfortable lying to their voters. over time, the party was taken over by the increasingly frustrated mob. consider the difference between the government shutdowns of the mid-'90s and of 2013. the former was centrally planned

and directed by the house republican leader newt gingrich. the latter under obama was demanded by the tea party and though speaker john bonner about we yes, sired, he was pushed out. ( the republican party could not get together to defeat trump. they lost their clout. marco rubio and ted cruz wanted to court some space, not alienate it. a few leaders condemned trump, but it was all too little too late. u.s. political parties have become dangerously weak. once upon a time, they picked the presidential candidates to present to the public. now primary voters, often more radical than party leaders have usurped that key function. once the parties firmly control functions, today thanks to supreme court rulings, outside groups have much more cash than

they used to. so the odds are against the republican party disciplining its most radical elements. some hope that electoral losses might force those actions. remember while 2020 was a bad year for trump, it wasn't such a bad year for other republicans. the party narrowly lost control of congress, but it did well in stas houses across the country, sometimes with the help of voter suppression and gerrymandering. europe's political parties have not been captured to the same extent because they have stronger political structures, but these are also weakening. everywhere the media as decentralized making it harder to purge extreme voices. we are moving into a world where democracies have fewer and fewer gate keepers. without realizing it, we are embarked on a new and dangerous experiment in government. go to cnn.com/fareed for a link to my washington post column this week and let's get started.

♪ >> on friday one month after his inauguration, joe biden made his debut as president on the world stage with two events before global audiences, a speak at the munich security conference and a meeting with the leaders of g7 nations. america is back. but is it really? joining me now is the editor in chief of "the economist," the "of the council on foreign relations and a political commentator at cnn and a contributing opinion writer at "the new york times." ric richard, is america back? >> if only it were so easy, fareed. the good news is that we have rediscovered multilateralism.

there is nothing better we can do ourselves, but we're not back objectively or in the eyes of others. here at home we're about to reach the 500,000 death mark of covid. the economy has yet to recover. there is infrastructure issues. there is race issues. there is a long ways to go here at home before we're objectively back. and then in the eyes of others, they have to see we can have a peaceful rotation of power and that whoever comes in office in the future is the change is bounded, that the united states is essentially rediscovered its predictable self which dominated for 75 years. until we show there is a new consensus that others are willing to work with, no, we're not yet back. >> peter, would you agree? let me ask you to build on this by telling me what you make of the basic orientation of the biden team? these are familiar faces,

experienced faces with a familiar world view. what does that -- what are you likely to see as a result? >> what worries me is they have not adjusted policy to adjust the magnitude of what we have seen over the last few years. we have seen that america's government cannot protect the american people from the most basic threats they face, the threat of pandemics and the threat from climate change. we're seeing now in texas again and again we see that the american welfare state buckles in the face of these mounting threats. given what we have learned, a relative continuation of the policies seems to me not connected to the threats that we really face. there has been no discussion of cutting the defense budget, even though it's not necessary to keep americans safe when we need

to invest at home. there is an emphasis primarily on competition with china. when if you look at the two greatest threats that dhie that poses to the united states, public health and climate what i think, they can only be solved through cooperation. i fear we have a foreign policy team that has not taken account of what we have learned domestically over the last couple years. >> give us a sense of how the world and particularly europe is reacting to the new biden administration. they made some nice statements. but take us behind the scenes. what is really happening. what is europe's reaction to biden? >> i think it depends on which europe you are looking at. if you are looking at the european union, there were nice words. but basically they are not jumping for joy. president macron on friday at the same conference talked about the importance of strategic

autonomy for europe. even angela merkel said that our interests will not always converge. so while they were polite, they were not sort of embracing with all arms open a huge, huge enthusiasm. that was left for somebody else. that was left to our prime minister boris johnson who said america is back as the leader of the free world, and that is a fantastic thing. you know that fantastic is one of his favorite words, so one can discard it a bit. but the enthusiasm for this is very much a british thing right now. that's part of the fact that britain is no longer in the eu and has to find its own friends in the world and go its own way. it has partly to do with the fact that actually the u.k. is more aligned to american priorities, particularly with regard to china. and of course the u.k. is leading the g7 this year and so desperately needs some big progress there. it will be interesting. i agree with richard, quite

muted. london massively enthusiastic. >> fascinating. richard, the china issue is going to be the central one. and i wonder, you know, it does sound like what peter is saying is we're watching a kind of familiar playbook, you know, cold war light or let's gather all the allies and show china the strength of the pro-american world. will that work? >> well, it will be tough. one test, fareed, will be whether we can agree on a set of technologies that we will screen and not permit to reach china. and i think the only way we might succeed at that is if we keep the list of technologies quite narrow. and then the other side of that, corollary, is that we work with our partners in producing something ourselves if we don't want to be depen dend on, say, chinese broad band, then there ought to be a trans atlantic.

can we be more willing and able to come to taiwan's defense. so there is lots of issues here. and it makes the case for multilateralism. the question will be can we translate the impulse into real policy? >> there was an earlier test here, which was jake sullivan, the national security adviser, asked the europeans not to sign a trade-in investment agreement with china until the biden administration came to power. they essentially ignored it and went ahead and signed it. is that significant in your role? >> i think it is also striking how much the european union is talking about, you know, its differences with regard to china with america. clearly china is a member of the

european union's trading power. and germany has huge focus on china, so there are very real differences there with the united states. there is also a sense in the european union that they were burned in the last four years because they were very much the focus of president trump's ire. they were seen as an enemy on trade. now the u.s. is reaching out, but how long will that last? finally in the area of trade, which is enormously important to the europeans, they see a biden administration that talks about multilateralism, but one of the things it does is talk about a large buy america scream. the biden administration isn't all that pro-trade. there is quite a lot of skepticism in the european union. frankly, i think is problematic because the only way there will be a successful front to counter and develop a strategic approach to china is if the two sides of the atlantic work together.

right now we're quite a long way away from that in practice. >> how do we join the iran deal? what to do with afghanistan? these questions and more when we come back. brought to you by dana farber cancer institute. what we do here changes lives ever everywhere. fights cancer. how the world blocking the pd-l1 protein, lets the immune system attack, attack, attack cancer. pd-l1 transformed, revolutionized, immunotherapy. pd-l1 saved my life. saved my life. saved my life. oo

and we are back. peter, the iran deal. just give us a sense fundamentally what is the nature of iran's threat and what should we do about it?

>> i think that if you look at what the iebiden administration that has done so far, there is a contrast with how they behaved on domestic policy. they're pushing through probably on a partisan vote of domestic package that i think is really important. on iran, they have, by contrast, diterred. the united states, not iran, is the one who violated this deal. therefore, it seems to me just basic elemental fairness is that we return the deal. the united states should rejoin that deal first. and, yet, we have not been willing to do that. we're also talking about a follow-up deal that talks about addressing iran's destabilizing details in the middle east. it is not only the actor in the middle east. the saudis, uae, israel, turkey

is at least destabilizing in its foreign policy. it has to see this more wholistically as a number of different countries all of which have security concerns. richard, we will have to do a bit of a round robin. if you have something to say on iran, quickly say it. but what i really want to ask you about is afghanistan, which you were in charge of for a while. biden's instincts from the start had been to try and pull out or to get down to a very minimal commitment. what is the choice now? what is the right thing to do? >> well, the choice is either to continue to do it. the trump administration signed up to a year ago, which is to leave in a few months. that won't be a peace agreement, fareed. that would be a withdrawal agreement. the human rights consequences would be awful and u.s. credibility would again take a

major hit. so i think the real question is whether you stay under current terms, 2,500 troops, extend really large scale support to this government and possibly every now and then introduce additional troops if need be. it won't give you peace. it won't give you military vic tear. but sometimes in life all you can do is avert defeat. i think that's possible in afghanistan and i think it's also affordable. >> let me ask you about something that your magazine did, which i thought was very intriguing and controversial. the united states has labeled what china is doing with the weeger and muslim population genecide and you disputed the characterization. you said what's going on is bad, but it's playing fast and loose with the world to describe it as

genecide. >> we did. we had a couple of big pieces on this. what is happening is terrible. it is a crime against humanity. it ought to be absolutely and totally attacked from the rest of the world. but what we went into is whether it was helpful for the united states to declare it a genecide. it has a definition under a un treaty which can include cultural genecide, forcible sterilization, a lot of component. but hitherto, united states has been extremely reluctant to declare a country genecidal regime. if you look at what's happening, awful as it is, it is not widespread slaughter of people. it is something different. we called it a crime against humanity. we were pointing out that the biden administration to declare

this a genecide and then basically keep ongoing as if this never happened risks debasing the term. once you have declared a regime genecidal, you can't go on working with it and all those other things. the united states does need to work with china. it should speak more loudly about human rights abuses. i think it is excellent the biden administration is doing, that excellent they're speaking about hong kong. but this characterization of the term by itself with no follow-up by that, i think we thought we could return. that was the argument we were making. >> peter, i have 45 senconds, bt i want you to introduce one interesting point you wrote. the biden administration should take a serious look at the

number of sanctions it has in place by some measure 50% of the world's population. explain. >> the u.s. not only refuses to trade itself but essentially tries to prevent other countries as trading. i described that as a siege. oftentimes these are terrible governments. but the academic evidence is clear. when you impose a siege and virtually make it very difficult for even humanitarian goods to come into a place like venezuela or iran and north korea, you don't harm the regimes. you harm the already brutalized people. i think the biden administration needs to completely review this policy, to become a cheap way for america to suggest its moral superiority and it actually hurts vulnerable people. >> fascinating, intelligent conversation. thank you. >> thank you. and we will be back.

let's listen to this. louder. take these guys? i mean, there's room. maybe next time, fellas. now we're talking. alright. let's. go.

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the entire central portion of the united states was hit this week by days and days of freezing cold. much of the state of texas had below freezing temperatures for a week, along with record snowfall. its power grid was civil ped. water systems failed as well. i want to bring in catherine. professor, thanks for joining us. tell us how in a simple way how is this related to climate change? >> well, first of all, it's winter and it is not unusual to

get a storm of this magnitude in texas. it happened about ten years ago. and ten years ago grid operators and power companies were told, recommended that they winterize their equipment. but as we see, the majority of them did not. we also know, though, that the arctic is warming. as the arctic warms much faster than the rest of the world, it is slowing down the jet stream. as the jet stream slows down, it starts to wiggle. so scientists are beginning to ask could there actually be a connection between a warmer arctic, bigger troughs in the jet stream and bigger outbreaks of arctic air. these are like opening the freezing door in the arctic and letting all that cold air pour out. i have to emphasize this has happened in america before. what you have seen is lack of preparation on the part of the

g grid. >> the help people understand just how extraordinary these effects of climate change are. the arctic is now 25 degrees fahrenheit warmer than it would be in an average year. >> absolutely. the arctic is warming faster than any other part of the world. one of the biggest reasons the arctic is warming so quickly is because as it warms, all of that shiny white sieice and snow is melting. it is what we scientists call a positive feedback cycle. but what i think could more accurately be called a vicious cycle of warming. >> so the results seems to be whatever coined the phrase global weirding seems to be more accurate than global warming. you have these large temperature extremes. you can have 75 or 80 degrees

some weeks in texas and now the kind you are seeing. what is the best way to prepare for that? what should texas have done? obviously it should have winterized. but give us a sense of where we're headed. >> we were headed into more extreme weather in general. we know summer heat waves are coming more intense and deadly. we know that precipitation can fall as snow or rain. we are not seeing more frequent hurricanes, but the hurricanes we get are bigger and stronger and slower and dropping a lot more rain on us. we know the area burned by wild fires in the united states has already doubled due to the impacts of the changing climate. that's why i think is more accurate description is global weirding. >> what should we be doing? because it sounds like these

extremes will continue as long as climate change continues to -- you know, as long as we keep pumping all this carbon into the atmosphere. we need to buy insurance. in almost every element of life, we have to be ready for these extreme extreme climatic events. what do we do? >> it is as if we humans have been driving down a pretty straight road like the roads we have here in west texas looking only in our rearview mirror. we have designed our infrastructure, our building codes, our energy supply, our water allocations. we have designed almost every aspect of our lives based on conditions that we experienced in the past. the draught of record, the 100-year flood zone, the average temperature, how much insulation

you need. but today climate is changing faster than any other history. we are already on the curve. our wheels are already on the rumble strip. that's why one of the most important things any city, any state, any country can do is to prepare for the impacts of climate change that we can no longer avoid. that's what i do. i work with a lot of cities including houston and texas to help them see how their extreme heat in summer and their flood risk will increase so they can prepare for those impacts. but the other side of the coin is that we think that we actually control the steepness of a future curve. how? our carbon emissions determine how much climate will change in the future. and the united states has officially rejoined the paris agreement. that means that every country in the world has been on cutting the carbon emissions to keep warming below the level that really would signal danger.

not for the planet but for human civilization. >> this is so illuminating. thank you for joining us. >> thank you for having me. next on gps, the big question in washington is can the united states afford massive spending? whether to prepare for climate change or covid. politicians for decades on both sides of the aisle have cautioned against washington spending money it doesn't have. that tide has now turned. she'll explain why in a moment. every day y can be extraordinary with rich, creamy, delicious fage total yogogurt. ♪ for those who've found themselves without health insurance during these challenging times, sign up now at healthcare.gov. ♪ 3 out of 4 healthcare.gov customers

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the united states government expects to be in debt to the tune of $22.5 trillion at the end of september. that's after it spent $3.1 trillion last year than it took in. meanwhile, president biden has some ambitious and costly plans. he has a $2 trillion covid

relief plan he's asking congress to pass. and on the campaign trail he proposed another $2 trillion to be spent an infrastructure. many in washington and new york asked, can we spend that much money when we are already so far in the hole. anny explains why the answer is yes. she is a staff writer at "the atlantic." let me ask you very simply to explain to people why in your view it's okay for the united states to have these kind of massive, massive deficit and debts where debt to gdp ratios will be up over 100% easily, probably closer to 125%. >> i think the thing to think about here is how the debt is behaving in terms of its dynamics on the economy, right? the debt is this e nert mass that the united states and the taxpayer needs to service, correct? so even though the debt has gotten much, much, much bigger,

we have blown passed that debt to gdp target of 100, so the debt is bigger than gdb measured per year. debt servicing costs have gone down because interest rates have been so low. this is not something that many people predicted but have been so low for so long. it feels like we're moving into a structural period of low interest rates. so the amount of debt that the united states can handle has changed a lot. and our views of much debt and deficits are affecting the economy have changed a lot. we need to think about what we're spending that money on because if you are spending it on an investment that will generate more gdp down the road, something like infrastructure, for instance, i think that that can matter a lot, too. >> so you know that there are a lot of people who agree with the proposition you're making, that

fundamentally interest rates are low for long and therefore we have the opportunity to borrow and invest. but they're saying this biden bill and presumably the next one is just too much. solarrlarry summers says this b, $1.9 trillion is just way too much and it could trigger inflation, which would cause a rise of interest rates which would mean that debt servicing cost goes up. he says there is a simple way to measure it. it is a technical term output gap. basically it is how much has the economy dropped off because of covid and there is that gap. the amount of spending plan is four, five sometimes that gap. that does seem a little too much, no? >> certainly. i think the question is what the spending is doing in the economy. so is this traditional stimulus to get us out of a traditional recession? in which case you would perhaps cause overlheating and see that

in terms of rising inflation. or is this something different? when you look at what's actually in the bill and what it's doing, this is billions and billions of dollars in keep child care centers and schools open, rental assistance to keep people from getting evicted. there is another portion that is true stimulus, the $1,400 stimulus payments, ppp for businesses and other money for small businesses, but that money isn't going to get used unless it is needed, right? you need to be unemployed in order to be applying for unemployment insurance. if you think of it as kind of a rescue package after a natural disaster, which in a lot of ways the coronavirus has pufunctionay acted as, not just as a recession but this public health

catastrophe but has taken entire sectors of the american economy youf line, it seems change to be judging it by the yardstick of being a more traditional stimulus. it looks a lot like war spending. we are fighting this battle. so i'm not sure it makes sense to think of all $1.9 trillion as being stimulus. >> what's the worst case scenario? let's imagine that this -- all this spending and these deficits do produce an overheating economy, that interest rates do rise, that inflation does go up. why do we have in our minds this image of the 1970s inflation out of control, very difficult to bring back down, you know, the older memories of more hyper inflation in the '20s. are these all wrong? >> i think the question is whether that was the lesson that

applies now and whether we could see the same circumstance given that we have moved into the era of very low interest rates. i think it might not be as applicable. we have seen problematic inflation in that way in a generation. we have no memory of it. so given that inflation hasn't been problematic, it seems like we might be cooling the economy off to solve a problem that we don't have. >> thanks so much for helping us understand this. >> thanks for having me. next on gps, the united states will soon surpass half a million debaths from covid-19. we will take you to a nation that has had only one death. where in the world? we'll be back with the answer.

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my book of the week is "the

wakeup call." why the pandemic has exposed the weakness of the west and how to fix it. has someone who has written a big book on what the world will look like after covid, i probably shouldn't recommend somebody else's book, but i'm going to do it anyway. this is a superb examination of the changes that should be ushered in by the pandemic. but since i mentioned it, you can also go to cnn.com/fareed for a link to buy my book on the same topic. now for the last look. the tiny kingdom of bhutan is known for its emphasis on gross national happiness over gross national product. perhaps that's why it is one of the world's poorest countries monetarily at least. so you may be surprised to hear that it has been one of the most successful at combatting covid-19. when the pandemic began, the

country seemed ill-repaired and vulnerable. they had only 300 doctors, but only one with icu training, 300 health workers and a single pcr machine. that's all for a population of 760,000. it shared an open border with india where covid killed over 150,000. bhutan reported its first covid death this january. they achieved this through rapid early action, strong leadership and a stringent public health response that emphasized compassion and unity. while tourism is one of the country's main entities, bringing in almost $19 million a year, it swiftly closed its borders. mass testing and social distancing were implemented. hand sanitizer was distributed. there were strict lockdowns and a 21-day quarantine policy.

it is notable that three top government leaders are doctors or public health experts who call themselves the healthy government and they relied on science when shaping their pandemic response. the prime minister even slept on his window seat bench to avoid setting the virus to his family setting an example to the rest of society. the king visited the front lines and fostered a sense of cohesion. in many respects, bhutan is a lesson in preparedness, detention and prevention. even before covid-19 bhutan working with the w.h.o. was prepared for a virus emergency. in november 2019 the country ran a simulation exercise on which a passenger arrived with a suspected case of coronavirus. in january of 2020, after hearing of a outbreak in china, the country began screening the

airport and drafts a national response plan. a 76-year-old american who fell serious ly ill, the country mobilized tracing and quarantining about 300 suspected contacts in 26 hours. as madeleine notes in the atlantic, vietnam has been more effective at surpassing covid-19. perhaps it's time for us to learn from countries like bhutan, to promote trust if government, focus on communication with the government, to take care of our whole society by providing better economic support, to work on preparedness and prevention in public health and to address this crisis as a unified nation. thanks to all of you for being

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hey, i'm brian stelter live in new york, and this is "reliable sources." we figure out what is reliable. this hour the latest from texas, including the role about twitter detectives in the crowd source to ted cruz story. is fact checking changing in the biden years? and these headlines about facebook blocking news from australia spreading around the world. but do you know about rupert

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