and keep the public safe. this is "gps, the global public square." welcome to all of you in the united states and around the world. i'm fareed zakaria coming to you live. today on the show, joe biden tells world leaders -- >> america is back. >> back in the paris agreement, back supporting the transatlantic alliance and

working to get iran back to the negotiating table. will it make a difference? we'll discuss with a terrific panel. we are not looking backwards. we are looking forward together. >> then a texas-sized disaster as millions there lose power, heat and water. the state's energy infrastructure was left crippled by an unusual cold and ferocious winter storm. why wasn't texas ready for it? is any part of the world properly prepared for the ever more intense weather caused by climate change? i will talk to texas resident and a climate expert. finally, the government of bhutan is known more about caring more about national happiness than gdp growth. the bhutanese should be particularly happy about how

their country has conquered covid. they have thus far suffered just one covid death. i'll tell you how. but first, here's my take. the central question in american politics right now, one with global implications, is whether the republican party can purge itself of its most extreme elements. obviously, this relates to donald trump, but it goes beyond him as well. the current republican congressional delegation includes people who insist the 2020 election was stolen, have ties to violent extremist groups, traffic anti-semitism and have propagated qanon conspiracies in the past. at the state level it gets worse. republicans have tolerated these views and voices for years. can the party finally find a way to control them? the answer to this question could well determine the future of american democracy. in a brilliant scholarly work,

conservative parties and the birth of democracy it is argued that britain remained a democracy in the early 20th century while germany veered into fascism because the main conservative party in the u.k. was able to discipline its extremists. for years before world war i british conservatives faced a democrat from anti-democratic radicals. the torre party was eventually able to tamm down these factions and stabilize british democracy. in germany, by contrast, the main conservative party was weak and disorganized, depended on outside groups for help. this provided an opening for an early incarnation of rupert murdoch, who used his media empire and business connections to seize control of the party and tried to drive it to the right.

the infighting zapped the strength of its party and many of its voters began to flock to far-right alternatives like the nazi party. allying with hitler thinking this would be a way to take control of the conservative movement. the rest, of course, is history. i am not making a comparison between extreme republicans and nazis. i am making the argument when parties lose the ability to police their extremists bad things happen not just to the party but also to democracy itself. much of today's republican party has been permeated by extremism. according to a survey, 56% of republicans believe the traditional american way of life is disappearing so fast that we may have to use force to save it. 39% backed an even stronger statement.

if elected leaders will not protect america, the people must do it themselves even if it requires taking violent actions. these are not views compatible with democracy. the republican party has lost control of the forces it has long encouraged. an early moment of reckoning took place way back in the 1980s, according to david frum's book "dead right." as conservatives saw it, they had finally taken charge for the first time since fdr's reign in the 1930s. now they could repeal the new deal and the great society. but as they quickly realized, the public was utterly opposed to doing so. ever since then, republicans have gotten comfortable lying to their voters. over time, the party was taken over by the increasingly frustrated mob. consider the difference between the government shutdowns of the mid-'90s and of 2013. the former was centrally planned and directed by the house

republican leader newt gingrich. the latter under obama was demanded by the tea party and though speaker john boehner acquiesced, he was pushed out. the republican party could not get together and to defeat and purge trump. they lost their clout. marco rubio and ted cruz wanted to court some space, not alienate it. a few leaders condemned trump, but it was all too little too late. u.s. political parties have become dangerously weak. once upon a time, they picked the presidential candidates to present to the public. now primary voters, often more radical than party leaders have usurped that key function. once the parties firmly control campaign funds. today thanks to supreme court rulings, outside groups have much more cash than they used to.

so the odds are against the republican party disciplining its most radical elements. some hope that electoral losses might force those actions. remember while 2020 was a bad year for trump, it wasn't such a bad year for other republicans. the party narrowly lost control of congress, but it did well in state houses across the country, sometimes with the help of voter suppression and gerrymandering. europe's political parties have not been captured by radical forces to the same extent because they have stronger political structures, but these are also weakening. everywhere the media as decentralized making it harder to purge extreme voices. we are moving into a world where democracies have fewer and fewer gatekeepers. without realizing it, we are embarked on a new and dangerous experiment in government. go to cnn.com/fareed for a link to my "washington post" column

this week, and let's get started. ♪ on friday, one month after his inauguration, joe biden made his debut as president on the world stage with two events before global audiences, a speak at the munich security conference and a meeting with the leaders of g7 nations. the thrust, america first is over. global cooperation is a must. and america is back. but is it really? joining me now is the editor in chief of "the economist," the president of the council on foreign relations and a political commentator at cnn and a contributing opinion writer at the "new york times." richard, is america back? >> if only it were so easy, fareed. the good news is that we have rediscovered multilateralism.

there is nothing we can do better ourselves than others. but we're not back objectively or in the eyes of others. here at home we're about to reach the 500,000 death mark of covid. the economy has yet to recover. there is infrastructure issues. there is race issues. there is a long ways to go here at home before we're objectively back. and then in the eyes of others, they have to see we can have a peaceful rotation of power and that whoever comes in office in the future is the change is bounded, that the united states has essentially rediscovered its predictable self which dominated for 75 years. until we show there is a new consensus that others are willing to work with, no, we're not yet back. >> peter, would you agree? let me ask you to build on this by telling me what you make of the basic orientation of the biden team? these are familiar faces, experienced faces with a

familiar world view. what does that -- what are you likely to see as a result? and does it cheer you up or worry you? >> these are capable, decent people, but what worries me is they have not adjusted policy to adjust the magnitude of what we have seen over the last few years. we have seen that america's government cannot protect the american people from the most basic threats they face, the threat of pandemics and the threat from climate change. we're seeing now in texas again and again we see that the american welfare state buckles in the face of these mounting threats. given what we have learned, a relative continuation of the policies seems to me not connected to the threats that we really face. there has been no discussion of cutting the defense budget, even though we've seen that america's defense budget is not necessary

to keep americans safe when we need to invest at home. there is an emphasis primarily on competition with china. when if you look at the two greatest threats that china poses to the united states, public health and climate change can only be solved through cooperation. i fear we have a foreign policy team that has not taken account of what we've learned domestically over the last couple of years. >> give us a sense of how the world and particularly europe is reacting to the new biden administration. they made some nice statements. but take us behind the scenes. what is really happening? what is europe's reaction to biden? >> i think it depends on which europe you are looking at. if you are looking at the european union, there were nice words. but basically they are not jumping for joy. it's a strikingly restrained reaction. president macron on friday at the same conference talked about the importance of strategic autonomy for europe.

even angela merkel said that our interests will not always converge. so while they were polite, they were not sort of embracing with all arms open a huge, huge enthusiasm. that was left for somebody else. that was left to our prime minister boris johnson who said america is unreservedly back as the leader of the free world, and that is a fantastic thing. you know that fantastic is one of his favorite words, so one can discard it a bit. but it is certainly true the unreserved enthusiasm for this is very much a british thing right now. and that's partly to do with the fact that britain is no longer in the eu and has to find its own friends in the world and go its own way. it has partly to do with the fact that actually the u.k. is more aligned to american priorities, particularly with regard to china. and of course the u.k. is leading the g7 this year and so desperately needs some big progress there. it will be interesting. europe overall, i agree with richard, quite

muted. london on its own massively enthusiastic. >> fascinating. richard, the china issue is going to be the central one. and i wonder, you know, it does sound like what peter beinart is saying is we're watching a kind of familiar playbook, you know cold war light or let's gather all the allies and show china the strength of the pro-american world. will that work? >> well, it will be tough. one test, fareed, will be whether we can agree on a set of technologies that we will screen and not permit to reach china. and i think the only way we might succeed at that is if we keep the list of technologies and items quite narrow. and then the other side of that, the corollary, is that we work with our partners in producing something ourselves if we don't want to be dependent on, say, chinese broad band, then there

ought to be a transatlantic. can we be more willing and able to come to taiwan's defense. so there is lots of issues here. and it makes the case for multilateralism. the question will be can we translate the impulse into real policy? >> zanny, there was an earlier test here, which was jake sullivan, the national security adviser, asked the europeans not to sign a trade-in investment agreement with china until the biden administration came to power. they essentially ignored it and went ahead and signed it. was that significant in your view? >> i think it was immensely significant and also striking how much the european union is talking about, you know, its differences with regard to china with america. clearly china is a member of the european union's trading power.

and germany has huge focus on china, so there are very real differences there with the united states. there is also a sense in the european union that they were burned in the last four years because they were very much the focus of president trump's ire. they were seen as an enemy on trade, if you will. and now suddenly the u.s. is reaching out with its multilateralism, but how long will that last? finally in the area of trade, which is enormously important to the europeans, they see a biden administration that talks about multilateralism, but one of the first things it does is talk about a large buy america scheme. in action the biden administration isn't all that pro-trade actually. there is quite a lot of skepticism in the european union. and, therefore, quite a lot of determination to forge their own role which, frankly, i think is problematic because the only way there will be a successful front to counter and develop a strategic approach to china is if the two sides of the atlantic work together. right now we're quite a long way

away from that in practice. >> stay with us. when we come back i will ask the panel how do we rejoin the iran deal? what to do about afghanistan? these questions and more when we come back. what about me? an ev for me? what about me? can i get one too? an ev for this princess? what's an ev? and there better be one for me. and what about michelle from michigan? me? what about me? us? will there be an ev for me? me? me? me? me? ♪ ♪ ancestry...gave us context. this...whole world ...of people ♪ ...adventurous people... and survivors. it was interesting to think about their lives... their successes... and...their hardships. i think that's part of what i want my kids to know. they come from people who... were brave. and took risks. big risks.

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and we are back. with zanny minton beddoes, richard haass and peter beinart. peter, the iran deal. just give us a sense fundamentally what is the nature of iran's threat and what should we do about it?

>> i think that if you look at what the biden administration has done so far, there's a contrast with how they behaved on domestic policy. on domestic policy they've been bold. they're pushing through probably on a partisan vote a domestic package that i think is really important. on iran, they have, by contrast, dithered. the united states, not iran, is the one who violated this deal. therefore, it seems to me just basic elemental fairness is that we return to the deal. iran only started not living up to the commitment a year after we broke them. the united states should rejoin that deal first. and, yet, we have not been willing to do that. we're also talking about a follow-up deal that talks about addressing iran's destabilizing activities in the middle east. iran is not the only destabilizing actor in the middle east. the saudis, uae, israel, turkey is at least destabilizing in its foreign policy.

if the biden administration wants to create regional peace, it has to see this more wholistically as a number of different countries all of which have security concerns. all of which have taken destabilizing action. richard, we will have to do a bit of a round robin. if you have something to say on iran, quickly say it. but what i really want to ask you about is afghanistan, which you were in charge of for a while. biden's instincts from the start had been to try and pull out or to get down to a very minimal commitment. what is the choice now? what is the right thing to do? >> well, the choice is either to continue to do it. the trump administration signed up to a year ago, which is to leave in a few months. that won't be a peace agreement, fareed. that would be a withdrawal agreement. the government would fall and afghanistan would likely again become a venue for terrorism. the human rights consequences would be awful and u.s. credibility would again take a major hit.

so i think the real question is whether you stay under current terms, 2,500 troops, extend really large scale support to this government and possibly every now and then introduce additional troops if need be. it won't give you peace. it won't give you military victory. but sometimes in life all you can do is avert defeat. i think that's possible in afghanistan and i think it's also affordable. >> zanny, let me ask you about something that your magazine did, which i thought was very intriguing and controversial. the united states has labeled what china is doing with the uighur and muslim population, genocide, and you disputed the characterization. you said what's going on is bad, but it's playing fast and loose with the world to describe it as genecide. >> we did.

we had a couple of big pieces on this. and let me be clear, what is happening is terrible. it is a crime against humanity. it ought to be absolutely and totally attacked from the rest of the world. but what we went into is whether it was helpful for the united states to declare it a genecide. it has a definition under a un treaty which can include cultural genecide, forcible sterilization, a lot of components. but hitherto, united states has been extremely reluctant to declare a country genecidal regime. it did so, if you remember, only at the very end of the randa genocide. if you look at what's happening, awful as it is, it is not widespread slaughter of people. it is something different. we called it a crime against humanity. we were pointing out that the biden administration to declare this a genocide and then

basically keep ongoing as if this never happened risks debasing the term. once you have declared a regime genocidal you can't go on working with it and all those other things. we thought it was important to make that distinction. the united states does need to with china on global climate and it should speak more loudly about human rights abuses. i think it is excellent the biden administration is doing, that. excellent they're speaking up about hong kong. that's really important. but this characterization of the term by itself with no follow-up by that, i think we thought we could return. that was the argument we were making. >> peter beinart, i have 45 seconds, but i want to you explain one interesting piece you wrote from a human rights point of view the biden administration should take a serious look at the number of sanctions it has in place by some measure 50% of the

world's population. explain. >> i was particularly focused on secondary sanctions where the u.s. not only refuses to trade itself but essentially tries to prevent other countries from trading. i described that as a siege. oftentimes these are terrible governments we are imposing these sejs on. but the academic evidence is clear. when you impose a siege and virtually make it very difficult for even humanitarian goods to come into a place like venezuela or iran and north korea, you don't harm the regimes. you harm the already brutalized people. i think the biden administration needs to completely review this policy, to become a cheap way for america to suggest its moral superiority and it actually hurts vulnerable people. >> peter beinart, richard haass, zanny minton beddoes, fascinating, intelligent conversation. thank you. and we will be back.

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the entire central portion of the united states was hit this week by days and days of freezing cold. much of the state of texas had below freezing temperatures for a week, along with record snowfall. its power grid was crippled, many without electricity for days. water systems failed as well. i want to bring in katherine. professor, thanks for joining us. tell us how in a simple way how is this related to climate change? >> well, first of all, it's winter and it is not unusual to get a storm of this magnitude in texas.

it happened about ten years ago. and ten years ago grid operators and power companies were told, recommended, that they winterize their equipment. but as we see, the majority of them did not. we also know, though, that the arctic is warming. as the arctic warms much faster than the rest of the world, it is slowing down the jet stream. as the jet stream slows down, it starts to wiggle. so scientists are beginning to ask could there actually be a connection between a warming arctic, bigger troughs in the jet stream and bigger outbreaks of arctic air. those outbreaks are sort of like opening the freezing door in the arctic and letting all that cold air pour out. i have to emphasize this has happened in texas before, and the majority of impacts are lack of preparation on the part of the grid. >> but to help people understand just how extraordinary these

effects of climate change are, the arctic is now 25 degrees fahrenheit warmer than it would be in an average year. >> absolutely. the arctic is warming faster than any other part of the world. one of the biggest reasons the arctic is warming so quickly is because as it warms, all of that shiny white ice and snow is melting. revealing dark ground and dark water underneath. and that absorbs a lot more of the sun's energy. so it's what we scientists call a positive feedback cycle. but what i think could more accurately be called a vicious cycle of warming. >> so the results seems to be whoever coined the phrase global weirding seems to be more accurate than global warming. you have these large temperature extremes. you can have 75 or 80 degrees weather some weeks in texas, and now the kind you are seeing.

what is the best way to prepare for that? what should texas have done? obviously it should have winterized. but give us a broader sense of where we're headed. >> we are headed into more extreme weather in general. we know summer heat waves are becoming more intense and more deadly. we know that precipitation can fall as snow or rain. we know we are not seeing more frequent hurricanes, but the hurricanes we get are bigger and stronger and slower and they're dumping a lot more rain on us. we know the area burned by wild fires in the western united states has already doubled due to the impacts of the changing climate. that's why i think a more accurate description is global weirding. >> what should we be doing? because it sounds like in a situation where these extremes

will continue as long as climate change continues to -- you know, as long as we keep pumping all this carbon into the atmosphere. we need to buy insurance. in almost every element of life, we have to be ready for these extreme climactic events. what do we do? >> well, the way i look at it is as if we humans have been driving down a pretty straight road like the roads we have here in west texas looking only in our rearview mirror. we have designed our infrastructure, our building codes, our energy supply, our water allocations. we have designed almost every aspect of our lives based on conditions that we experienced in the past. the draught of record, the 100-year flood zone, the average temperature, so you know what type of air conditioner, heater

or insulation you need. but today climate is changing faster than any other history. we are already on the curve. our wheels are already on the rumble strip. that's why one of the most important things any city, any state, any country can do is to prepare for the impacts of climate change that we can no longer avoid. that's what i do. i work with a lot of cities including houston and texas to help them see how their extreme heat in summer and their flood risk will increase so they can prepare for those impacts. but the other side of the coin is that we actually control the steepness of a future curve. how? our carbon emissions determine how much climate will change in the future. and the united states has officially rejoined the paris agreement. that means that every country in the world is in on cutting the carbon emissions to keep warming below the level that really would signal danger. not for the planet but for human civilization.

that is what's at risk. >> katherine hayhoe, this is so illuminating. thank you for joining us. >> thank you for having me. next on gps, the big question in washington is can the united states afford massive spending? whether to prepare for climate change or covid. politicians for decades on both sides of the aisle have cautioned against washington spending money it doesn't have. that tide has now turned. (burke) at farmers, we know how nice it is to save on your auto policy. but it's even nicer knowing that if this happens... ...or this... ...or even this... ...we've seen and covered it. so, call 1-800-farmers and get a quote today. ♪ we are farmers. bum-pa-dum, bum-bum-bum-bum ♪

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proposed another $2 trillion to be spent on infrastructure. many in washington and new york asked, can we spend that much money when we are already so far in the hole. annie lowry explains why the answer is yes. she is a staff writer at "the atlantic." let me ask you very simply to explain to people why in your view it's okay for the united states to have these kind of massive, massive deficit and debts where debt to gdp ratios will be up over 100% easily, probably closer to 125%. >> i think the thing to think about here is how the debt is behaving in terms of its dynamics on the economy, right? the debt is this inert mass that the united states and the taxpayer needs to service, correct? so even though the debt has gotten much, much, much bigger,

we have blown past that debt-to-gdp target of 100, so the debt is bigger than gdp measured per year. debt servicing costs have gone down because interest rates have been so low. this is not something that many people predicted but have been so low for so long. it feels like we're moving into a structural period of low interest rates. so the amount of debt that the united states can handle has changed a lot. and our views of much debt and deficits are affecting the economy have changed a lot. we need to think about what we're spending that money on because if you are spending it on an investment that will generate more gdp down the road, something like infrastructure, for instance, if you're changing what the country is spending on, that can matter a lot, too. >> so you know that there are a lot of people who agree with the proposition you're making, that fundamentally interest rates are low for long and therefore we have the opportunity to borrow and invest.

but they're saying this biden bill and presumably the next one is just too much. so larry summers, who often talks about the need for more deficit spending, this bill, $1.9 trillion is just way too much and it could trigger inflation, which would cause a rise of interest rates which would mean that debt servicing cost goes up. he argues the reason, there's a simple way to measure this. it is a technical term output gap. basically it is how much has the economy dropped off because of covid and there is that gap. the amount of spending plan is four, five sometimes that gap. that does seem a little too much, no? >> certainly. i think the question is what the spending is doing in the economy. so is this traditional stimulus to get us out of a traditional recession? in which case you would perhaps cause overheating and see that overheating in terms of rising inflation which the fed would then have to raise interest rates to cool off. or is this something different?

when you look at what's actually in the bill and what it's doing, this is billions and billions of dollars in part to ensure vaccinations, to keep child care centers and schools open, rental assistance to keep people from getting evicted. there is another portion that is true stimulus, the $1,400 stimulus checks, insurance payments, ppp for businesses and other money for small businesses, but that money isn't going to get used unless it is needed, right? you need to be unemployed in order to be applying for unemployment insurance. if you think of it as kind of a rescue package after a natural disaster, which in a lot of ways the coronavirus has functionally acted as, not just as a recession but this public health catastrophe that has taken entire sectors of the american

economy off line, it seems to be judging it by the yardstick of being a more traditional stimulus. it looks a lot like war spending. we are fighting this battle. so i'm not sure it makes sense to think of all $1.9 trillion as being stimulus. >> what's the worst case scenario? let's imagine that this -- all this spending and these deficits do produce an overheating economy, that interest rates do rise, that inflation does go up. why do we have in our minds this image of the 1970s inflation out of control, very difficult to bring back down, you know, the older memories of more hyper inflation in germany in the '20s. are these all wrong? >> i think the question is whether that was the lesson that applies now and whether we could see the same circumstance given that we have moved into the era of very low interest rates.

i think it might not be as applicable. we have seen problematic inflation in that way in a generation. we have no memory of it. so given that inflation hasn't been problematic, it seems like we might be cooling the economy off to solve a problem that we don't have. >> annie lowrey, thanks so much for helping us understand this. >> thanks for having me. next on "gps" the united states will soon surpass half a million deaths from covid-19. we will take you to a nation that has had only one death. where in the world? we'll be back with the answer.

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nichols thwaite and adrian wooldridge. since i mentioned it, you can also go to fareed.com to also buy my book. settled in the mim hi -- himalayan mountains near tibet, they were the most successful at combatting covid-19. when the pandemic began, the country seemed ill-prepared and vulnerable. it had just over 300 doctors but

only one with icu training, about 100 health care workers and a cpap machine. it shared an open border with india where covid has killed over 150,000 people. yet bhutan only reported its first coronavirus death, a 34-year-old man with previous cond conditions, recently. while tourism is one of the country's main industries bringing in $19 million a year, it swiftly closed its borders. mass testing, social distancing and trace testing was implemented. health workers learned to use ppe. there were strict lockdowns and a 120-day quarantine policy. the prime minister, health

minister and foreign minister call themselves the healthy government, and they relied on science to shape their pandemic response. the scientist, who is also a surgeon, even slept on a bench in his office during lockdown so he wouldn't spread the disease to the rest of his family. in many respects, bhutan is a lesson in preparedness and protection. working with the w.h.o., they were prepared for a virus-borne emergency. in 2019, the country ran a similar exercise in which a ship arrived with a suspected case of coronavirus. after hearing of a mysterious outbreak in china, the country began screening arrivals at the airport and drafting a national response plan. from the first covid case to emerge, a 76-year-old american who fell seriously ill.

the country mobilized tracing and quarantining about 300 suspected contacts in just about six hours. bhutan is not alone in rustling up powerful resources. rwanda and senegal has also been effective at combatting covid-19. they all took similar action after practice with pandemics. they trusted in government, focused on communication with the public to take care of our whole society by providing better social and economic support, to work on preparedness and prevention in public health, and to address this crisis as a unified nation. thanks to all of you for being part of my program this week. i will see you next week.

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hello, everyone, thank you so much for joining me this sunday. i'm fredricka whitfield. we're following several stories. first a pair of terrifying moments as two boeings have engine fires just hours apart. in the u.s., passengers on a united airlines flight, a boeing 777, capture the moments an engine failed just after takeoff. brand new video showing chunks of debris raining down over a denver suburb, one piece crashing onto