>> announcer: this is cnn breaking news. our breaking news this hour certainly is breaking indeed. the january 6th committee has now released its final report just moments ago. it is here. i want to bring in cnn justice correspondent jessica snyder. jessica, i understand the committee is making very specific recommendations about how law enforcement and also of course legislative bodies ought to proceed now in the wake of this report and their findings. tell us what are you learning? >> reporter: laura, that's the big take away from this report. so it is 845 pages. the vast majority of that actually incapsulates eight chapters where they out the entire narrative surrounding up to and including january 6th.

but the real meat of this is not until page 689, and it lays out about let's see 11 different recommendations this committee is making. i want to highlight a few for people. and laura you were asking before where can people go to actually read this entire report. it is up on the committee's website. it's january6.house.gov. the big take away from this is interesting. they're autlining several steps that many different bodies whether it's congress, bar associations within different states or law enforcement agencies, the steps that they should take as a result of this comprehensive report from this committee. the biggest one that i'm seeing here is that this committee is recommending that there be steps taken to enforce the 14th amendment section 3. this committee says, of course, that part of the constitution says anyone that incites an insurrection should be barred

from holding any future office. so specifically it says the committee believes that those who took an oath to protect and defend the constitution on january 6th should be barred, disqualified and barred from holding government office. and if you read between the lines there, of course, they are pointing directly at the former president trump who has already announced his candidacy for 2024. so that's a big step for this committee saying that, look, it's right there in the constitution. if you incite an insurrection, you are barred from holding future office. unclear if that would be actually implemented, but the committee is urging that. one other important thing here, laura. they're talking ubhow law enforcement agencies, federal agencies, secret service really need to take a hard look at violent extremism because, of course, that's part of what amplified and sort of fed into this mob movement that moved to the capitol on january 6th, breached the capitol, stormed inside, resulted in injuries,

even a few deaths. they're saying that law enforcement, other agencies need to take a big look at that. and then of course they're also saying -- and i'll end here, laura -- they're talking about the electoral count act. and of course they want to codify that no vice president, no other official can ever overthrow the electoral count, the electors that have been chosen via individual states. of course that was something that the former president was pushing vice president mike pence to do. it's something ultimately the vice president refused to do. the committee here pointing out that the house of representatives has passed what's called the presidential election reform act. they're now urging the senate to pass that as well so that it is codified that the vice president does not have any power in this process, which, of course, sort of was the initial -- the initial points that the former president tried to seize on and urged the vice president to overturn the election. but a lot in here, laura.

most of it, though, the narrative here. and really expounding upon everything they've shown in testimony, in public testimony, putting it in black and white and then in these appendacyies detailing the recommendation they're making about what can be done now. >> thank you. keep going through it and bring us exactly what you have. i want to bring in the former national republican senatorial committee aide, also former prosecutor shan wu and the managing editor at axios. i mean to summarize what we're hearing here, it's the now what part of the actual january 6th committee, the now what involving waiting for what happened. we knew what happened from the different hearings, ten public hearings. you had of course the 11 summation hearings that happened a couple days ago. the question is now going to be now what, presidential election coming up. but now what for the other agencies and entities.

and going through and thinking about a legislative solution one for law enforcement, one for secret service and intelligence, all very important to think about what to do now. what do you make of it, liam, in terms of the presentation to encompass here's where we go from here? >> first of all i think the fact this is coming out 10:00 on a thursday night means they will be very careful making this was completely ready to go. because if they released this and it had any iota of errors or mistakes i think that would be leapt on immediately by the former president and by republicans. so i think that's one of the things they've been very deliberate and methodical. i think this is no different. again, the reason they're coming out with this now is they lose power in a few weeks. the good news the electoral count act they did pass it today as part of the omnibus. that's my take away is how careful they've been, and this is just a punctuation mark on

what has been a broader exercise. >> from punctuation mark, shan, to the question mark of whether it can be implemented about an incitement of insurrection, where the language does track the 14th amem to have a similar consequence if he were convicted of that charge. what do you make of the question of whether that's a possibility to pursue it in that matter? >> i think that's a possibility. and i think it's important to remember for the 14th amendment language, that's not really defined as being only triggered by criminal conviction. so as there had been some attempts to do that across the country, people could raise that to try to stop certain candidates from getting on the ballot. >> madison hawthorne, marjorie taylor greene, for example. >> yeah, they haven't been successful so far but we could raise it. we talked about how this could be a blueprint for doj, the

referrals and such. but it's also a blueprint for the country. maybe congress can't do anything at the moment, but this tells them what they can do. the recommendations to clarify the obstruction of the proceeding issue really important for congress to think about that. similarly there's civil enforcement power for the subpoena is also on the recommendations. and we've seen just how blurry that is, how long it takes to get any compliance. so these are things that congress can do. the committee is putting forth these ideas. and frankly, it's time for congress to take back the power before everything is decided by the supreme court. but that's a different story. >> the idea of clarifying things remember this is legislative body. they are the ones who make the laws. if there's a loophole or shortcoming something no longer relevant or unclear, that is their role to do. on the issue of the amplification on the intelligence one part, but the

electoral count aspect of it, there was bipartisan support for the premise of, look, we don't want there to be confusion as to whether you can pressure someone or can i, can i not of a vice president mike pence back in 2020. they're trying to solidify to prevent it from happening again because democracies, of course, require elections to keep happening. >> and yet that act, the electoral vote act reform, may be the end of the road legislatively at least for now. you've got a republican majority coming into the house. you see kevin mccarthy who i think is going to become speaker. you see what a teeny tiny narrow margin he has to work with, what kind of pressure he faces from his right flank. most of the action now on the details of the report are going to move to justice department. it's an 845-page report for everyone, all the viewers who are googling it right now furiously. but just it begins with a statement from the house speaker nancy pelosi, from benny

thompson, the democratic chair, african american man from mississippi. liz cheney vice chair, republican from wyoming. their statements i think frame the way they want the public and the history books to understand the purpose of these findings. pelosi writing that this committee did a job diligently regarding our democracy and is calling on americans to vote only for those who are dutiful in their defense of our constitution, meaning don't vote for election deniers. don't vote for people who try to block the legitimate results of an election. benny thompson saying he thinks most americans are going to turn their backs on what he calls enemies of democracy, but saying that he believes white supremacists and violent extremists are going to rally to the side of election deniers, so trying to frame it in those terms. and liz cheney, a republican talking about her great, great grandfather joining the union army to try to help lincoln hold

the country together. those are the three narratives that the house speaker and the two chairs and the vice chair of the committee want to frame this, to say this is not about partisan politics but this is about american democracy. >> what's so interesting about those three perspectives and i'm glad you detailed especially the journey and personal story behind it. congresswoman liz cheney spoke to this issue in her final statement, talking about of course lincoln, speak about ronald reagan as well, talking about this need. and all of that really speaks to in my mind the current threat as opposed to a retrospective look at what was. the attention there, liam, right? on the one hand you've got the idea of by focusing on what happened on january 6th, it being no longer january 6th, we are all retrospective in looking at that. we're looking at the past hoping it'll become prologue.

on the other hand, you talk about turning the page and thinking what next. is that tension reconcilable in terms of how to move forward with the now what philosophy in this report? >> there's a couple different split screens here. republicans on the one hand would love to move forward and would love to tell democrats to stop living in the past. but the former president is living in the past. he's the one that wants to keep relitigating this. >> and current candidate. >> and current candidate, excuse me. and you mention liz cheney and she's essentially been chased out of the party. there's a lot happening there. but the split screen with the fact the senate without incident passed with broad bipartisan support the electoral count act today. so there is a sort of recognition at some level these things are important that had to be done and were unquestionable. because even people that opposed the omnibus were doing it on grounds of $1.7 trillion spending, not on this reform. even as they grumble about these rinos dwelling in the past they

realized the past had holes that needed to be reformed and plugged up. i think they'd love nothing more than to move forward. the question is will the former president allow it? >> you make such a good point because we all talk about how congress is dysfunctional, can't get anything done and how they've become a weaker branch of government. it congress agreed on stuff on bipartisan lines they could be extremely powerful and get a lot of stuff done. >> imagine that. what is this world you speak about? in washington, d.c., whatever it is -- >> i think what we saw with the select committee is that when -- when things devolve along partisan lines and when it turns into a food fight, hearings are weak, the subpoena power is weak. you just say fifth amendment, fifth amendment, fifth amendment and nothing happens to most of the people who say that. if this had been -- it was a bipartisan committee but it could have been a truly bipartisan effort with vice president biden these -- the

past year of hearings would have been incredibly powerful. i mean they learned a lot anyway but if members of both parties had said you know what everyone here needs to be held accountable, you need to answer those questions, i actually think their results would have been even more -- >> is there a name for that simulation? >> it's called democracy. >> you know what? it's also called transparency and i'm not making light of it because that was part of the reason that you heard the committee say they wanted this to be in this whole format, offering the transcripts as well, combing through the more than 800 pages as we speak. and of course we've all seen the ten plus public hearings up until now. but congresswoman liz cheney and others and thompson were clear. much more on the breaking news coverage ahead. the january 6th committee releasing its final report. stay with us.

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our breaking news tonight, the house january 6th committee releasing now its final report just a short time ago. i want to bring in former u.s. attorney harry litman. i'm so glad you're with us tonight. this is very significant day. we've been waiting for this not just since wednesday but since january 6th when the committee was actually impanelled. i'm wondering in terms of you've

seen the recommendations. there's 11 of them that goes beyond the initial executive summary. it includes things like the electoral count act, accountability, a deeper dive into violent extremism and the protocol that you do to prevent this from happening. but one in particular that i'm really curious about your take as a former prosecutor is this 14th amendment section 3, the one where, frankly, you recall from the second impeachment of the former president donald trump a focus was on the disqualification of somebody from holding office -- now we're in the future -- if they participated and helped to incitee or give comfort or aid to an insurrectionist for example. tell me what stands out to you in this recommendation? >> the first thing that stands out is the committee is actually going for it. so raskin made it clear in his remarks, so did the vice chair

cheney. it's a bit of a constitutional puzzle and i've thought about this and studied it a lot how contactually you effectuate this provision in the 14th amendment that says once you have sworn an oath to the constitution and committed an insurrection you may not serve in the futurec. it has to be -- it has to be the case it can be brought into effect. and yet there's some law out there that suggests congress has to vote it. there's some law that suggests just a judge or a jury could find it. i think the committee wasn't sure, but they really want to make this play. and you can see it, the kind of grand compromise from the body politics. so the big thing they're going for it. and remember just this week 40 democrats in the house of representatives have done a

motion to try to effectuate just this. raskin is the constitutional law professor. it has to be done but how is the mystery, and they want to get it right. because the risk is you go through all the steps and the supreme court then backs it down. that's something that really jumped out at me, jumped out even on monday. >> it's a really important point because the idea of the proof and the going for it, given the fact i mean on the one hand, harry, it's great news. it's not a whole lot of precedent on a case like this, right? you don't want there to be volumes about case law that actually talks about people who were aiding and abetting or giving aid or comfort or actually inciting insurrections against our government. but because of that and in this case law and common law system we're in and we go based on the former holdings of the court, it is a difficult thing to address,

but in their criminal referrals, you remember, there was language about the incitement statute they were trying to articulate. the language tracks in the respects the same outcome. was that a way to try to nudge the doj to look into a statute that would do this very thing if it was politically unavailable to them from the impeachment? >> i think 100%. although they also want to do it on their own. it's smart precedent there, but the last time it was done it was by vote of congress. there's a 19th century precedent that says it has to be votes by congress. they want to do it both ways. they want to do belt and suspenders, and there's all kind of different reasons why it's tricky. i think you'll remember this is a qualification. there are only three or four in the constitution. you have to be 35 years old. you can't be foreign-born, and

you may not have done this. now, the supreme court has made it clear you can't add to those qualifications, but if you're doing that insurrection, that's what tracks the 14th amendment. and it's a hard charge, a checkered history. we have trump saying be peaceful, there's no real agreement here. they have to go by aiding and abetting. that's why i believe it showed up in this final list of four, and it was the surprise entry of the four. we're really going to see subsequently how this plays out. >> i also want to address this because, you know, you and i have had these conversations over the better part of six years at this point about the notion of subpoena power and what it takes as prosecutors -- when you give someone a subpoena it's not an invitation to a tea party you can decline. you're supposed to show up. but in recent years the subpoenas that have been issued by congress, their noses have

been thumbed at congress for a variety of reasons. one of the declarations in this very report deals with the house's civil subpoena enforcement authority. and they say the current authority on how to enforce their own subpoenas through civil litigation is unclear. this is a really interesting take because they probably anticipate the fact there's been a precedent set about people no longer seeing the gravitas that ought to be attach today a congressional subpoena. >> it's a great point. and really it's the same. the only reason is congress only last two years and once they expire the subpoena expires and trump in particular. and before four years ago it was honor or negotiated, but they developed this strategy just playing it out until congress folds. so you're right, it is one of the big recommendations.

there are four appendacyies at the end. you've dealt with almost four of them. there's the foreign corruption and where trump raised all this money and used it for bad purposes. but that's about half of what's big here. and the other half there are little snippets they didn't present to us. they did a very good job, incommittee, of really putting their best feet forward. but now there's a whole bunch we didn't see because it wasn't in the front of the hearings, but it really does fill in the details. roger stone, for example, or the way the proud boys took trump will be wowed as a summons to come to d.c., the big lie. those little shadings will be done. the 14th amendment thing you just mentioned is huge and the series of recommendations in the appendices. >> so important. harry litman, thank you for your insight. one i'm going to get to tonight

they recommend about the role of the media. and it's important we go there as well and the congress to make a point to address the role of the media in disinformation, false information, and also social media. everyone, stay with us. much more on the breaking news ahead. the january 6th committee releasing its final report this evening. we'll be right back. when a cold comes on strong, knock it out with vicks dayquil severe. just one dose starts to relieve 9 of youworst cold to help take you from 9 to none. por through with vicks dayquil severe.

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the breaking news tonight, the long awaited final report of the house january 6th select committee is finally public. i want to bring in cnn justice correspondent jessica schneider who has further information on the plot to overturn the election and how it was formulated. what do you got? >> yeah, our team has been parsing through this 800-plus page report, and we're learning a lot more fine details about this fake elector plot and sort of how it all began and who really pushed it. of course we've all heard the name john eastman, that conservative attorney who's really the architect of this plan to overturn the election. some more details the committee is releasing in this report is

that john eastman it looks like might have first tried to make contact with president trump at the white house on december 23, 2020, almost exactly two years ago. and the committee is documenting how john eastman put in an e-mail to president trump's assistant, molly michael, at the time 1:32 p.m. that day and then was eventually connected to the white house through the switchboard. it was a call that lasted 23 minutes. and john eastman apparently talked about his memo to ensure that president trump is re-elected, and in it he talked about the way that vice president pence could potentially overturn the election. of course, something pence refused to do. in addition to that the committee's report also talks about a little known trump attorney named kenneth cheesebro, and he was actually the architect of this fake elector plot, coming up with these fake electors in these battleground states who would be in favor of trump who that would try to insert as the actual

electors in those states that biden won instead. of course what's interesting about this is this a key line of investigation for state prosecutors particularly in georgia as well as federal prosecutors now with the special counsel's office. they're really honing into this idea there was this broad conspiracy potentially to put forth this fraud with these fake electors, trying to get these people together to present themselves as the real electors before president trump in those states that president biden actually won. so, laura, just a few more threads that the committee didn't necessarily get to with the public testimony that we saw throughout the summer and these numerous hearings, but a little bit more detail that is in this report we continue to parse through here about just how detailed this plot was to overturn the election. >> the idea of having this laid out in this way and the details i think is so impactful to

really further understand -- as you know there were ten public hearings. not everything was contained in those hearings. you had things obviously part of the transcripts, things that were almost the high level, high headlines that were going on. the idea of the switch boards you talk about is so interesting because remember there was a lot of conversation, jessica, about the phone logs and about who was calling at the white house, were these numbers traced in some meaningful way, who was responsible, and also the process by which people were instrumental on this broad conspiracy as you say about the fake electors plot, about that eastman memo. i mean this casts a very wide net in this particular report. >> yeah, and they're also giving this road map to the investigators. the committee saying we've gathered all this information. investigators whether the local d.a. like faunae willis down in georgia who's been actively investigating this fake elector plot or whether you're special

prosecutor like jack smith that was created a few weeks ago to take over this investigation, the committee has a lot more details that presumably state and federal prosecutors already have. they've been doing these investigations on simultaneous tracks, but you're right. and interestingly that note about johnniesman's call into the white house, that did come from john eastman's phone logs not the white house. they of course were able subpoena phone records from various people that were targeting. notably here john eastman did, in fact, go before the committee, but he pleaded the fifth for pretty much every question that he was asked and did not get to the heart of this. but they were able to glean this information from e-mails, phone records, and potentially other witnesses as well, laura. >> cites so important to think about where we are, jessica. thank you so much. i want to bring back to the conversation in just a moment after a quick break. we're going to delve more into

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that are right for you at choosechangeca.org. (gentle music) all right, the breaking news tonight, everyone, we finally have it. it's the house january 6th select committee, they've got their final report. it's been released within the hour. back with me now former prosecutor shan wu and cnn political analyst margaret tolib is also here as well. i want to go through this with you all, but there's a really interesting part we want to focus on as well. and there's so much in this report. it's 845 pages. we've got a lot going on here. i've read the entire thing. it's wonderful. but there's a part in here that really delves into rudy giuliani. and the reason it's important is because one of the

recommendations they have outlined here is about accountability. and they reference disciplinary proceedings and boards and bodies that were responsible for overseeing the legal profession. now, remember vice president mike pence recently said, hey -- i'm paraphrasing here -- hold donald trump accountable for getting bad advice from a lawyer. remember this moment? well, you have now the conversation about what is at stake when they do. reading from this is page 608 for those following along, it's available right now. he's talking about giuliani and saying he began frantically calling the white house, lying, the very minute the president's video ent up on twitter. failing to get through he called back once every minute. 4:17 p.m., 4:19 p.m., 4:20 p.m. he managed to get through briefly to mark meadows at 4:21 p.m. and then kept calling the white house line at 4:22 p.m.

three times on two different phones at 4:23 and 4:24 p.m., and once more at 5:05 p.m. it goes onto say he finally managed to speak with the president at 5:07 p.m., and the two spoke for almost 12 minutes. what's important for here as well is who he spoke to in congress. after he spoke with president trump, the report says, giuliani's phone calls went nearly without fail to members of congress senator marsha blackburn and then senator mike lee. he made three calls to senator bill haggerty then two to representative jim jordan. he called senator lindsey graham. and he called senator josh holley and senator ted cruz. je giuliani had two calls. and there were three calls to senator jordan none of which

connected. at 8:06 p.m. when joint session resumed the call to members stopped. and afterwards he had one final call of nine minutes with the president. so you think about that and remember the documentary footage we saw of speaker pelosi and senator chuck schumer and congressman mccarthy and so many others who were in that room that day underneath the capitol in different areas. and lof the calls that were being made, and yet there were calls being made and spoken with the president of the united states but not from those who were in danger. what does that strike you as? >> i mean what really strikes me like you said before they're still trying to stop it even at that stage. all of giuliani's calls are aimed at that. there's a snippet of a voice mail they left that's quoted in the report where he's basically saying we just need some more time because the legislators are so close to pulling it. i mean that is very much of a smoking gun in terms of his intent, what he's trying to do.

apparently he initially tried to resist answering questions saying it was attorney-client privilege. going to the point, too, of accountability. that is completely baseless, and there's reason why he's facing potential jeopardy of his bar license. >> just because i'm an attorney and we're talking now our discussion is not privilege. his claim these are privileged conversations is nonsensical as has been raised many times. margaret, as you're reading through this report and you saw some things completely in the public hearings and in these public videotapes, et cetera, what is striking you right now as you see it all laid out this way in recommendation form as to the now what? >> i do think it's the granularity of the detail and it is the connecting of the dots. and as long and as fulsome as those hearings were, you can't put 845 pages and copious

footnotes into televised hearings. everyone's head would explode or people would pass out of confusion. there's meticiouslessness and a dot connecting here that simply can't translate to a televised hearings and can't translate to one night. even though i think you're right the sort of bombshell revelations, the stuff made for tv audience has already been put out there by this committee. sometimes in the big scheme of things the -- the things that don't always seem obvious early on become important later. and i think as this -- as all of this evidence now moves into the legal venue, the justice department venue and potentially it's a justice department investigation or potentially donald trump and his allies -- we don't know -- it is many of what seem like small details, the call logs, the number of

calls, who the calls went to, who the calls didn't went to, how jow juks tupose those time frames with pelosi and mcconnell and schumer hiding for their safety in a bunker. it is things that were not apparent in previous hearings may become important in the revelations that are in this report tonight. >> what margaret describes really is the essence of a closing argument. the idea for most juries you're looking for more information, you're seeing it and hearing the testimony come in, but it's up to a prosecutor of the case or in this instance a legislative committee to try to bring it all together and help you understand. but what i think is so striking about this is we have a tendency in this world to try to harm the messenger, and we will relegate to the trash depending upon who the messenger is. but when you read it for yourself combined with what you saw with your own eyes from january 6th it's a horse in

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ingredients long as the yellow brick road. we didn't know how bad it was for her until we actually got the good food. we got her the farmer's dog sent in the mail. it was all fresh, when she started eating healthier, she started being more active and smiling more, running more, playing more. i want my dog to have a healthy and long life. the farmer's dog really helps that out. see the benefits of fresh food at betterforthem.com all right, look everyone, we are back with our breaking news. tonight we've got the january 6th select committee's final report, it is here, i want to bring in former watergate prosecutor nick akerman to join the conversation. nick, this is 845 plus pages with the footnotes, and the appendices. you've got forwards by the speaker the house, the chairman of the committee, bennie thompson, the vice chair of

course, we've got congresswoman liz cheney. we've got at least 11 recommendations that have been made already. one, of course, includes the 14th amendment, section three. the idea of being disqualified from being able to hold office ever again. we've got discussions surrounding threats to election workers. the idea of adding more severe penalties, -- not beefed up enough. just to name a few. what is sticking out for you in terms of this report tonight? >> i think what is most significant out of this report is, it actually lays that evidence, admissible evidence in a court of law, whether it's a federal court in washington d.c., or a state court in georgia, that proves that donald trump is guilty of these crimes, beyond a reasonable doubt. just to give you one little snippet, here, of a set of

facts that are laid out by this committee, that they aren't covering during the course of this investigation. you can start with an email from john eastman, on december 31st, 2000, where he writes to the other lawyers on the team, saying that they are about to file a federal lawsuit in georgia federal court, but they they are concerned, now because they initially filed a lawsuit in georgia state court. and donald trump had submitted a declaration there, basically stating that so many dead people voting, that so many felons voted, and that a certain number of people that don't even live in the state of georgia. but the problem was, that donald trump knew that this was all false, yet they had to file a federal action, basically reciting the same facts.

and the concern was, this would come back to bite donald trump, because he knew it was false. but what did they do? they still found that federal lawsuit. donald trump swore under oath, that the same facts occurred, but then on top of it all, two days, later january 2nd, donald trump makes this call to brad raffensperger, the secretary of state in georgia, which has it turns out, mr. raffensperger tape recorded, unbeknownst to donald trump. during that call, donald trump raised those specific issues. he said to raffensperger, x number of dead people voted, x number of felons voted, x number of people who didn't vote in georgia voted. and baffert bad raffensperger took them through point by point, and told him exactly that none of this was true. -- for example, there was only one

dead person. not 10,000 dead people voted. and then, lo and behold, donald trump goes out a few days later, and makes public pronouncements, making the exact same lies all over again, even though he was told by the official the none of this is true. so you've got this evidence, -- men and the same lies that were repeated, in arizona, the repeated in wisconsin. when you start to put together this web of evidence, the details, the minute new details that are sprinkled throughout this report, i'm from a case that can be proven beyond a reasonable doubt. >> they know neck, it occurs to me that for people who might be reading this, i'm sure reading it thoroughly, is not just say,

jack smith, a special counsel, but one folding county d.a., honeywell as well. -- much more ahead, the january six committee is now releases a report, it's available right now for the public. we're going through it here, we'll bring in the very latest here on cnn.

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this is cnn breaking news. >> this is cnn tonight, i'm laura coats, the breaking news tonight, we had the final report from the january 6th select committee. it is now public, it is now online, it's on our own house box that as well. reena digging deep to this report, and what you need to know, it's the result, by the way, of over 1000 interviews and documents, including emails, texts, phone records, and a year and a half of investigations. of course, this is after the ten public hearings we witnessed, and the day's events on