all in favor, say aye. opposed, no, in the opinion of the chair come the noes have it. >> madame chair, i have come to the proper one now, and that is the last one as dr. foxx says. i have an amendment to the rule and move that the committee make an order to provide the appropriate waivers for amendment to be separately debated for ten minutes each and considered. amendment number 105 offered by the gentleman, mr. hinojosa of texas, which would add a pulled harmless amendment for those hospitals that serve high poverty areas and are subject to reductions under medicare and medicaid disproportionate share hospital payments that would require mudpack to conduct a study that determines the continued copper will be of hospitals and the high poverty areas, the secretary of health and human services would enact recommendations based on the study and ensure continued access to care by individuals

served by such hospitals. also amendment number 92 offered by the gentleman sheila jackson lee of texas which would strike medicare limits on expanding physician owned hospitals. amendment number 93 offered by the gentle woman represented jackson lee of texas which would provide an exception to medicare limits on physician owned hospitals by providing an exception for safe hospitals that meet criteria for disproportionate share of hospitals or high number of the emergency room visits. further, amendment number 94 offered by the gentleman jackson lee of texas, which would amend the definition for high medicaid facility. ..

[roll call] >> the clerk wilbert port the total. the motion is not agree to. >> before we turn to ms. foxx i would just like to say, while we have gone through an

extraordinarily intense 13 hours here, that's i would like to have a light moment if ever be possible to say that in one hour, mr. sessions will be celebrating his birthday. i wanted everyone here to know that. [applause] thank you very much. now we can turn to ms. foxx. >> ms. foxx. >> thank you madam chairman. before i offer an amendment i would like to say in light of the discussion on the amendments we have had tonight, i would like to ask at the chair provide us with a number of amendments for the first session and this session so far that have been offered in person and those offered without the person testifying by majority party and minority party, and the percent of each of the amendments-- of

those amendments that were accepted. i would like to see the statistics on this. when you all raise questions, i guess it is my academic background. you got me to thinking about things and i think it might interesting for the public and for us to see how does this work. does it make a difference to come to the rules committee? do more amendments of the majority party get past by the rules committee if you come in person? do more of the minority party get past if you come in person? i think it would be kind of interesting to see that statistic. you have the records. >> i am not sure we record, but i would have to. >> you have the minutes of the meeting. >> of who showed up. i think you are more aware of the day. but your staff can do that. >> with a gentle yet--

gentlelady yield to me? your staff has the same access to the records as any of us do so you might want to assign one of your staff numbers to do that. >> i just thought it would need more official at the came from the chair of the committee that it would be an official document coming from the chair of the committee. >> i'm not certain it is possible. we can look into it that i think it would take a combination of staff and considerable work. how long did you want to go back? >> just this session, but the first half of the session. the first session and then the second session. it is a 111th congress i should say. >> let us see what is possible. >> again, you have raised the issue tonight in terms of whether your percentage is better or worse if you attend. it might be kind of interesting to show that two people. madam chair i have an amendment for the rule. i moved that the committee make

in order to provide the appropriate waivers for amendment number 6 offered by representative foxx of north carolina which would strike the entire student aid and fiscal responsibility act. >> i'm sorry, i didn't hear. to strike that? alright. >> you all heard the motion. >> again i would just like to emphasize that the safra adds pass both my committee as well as the house with a strong bipartisan majority. it helps make college more affordable for young people and streamlines the loan program and contributes to the deficit reduction better part of this entire package and help reduce our federal debt going forward. >> is there any discussion? >> i would just like to say there are parts, had the amendments been more tailored, that might've been interesting to me but it is far too broad. >> any discussion? if not the vote occurs on the

motion. all in favor, say aye. opposed, no. record the vote. [roll call] >> the clerk will report the totals. the motion is not agree to. ms. foxx. >> madam chair i move the committee make in order to provide the appropriate waivers for amendment number 98 offered by representative round of georgia, franks of arizona and sam johnson of texas which would provide nothing in the protection and affordable care act or this act may authorize or permit access to or coverage of abortions except in the case of a woman who suffers a physical disorder, physical injury or physical illness that would as certified by a physician plays placed the woman in danger of death unless an abortionist

performed or if the pregnancy is the result of an act of forcible rape or. >> you have heard the gentlelady's motion. any discussion? if not, the vote occurs. all in favor, say aye opposed, no. [roll call] >> the clerk will record the totals. >> thank you am chair. i've moved that the committee make in order to provide the appropriate waivers for amendment number 67 offered by representative around waite of florida which would repeal the sections of the bill that required the irs to enforce the individual mandate. spieler for the gentlelady's

motion. any discussion? if not the vote occurs on the motion. all in favor say aye. opposed, no. >> madam chair could we have a recorded vote? [roll call] >> the clerk will report the totals. >> madam chair at the amendment to the rule, i move the committee make in order to provide the appropriate waivers for amendment number 13 offered by representative black man of tennessee which would prohibit the federal government from passing any law that the given authority to ration health care for the american people. >> you have heard the gentlelady's motion. is there any discussion? if not, the vote occurs on the motion. all in favor, say aye. opposed, no. the no's have it.

>> a recorded vote please. [roll call] >> the clerk will report the totals. >> madam chair an amendment to the rule. i've moved the committee provide the appropriate waivers for amendment number 90 offered by representative roskam of illinois which would strike the current section 1302 central health benefits requirement and replace it with a new section, medicare waste, fraud and abuse prevention pilot program. spieler for the gentlelady's motion. any discussion? all in favor, say aye. opposed, no. >> a recorded vote please. [roll call]

>> the clerk will report the totals. >> madam chairman an amendment to the rule. i move the committee make an order in pride the appropriate waivers offered by representative kingston of georgia which was would suspend attacks is must medicare fraud is below 1%. >> you have heard the gentlelady's motion. any discussion? if not we will vote on the motion. all in favor, say aye. opposed, no. it appears the no's havoc. >> a recorded vote. [roll call] the clerk will report the totals.

the motion is not agreed to. >> an amendment to the rule. i've moved the committee make in order provide the appropriate waivers for amendment number 11 offered by representative lee of new york which would create a three year/five state tribunal pilot program to be administered by the secretary of hhs. >> you have for the gentlelady's motion. any discussion? all in favor, say aye. opposed, no. the no's have it. >> can we have a recorded vote? [roll call] >> the clerk will report the totals. >> madam chair of an amendment to rule. i'm of the committee make in order provide the appropriate waivers for amendment number 44

offered by representative role of tennessee which would repeal the actmenof independent data care advisory board. >> you have heard the gentlelady's motion. any discussion? discussion? the vote occurs on the motion. all in favor, say aye. opposed, no. madam chair the no's habit. >> a recorded vote. [roll call] the clerk will report the totals. >> i have an amendment to the row. i move the committee make in order provide the appropriate waivers for amendment number 29 offered a representative gingrey of georgia which would state that nothing in the legislation shall be construed to allow any federal employee or political appointee to dictate how a medical provider practices medicine. >> you have heard the gentlelady's motion.

any discussion? all in favor, say aye. opposed, no. madam chair the no's have it. >> record the vote please. [roll call] >> the clerk will report the totals. >> madam chair ivan amendment to the row. i move the committee make in order provide appropriate waivers for amendment number 17 offered by representative stearns of florida which would require that any written visual or audio materials distributed through a official entity or program shall be in english only. in english only. >> you have heard the gentlelady's motion. any discussion? >> that is stretching me.

[laughter] i vehemently would oppose that amendment on the floor. [laughter] and it really makes absolutely no sense. but, since i've followed the philosophy of allowing, supporting, allowing the entire house to work its will, i will even vote for something as absurd as this. [laughter] to be made in order. >> will the gentleman yield? i think he makes a very important.. it is easy to laugh at the notion of someone saying that they vehemently oppose an amendment and still believe that the idea of allowing the house house to have a debate on what he believes to be a stupid idea is fair, and i will say that we are in the majority.

i often supported making an order amendments for which i totally disagreed, so i think this is a very, very clear position that the gentleman has because he supports the notion of openness and transparency and i believe he is absolutely right to say that he opposes the amendment that supports a members right to be heard on the amendment and i thank my friend. >> thank you. >> if no other discussions of vote will occur on the motion. all in favor, say aye. opposed, no. madam chair, the no's have it. >> record the votes, please. [roll call] >> the clerk will report the

totals. >> the motion is not agreed to. >> madam chair i move that the committee make in order to provide the appropriate waivers for amendment member 22, amendment number 23 offered by representative sullivan of oklahoma. amendment number 22 wood required the hhs secretary to conduct a study on new and old programs affected by this legislation to determine if there is any program duplication , write a report on the study within one year and after writing that report the secretary would be required to eliminate any duplicative programs within one year. amendment number 20 theory would require the secretary to conduct a study on new and old grant programs affected by this legislation to determine if there is any program duplication or write a report on the study within one year of the enactment of this bill and after writing that report the secretary would be required to eliminate any duplicative programs within one year.

>> you have for the gentlelady's motion. is there any discussion is not the vote will occur on the motion. all in favor, say aye. opposed, no. madam chair the no's have it. >> could we have a recorded vote? [roll call] >> the clerk will report the totals. >> thank you in a chair. ivan amendment to the row. i've moved the committee make in order to provide the appropriate waivers for substitute amendment number 21 offered by representative terry of nebraska which would establish the citizens congressional health benefits program. >> you have for the gentlelady's motion. is there any discussion? it's not the vote will occur on the motion.

all in favor, say aye. opposed, no. madam chair, the no's have it. speak and we have a recorded vote? [roll call] >> the motion is not agreed to. >> thank you. ivan amendment to the rule. i move the committee provide the appropriate waivers for amendment number 4 offered by representative black man of tennessee which would require the hhs secretary to certify that no american would lose access to his or her current health insurance due to the establishment and operation of health plans offered through a state exchange. this would be an annual certification. until certification is made no state is required or penalized for the failure to establish plans in an exchange. >> you have for the gentlelady's motion. any discussion?

if not the vote will occur on the motion by mrs. foxx. all in favor, say aye. opposed, no. madam chair the no's have it. >> can we have a recorded vote, please? [roll call] the clerk will report the totals. >> i have an amendment to the row. i'm of the committee make in order to provide the appropriate waivers for amendment number 7 offered by representative lachman of tennessee, which would provide nothing in the actio preclude an individual from purchasing or maintaining insurance qualifying for health savings account deposits and nothing shall interfere with their ability to continue to make deposits according to the schedule created in the 2006 hsa legislation.

>> you have heard the gentlelady's motion. any discussion? if not the vote occurs on the motion. all in favor, say aye. opposed, no. madam chair, the no's have it. >> can we have a recorded vote? [roll call] >> the clerk will report the totals. >> the motion is not agreed to mrs. foxx. >> i have an amendment to the row. i'm of the committee make in order provide the appropriate waivers for amendment number 63 and 71 offered by representative walden of oregon. amendment number 63 would ensure proportional representation of interest of rural areas on independent medicare adviser reports and independent, and

amendment number 71 would ensure that medpac has adequate. [roll call] representation. >> you for the gentlelady's motion. is there any discussion? mr. cardozo. [inaudible] >> any other discussion? if not, the vote appears on the motion. all in favor, say aye. opposed, no. madam chair, the no's have it. >> a recorded vote please madam chair. [roll call] >> the clerk will report the total. the motion is not agreed to. >> madam chair i have one more amendment that before he do that i would like to put into the record and article dated

december 23, 2009 by the chairwoman called the democrats view from the house, senate bill is in reform. i would like to enter this into the record. >> without objection. do you have another amendment? d. i do. madam chair ivan amendment to the row. i'm of the committee make in order provide the appropriate waivers for amendment number 9 and number 10 offered by representative moore of wisconsin which would change the date when insurers would need to comply with the new medical loss ratio requirements from 2011 to 2014 to conform to win the american health benefits exchanges will be established. >> you have for the gentlelady's motion. any discussion? is not the vote occurs on the motion. all in favor, say aye. opposed, no. >> can we have a recorded vote madam chair? [roll call]

>> the clerk will report the totals. the motion is not agreed to. mr. dreier. >> let me just say we have gone through and dispense with the amendments by both democrats and republicans to this committee. it was 13 hours and 20 minutes ago that we began this hearing. we considered, how many members are you counting up there? and it seems to me that tomorrow is going to be a very, very interesting day for this institution and i know there are a lot of people who believe what we are going to be doing, if we see the house of representatives pass this measure is move towards something that they believe to be the right thing. i am very, very troubled as i

know my other colleagues the minority on this committee, are concerned about the direction in which we are moving. we all, we all very much want to ensure that every american has access to quality, affordable health insurance and the notion of expanding the size and scope and the reach of government as we may be poised to do is extraordinarily troubling, so i'm going to urge my colleagues as we move towards the motion before us to vote no so that we can get back and have a rule that would allow for free-flowing debate and the kind of legislation that i believe will go a long way towards addressing the goal that we all share. >> i just want to take this moment to tank of the chairwoman for her leadership of this committee during this long debate, and markup, and i was a

history major in college. this is one of these moments that we look back with great pride. we look back at the debate on social security and medicare, the same kind of opposition that was made. and, i think we look back on those things and people are glad that the members of congress and the president had the guts to actually move forward on this and i think this is one of those moments. i think we all wish that, some on the other side would not have thrown up so many roadblocks and we could have done this and conference but look, we need to do this. we have been trying to do it for decades and i think we are about to make history tomorrow and i want to thank the chairwoman and all the members of the committee and staff for their patients and i look forward to tomorrow. >> thank you. now that we have ended the

amendment that at may 1 to wish a happy birthday to mr. sessions. you have been with us all day and we thank you for that and we thank all the press that has covered us, and i want to say i am so happy to be here at this time. i went through the clinton health care plan. it was tragic that we did not pass the. we would have been so much better off now in so many ways. i think 45,000 that died a year of now without health insurance, that alone might not have happened. but tomorrow, i have a the great honor of reading that franklin roosevelt speech on health care. i have gotten a copy from the national archives. it was typed on a white house typewriter and have some of his notes, handwritten notes on the sheet. this of course is a duplicate. the original will go to hyde park, but i am so pleased just looking at it.

it brings back wonderful memories of a man who had the courage of his convictions and put this country back on its feet. so, i thank everybody here. i look forward to it, and i can't help but think of all the stories we have heard today. people who are suffering out there and you have nobody else to count on let us. and tomorrow, i ask that every man, woman and the house of representatives to his and her duty. the last those will be on a motion by mr. mcgovern. calling the vote by mr. mcgovern. >> aye. >> opposed, no. let's have a record vote. [roll call]

[roll call] >> yes. the clerk will report the totals. this is agree to and i am so happy about it. i look forward to tomorrow. tonight we have voted 80 amendments. i don't know if that is a record or not but while we are checking on it at mrs. foxx's requests, and maybe we can find that. i will be carrying this for the geordie tamara. thank you all very much. this committee is now adjourned. [inaudible conversations]

[inaudible conversations] [inaudible conversations] [inaudible conversations]

>> the house rules committee has wrapped up their deliberation on amendments to the health care bill. you can watch the house live on c-span as they continue deliberations and votes on health care tomorrow with live coverage beginning at 1:00 p.m. eastern. we now return to >> historian andrew lewis presents a history of the student non-violent coordinating committee. better known as sncc. key members included julian bond, john lewis and marion barry. andrew lewis follows many of the sncc members from their early

activist efforts to their later careers in politics. the university university of richmond in richmond, virginia host the hour and a half talk. >> my name is j-juliett land fair and i work here at the university of richmond for westhampton college. tonight we are going to be talking about how the sedans changed america. this is a big topic, a very big topic and we are lucky to have two significant scholars here to talk to us about it. 50 years ago, this past monday, for college men from north carolina a. nt college arrived back at their campus in greensboro, north airliner for the second semester. it was just ticks weeks in two or a few weeks into 1960, a brand-new decade. six years had passed since the supreme court handed down the brown decision ruling segregated schools were inherently unequal, unconstitutional. five years had passed and the mite summary busboy of-- bus

boycott started and three years had gone by since the central students at have desegregated that institution and get through these four young men sitting in their dorm rooms talking to one another, looking around them at greensboro north carolina little seemed to have change. segregation prevailed in every aspect of the lives around them. these men decided after much discussion with one another and with some others to go to the local woolworth's counter in greensboro and said down at the counter. the counter was reserved for whites. before asked to be served, they were ignored. the next day dozens of students joined them at will worse and throughout the next few months thousands of students as dr. lewis will talk about, joined them in staging sit-ins throughout the south. little did they know those four young college men at north carolina a. and t. had started a new phase, had instigated a

turning point in the civil rights movement. tonight we are going to start with dr. andrew lewis, andy lewis who received his ph.d. in southern history from the university of virginia. he has been a professor at wesleyan, hamilton and the university of richmond. he has written. edited other books in addition to the one he will be speaking out about tonight, "the shadows of youth" and his topics about which he wrote were massive resistance and civil rights in virginia. and he is working on a book entitled race and the rise of the boston celtics dynasty. i know we have a lot of massachusetts students at the university, so that is pretty exciting. dr. paul gaston will follow. paul was both my and andy's dissertation adviser at the university of virginia where he taught for decades after receiving his doctorate from the university of north carolina at chapel hill.

paul has written a number of works on various topics including the new south, the history of fairhope alabama, south africa and the civil rights movement in the united ud states. paul has won numerous awards, most recently the naacp's legendary civil rights activist award. again, as you see on the table, it looks as if the books are going to be talking but they are not. they are there to represent our two authors tonight. they recently published these new books. they will be available after their talks to sign for purchase and just to be signed by our authors, and again we will take questions and comments after we are done with the two authors so if you will wait until they are both done. andy and paul are scholars who see the power of the past and everything we witnessed today around us in good ways and bad ways. they are good men and i'm proud to be their friend. help me welcome andy lewis. [applause]

>> thank you for having me. as a former college professor, i love to talk to college students in part because i wrote this book originally because it came out of my experience in trying to explain the civil rights movement to college students and young people of which this event was 40 or 50 years in the past and seems sometimes irrelevant to them or not a part of their lives or not an experience that they could relate to so in many ways i heart of this story and the way i wanted to tell it in the way i wanted to explain it to make it relevant to an audience of younger people who didn't live through it and saw it as something in the remote past and not relevant to their lives. as j-juliett pointed out today marks the, or this week marks

the 50th anniversary of the start of the sit-ins, 1950, a key turning point in the civil rights movement. it is a pivotal moment in my book so i thought i would devote most of my top to the sit-ins in explaining why he think it is a turning point and they think it ties together some of the themes of my book, turning it back to its roots and then looking forward to the repercussions of the sedans. as you can see, my book is called the shadows of youth and it examines what i call the life arc of the civil rights generation. and at the core of that are the young activist who had the sit-ins and then started sncc, the student-- which was in existence from 1960 to about 1970 or a few years afterward. it is the most important and i

think least appreciated organization in the 1960s. sncc was formed in april 1960 by the college students as i said who were behind the sit-ins. was the driving force between afraid of him-- freedom rides and organize the freedom summit. its tactics change the dynamics of the civil rights movement making the civil rights of 1964 and voting rights act of 1965 possible and inspiring the antiwar movement, the opposition to the vietnam war. if martin luther king will, sncc acted out its pros putting flesh and blood to the obstructions of democracy and freedom of citizenship that made the civil rights movement possible. the life of sncc was brief. its most effective days were over by 1967. though elements of it as i said lingered on until the 1970s. my book is about more than just movement in the 60s hence the subtitle civil rights. as i follow them through the

70s, 80s and into the '90s. we can see here some of the leaders of sncc has used, and then today. more than anything, three questions drove my writing of this book. the first two were more sort of personally human questions and i wanted to know what it was like to be in the grip of history as a young person. what did it feel like to be at the center of history when you were 20, 21, 22 years old and how to make that, life. sometimes to me, the civil rights movement and its actors were presented as bland as the puritans seem to me as a high school student witches they were robbed of all the things that made it exciting, their youth, their figure and the kind of

adventure story in some ways of the civil rights movement. this was an incredibly dynamic moment so i wanted to restore some of that sense of adventure to the civil rights movement, and also i was curious, and we can talk about this in the question and answer period, what happens to you if you change the world before you are 30? what do you do with the rest of your life and how does that shape the kind of person you are going to become in the kind of person you are? how he lived with that and how does that shape you? i thought that the civil rights activist of sncc were a good example. they were about 20 when the movement began. they were not even 30 in most cases when the civil rights movement comes to an end and is it is happening they notice the most important, most exciting and dramatic thing they are going to do in their lives and in they live in some ways in the shadow of that for the rest of their lives.

and certainly, we as a nation live in the shadow of the activism of the 60s and it has how we think about politics, how we think about you. youth. you. it has covered almost everything we think about this country so i thought about that or go the third question i was interested in was a kind of larger one of greater historical importance, which is, and one thing i puzzled over is why did the civil rights movement happen when it is? why didn't it happen in the 1920s or the 1940s or maybe 20 years later? y. in the 1950s and 1960s did legal segregation in the south collapse? especially why was 1960 a key turning point? it is something i have always puzzled over as a historian and thought about and wanted to explain a little bit, which is what was it about this particular moment in time that was unique or different? let me take you back to january

19602 set the scene for what is going to happen. the south was segregated, and this famous photograph typifies the separation of the races that existed in the south, separate water fountains, separate restrooms, separate sitting rooms and bus and train stations. signs like this at restaurants. but segregationist j-juliett pointed out was under attack. the brown decision happened in 1954. the montgomery bus boycott happened in 1955 and 1956. the little rock and virginia school desegregation crisis. martin luther king had emerged as an important figure yet it is also noting how little had changed by 60. six years after brown school

desegregation was hopelessly mired in the courts. fewer than one in 1000 african-american students attended an integrated school in the south. the number is actually closer to probably one in 5000 depending on how you define the south and how you calculate what an integrated school lives, but the point is that brown had receded extremely slowly. enthusiasm for the montgomery was what caught had dissipated or go in many ways martin luther king was lost in drifting. is because her-- cover shows he was the most famous african-american and he had trouble turning the success of the boycott into a kind of enduring movement and progress seem to stall out. many worried the civil rights movement such as it was that stalled out or was in danger of falling apart. i think the best way to illustrate this is to talk about one of king's biggest critics, a woman named ella baker who also happen to be the executive director of the southern christian leadership conference

the organization they came forward after the montgomery bus wake up. baker is one of the great figures in the civil rights movement, not very well-known. she had come of age in the 1920s. she had been the valedictorian of her class at shah university. she moved to new york to harlem in the 1920s where she organized tenants and poor people. in the 40 she was a branch organizer for the naacp traveling around the south helping establish new naacp branches and by the 50 she had taken a job as the director of the southern christian leadership conference. the best way to think about her criticism of king is just to take one second to think about the organization and just examine the title which i think probably most of us have never done, the southern christian leadership conference. every word in the organization's name bothered ella baker.

it was southern. ella baker thought they movement should be national. although she recognize segregation was a southern institution she understood racism was a national problem and she thought it should he addressed nationally. christian. ella baker was a devoted churchgoer but she thought the question of segregation was a political one less than it was a religious one and that the organization should be thinking in terms of politics. leadership. she dreamed of a mass movement not a movement of leaders and not a movement if he leads. she was particularly critical of creatures, who she thought were trained to speak to an audience, not with an audience. preacher stand on the pulpit and deliver sermons. she thought an organization should come from the bottom-up, not not the top down. and last was conference, which is kind of a funny word. the thing about the southern christian leadership conference

was it was more an organization of organizations, which you as an individual could not join if you wanted to. organizations like the alabama human rights organization where members of the southern christian leadership conference and if you were a member of that you are were a member of the sclc but you couldn't join us in individual. she wanted a mass organization of individuals. so every word of the title bothered ella baker and will was at the root of her criticism in way she thought king began to squander the opportunities of the montgomery bus why can't. she feared that the movement was going to stall out. then came february 1, 1960. here you can see a picture of the first set in. for guys were sitting in a dorm room. they were frustrated. they wanted to do something. they decided to sit in a restaurant until they were served. the manager were so unnerved he simply close encounter. he didn't know what to do and

didn't know how to respond but the idea spread. we can see from this map how fast from february to april 1960 the large stars represent places where sit-ins happened. after the first set in more students joined in and by the end of the week 1500 students in greensboro were participating. then the sit-ins jump to nashville and atlanta. by the end of the summer they spread to more than 70 cities and 50,000 people participated. it is the largest mass explosion of civil disobedience in history. we can see, here is a picture of the nashville students sitting in. here is a picture of the students in atlantis sitting in. in nashville in fact they were preparing for sit-ins when the greensboro sit-in happened,

james lawson a divinity student had been training college students in nashville for this exact thing and they had been going over gandhi and non-violent tactics, when the greensboro sit-in happened spontaneously and they jumped into the fray. in atlanta they hadn't been thinking about this, but college student named julian bond was sitting in a hamburger joint one day when another student named lonnie king, no relation to martin luther king walked in and showed him a paper from a couple of days ago about the greensboro sit-ins and said have you seen this? he said we should do something about this. he jokes later that he should have said we, you mean you. he got involved in the sit-ins and they spread, and they were in almost every city. they were led by college students more than anybody else, and one of the things about the sit-ins, it is worth noting, they were in urban phenomena. they take place in cities, not

in rural areas. let me talk about for ways or five ways in which the sit-ins change the civil rights movement one of the things about the sit-ins that was different than once before is that they were egalitarian. everybody participated equally and everybody with an equal danger. if we could just contrast that with the montgomery bus boycott which the preachers organized it and it was highly recommend it. took a lot of preparation to pull off a bus boycott. if you think about the brown school desegregation cases, it took lawyers to argue it. it is a highly kind of organized affair in which not everybody participated equally in the same way and yet the sit-ins were a way in which everybody participated equally in the protests.

they were democratic, and i think this is really important, which is the distance between a leader and a follower collapse. in the boycott there is a clear hierarchy and in the sit-ins there is no clear hierarchy. everybody sitting in, everybody is an equal danger, everybody is participating equally. they sit-ins were easily replicable and i think this is also an important., which is even though the students in nashville have been training for a long time a lot of that training had simply been lost in trying to convince them that it was possible. once the first sit-ins happened in the students saw the response they were easy to reproduce in a way that something like the montgomery bus sub13 or a suit against school desegregation was different in which all you needed to stage a sit-in with a few friends and the ability to master some simple ideas about nonviolence and about non-violent resistance

techniques, so it made the sit-ins compared to other forms of protest easily replicable, and that is why they were as they say in modern jargon, viral. they spread so fast and so quickly. and they were immediate. the sit-ins didn't take a lot of time to organize. and the last and i think this is the most important thing about the sit-ins in which they differ from other forms of protest before them which is once they got going, to challenge segregation by breaking the law rather than to avoid it as in the case of the boycott, or to use existing law to challenge it as was the case with the brown decision switches to say one of the things about the montgomery bus boycott, to avoid arrest civil rights leaders believe the ways to convince white americans in congress to bring about change was to show they were

good americans and they obeyed the law and work within the system and the sit-ins were the exact opposite. the goal of the sit-ins was to say we are no longer going to obey any more law which is to dare southern policeman to arrest them and to overwhelm the system hopefully with their challenge, and this marks a real break with the kinds of protest that happened before, because the idea was to go to jail. the idea was to get arrested and to show not only white southerners but the nation how impatient african-americans were with the slow pace of change. so this leads us to, or it leads me to a question which is the question i start with. y. 1960 and in particular why is it that at this particular moment, the protests against segregation change and they are led by young people? one of the things i am struck

with is a quote. a few years before this event, it he franklin frazier and eminent african-american scholar and sociologists wrote a book about the african-american middle class and as you can see from this quote he wrote, speaking about young, middle-class college attending african-americans who are less concerned with the understanding of the world about them than they were with their appearance at the next social affair. money and conspicuous consumption are more important than knowledge. here is frazier saying, just a few years before the sit-ins start that not only does he share ella baker's concerned that the movement might be stalling out that the reason is the problem as young people are as he says more interested-- especially the people who might be the leaders of the movements, middle-class, college attending african-americans who should be

at the forefront of this all they care about is data and dances and getting a good job and the reason why the movement isn't going to happen is it is going to be their fault, not our fault. i've been fascinated by this quote which is what did fraser ms.? how did he get it so wrong? here's a person is spent his whole life studying the african-american community. he is one of the most eminent african-american scholars. things change completely and he was wrong. i've always been curious about this, which, and it is not just frazier, what did everybody miss? one of the things i think that frazier did not see was how frustrated young people were and how the combustible mix of slow progress and a new youth oriented pop culture to produce activism as well as apathy, engage mid-as well as in different and i want to just tell a couple of stories about young people to give you a sense

of both their frustration and how the culture changed in the 1950s to make decisions a possibility. imagine for a second that you are a 13 or 14-year-old in 1954, which will make you 19 or 20 or 15 years old in 1954, you are 21 when the brown decision came down. john lewis, who lives in rural alabama thinks that it starts reading the newspaper everyday looking for news about when the school is going to integrate and yet here he is in college in nashville six years later and there has been no integration to speak up of in his home state. at the other end of the spectrum, of class geography the frustration was just as great. diane nash grew up in chicago, decided she want to enter a beauty pageant so she called a few beauty schools to learn about classes. they said come on down.

when she showed up and they saw she was african-american they said, we don't take african-americans and they turned her away at the door. so i think in those two stories, you see a generation with a rising sense of expectation and a rising level of frustration about how slow change has happened. there are a couple of reasons for this, and let you talk about this. i want to talk about pop culture for a second and i will bring it back before i finish. one of the things that happened was the middle class has grown substantially. in relative terms it was still much smaller than the white middle class but in absolute numbers that had grown greatly and there were many more african-americans attending college and in fact african-americans were more embedded in american consumer culture than they had been at any time before. "forbes" magazine but a story about the growing african-american consumer and pointed out that if

african-americans were a separate nation their purchasing power in the 1950s would be equal to canada, although their population would have been larger. as a group african-americans had more disposable income in absolute terms than ever before although relative to whites they were still far behind. in particular young african-americans were more likely to work than their white counterparts in more likely to have a small amount of spending money. one of the things that had happened was that the generation started to compete with race, class and identity for youth, and for young people today use the mtv is the perfect example. with the message of them tee'd-- mtv as it doesn't matter where you live or what color you are, generation trumps all. mtv's appeal is that the youth matters more than anything else and you see this begin to emerge in the 1950s. one place this happens and i

will tell two stories quickly, american bandstand which is a show that premiered in philadelphia in the 1950s and then went national. it is like a condensed version of mtv in its day and the hostess dick clark who is still around. he is the equivalent of the ryan seacrest of his day. actually ryan seacrest is the dick clark of our day. the thing about american bandstand which was interesting was that it featured and integrated dance floor, which is there weren't african-americans and whites dancing together but there were african-american couples dancing on the floor with white couples and were african-american teens, this was a stunning site. and, that they raced home to watch american bandstand as quickly as their white counterparts. i think music illustrates this as well and here is a poem that

julian bond wrote. you can see him riffing on hank langston hughes in his opening line but talking about little richard and fats domino, talking about the musicians of the air and talking about the ways in which ray charles is drowning in his own fears and the sorrow of segregation. then i don't mind standing a little longer he concludes and the ways in which pop culture music is both drawing him in to the broader american culture and also highlighting his sense of exclusion. and you see the ways in which marketers are trumpeting generational identity over race and class in some ways and you can see here elvis. after buying elvis records as much as whites are, you can see chuck barry, little anthony and the serials but also someone

like james dean or marlon brando a figure of alienation appeal to both black and white teens and they are being marketed in many ways as a generation rather than as a member of a particular race or class. this is a shift that happens in the 1950s that hadn't happened before. you can see-- i love the set for seven up because i think this typifies in many ways how marketers who are trying to produce a revolution but yet are participating in one are marketing their products to african-american teens in ways that highlight their kind of youthful identity over race, which is very middle class leave it to beaver class image of african-american teens sharing seven up floats started appearing in the 1950s. you wouldn't have seen ads quite like this before. one of the things that i think

is interesting about this which is used as an identity was being marketed everywhere in ways that it trumps race or class but in their everyday lives african-american teens knew this wasn't true. they couldn't eat in the same stores they shopped in and couldn't say-- share the same dressing room as whites. they were the same, yet different. ..

the. >> and in the first thing they did before sitting down was to buy something. they made a purchase. to emphasize the idea for people to sit at the lunch counter and but to say if i can spend here i should have to say that people, that is an interesting statement. it is one of the interesting things about this since that

even if the pack is a revolutionary to say the teams that satin wanted inclusion not to say american society was fundamentally flawed but we want to be a part of it to participate in this new and exciting and emerging culture like everybody else to be able to sit up a lunch counter to have a shake and a burger like everybody else. we are being marketed this mattress more but yet we are excluded and in some ways the goal at fort -- a first of inclusion is a modest goal the revolutionary. the tactics are revolutionary but the goal is a revolutionary. one of the things that i think we see here, let me talk for a couple of minutes later before i finish up. of the hope and optimism

that they really believe in america's ability to self correct to expose the segregation would bring men and women of good will to change it abhor. they simply thought if they showed the system was wrong it would bring about change. there is a certain optimism of the city and that i find interesting. and it helps us all sought understand this is the other thing about the sit in understanding 1968 that sit in was centered on the middle class and urban areas. one of the things that we don't think about the assumption is that the movement would start in areas where african americans were the most depressed areas where they

suffer the harms of segregation and exploitation the most begets the funny thing of the sit in is that people in some ways are least exposed to the harshest aspect rebel against it. they live in urban areas, college students come a middle-class lives segregation in the city's? although terrible does not carry with it the same dangers that it does of the roll stuff but it those are the first to rebel. these are the most apathetic african-americans and but yet they are the very ones who started. i know i social change happens. in many ways that people who

are relatively the most comfortable under this system of subways are the ones that are most agitated and most able to risk it and challenge shipwreck it started off as a way and she invited the students down to a conference at the university over easter weekend april 1960 to discuss to see where to go next. barth martin luther king wanted to put the students into americanization that would be a junior league of the naacp giving a great speech in which she says the citizens are more than a hamburger and they would form their own organization so they formed the committee

april 1960 just as an aside there point* said baker for supporting their plans for yet the students still saw themselves and originally called the temporary student committee they see only last a little while and this is what i find most surprising is that if they went back to school here we are in the middle of the civil-rights movement of course, we think they will charge derided by yet they still saw themselves as students and not activist and it would take a couple more years for things to change. part of the reason it took a couple of years was in their optimism which proved 294 that they assumed that changes happen and it turned out men and women did change their minds.

they stepped in to protect them or do anything to help them. that is why they live-- learn their civics lessons to well. the federal government would protect people's rights and that turned out not to be true. a couple of things change to the spread of the freedom rides change this when they did step been to protect in jail changed them and made them more radical and then one more person changed them. it was bob moses, may talk about him for one second. he had come to a band of -- in atlanta 1961 he saw the sit in in new york he taught at a prep school he was so moved he decided he wanted to work for the southern leadership christian conference and

martin luther king sent him off to stuff envelopes and they thought here's a guy who went to harvard and as a grad student and is wasted sell he met a guy named a more from mississippi and had been an organizer for civil-rights in mississippi for a number of years and what good is e teeing in a restaurant if you don't have any money? but sit in is nice but for people love the deep south whirl african-americans those are irrelevant it is a middle-class protest and don't do anything for us. moses realized that tactics could be applied to voter registration to say that in the deep south where the whites tried hard to keep

african-americans from voting give you use the same tactics but applied to vote to registration you could apply change and with direct action moses changed snic that became the shock troops of the most -- moment and those arrested a couple things to put black political power back at the center of the civil-rights movement and made local movements important and it made the confrontation with the segregation strategy of direct action. snic burned out quickly. let me tell you about the reasons why a and why i think the story is useful to young people today. for things about why snic burned out quickly.

it is the province of the young and i think we're always surprised by that and we should not be that if you developed your youth to full-time activism it burns you out a full-time 24/7 commitment in we should be surprised not by the people who burnout but those who can sustain that activist commitment and i don't think we realize that. second lake, one of the reasons why snic burned out they naively believed justice jump to expedia north carolina. turns out that in the politics of america expedience the of what is easy and quick often terms just as part of the third is that we often wonder buy they seem to fracture at the end of the 1960's and once legal segregation came to an

end it is predictable people would have different views in the movement would fractures we're surprised by that. of course, that is what is going to happen. the common goal binds people together and ones that came to an end we should not be surprised that divergent political views would emerge but yet they are so surprised that would happen and i would say that that is not true. let me just say cover why is this so important to young people? why should you care? you are 20 years old how does the story of 50 years ago be important to you? i will tell you for reasons why. and closing. first is we tend to think of prosperity and affluent says in different and apathy but that is not true. sometimes it can be but not always in make that criticism of our young people today and we should

be careful about that. we tend to demonize youth culture. reassume what young people do is different is going to cause society to collapse. many whites thought rock-and-roll would lead to interracial dating that would bring the end of american society the same way people talk about videogames today and the third and interrelated part we tend we don't take them seriously. this is wrong. they show us people are serious political actors and we dismiss them as ignorant yourself absorbent poorer narcissistic simply because of the way they dress, they dress different come appears their ears and get tattoos and do things that we think are different. but we should take you seriously as political actors. the last thing i would say

about is that history happens to the unlikeliest people in the unlikeliest places at the on likeliest times and we should not be surprised when that happens. the lesson of snic in their ways which history happens is before it became a bumper sticker it was the idea of thing could globally act locally. to act locally would be two sit in at restaurants so the response was small and personable. can we eat at this restaurant? i think that idea that history could have been in unlikely places it unlikely tams -- times it is important to younger people now i will turn the podium over. [applause]

>> we heard juliet say, i have known her a long time to us think this a be an evening about the citizens but but looking at what that would like to tell you just tell little bit how good this is. and how you should all by a copy. sorry. if it is exceedingly difficult to describe the

scope and nature of this book, one reviewer recently described it as a very personal memoir that is also a social history. i also tried to write the book that was like that with a pretty good review. it was the early fifties. i knew big changes were coming to the south. my fiancee and i were not engaged in tell the senior year. we both came from the deep south from south carolina and i was from alabama. we knew big changes were coming. the civil-rights movement had not started yet. and the cases are going

through the law courts. we decided, i confess when i use the pronoun, it is a reflection of that age, that is, i decided come with the man decided and a woman said that is a good idea one way to enter the movement is to teach southern movement of history to change the view is that people had and to enlighten them about the abuse of their fellow southerners had held. i was lucky enough to get a job at the university of virginia. that was my first job and i never left rear i could teach day version of southern history to southern students come a mostly in then until after the 1970's when the women came to the university.

that was different and is believed that slavery was benign and for people they were lazy. but really because of my grandfather and my father, my grandfather was from iowa and release of said of the excesses of the deal the gauge between rich and poor and the captains of industry did that made a mockery of the american dream. sell he decided it is too slow to bring about change. he learned that as an

officer in the populist party 8092 when his colleague, the general ran as a candidate for president and lost. my grandfather designed a model community which he would say and it turned out not he established on the banks of mobile bay in 1890. research and they will take time to describe the premises upon which that committee was built except to have the economic and political and the social structure that would create a society of which the gap between rich and poor would be narrow and opportunity would exist but cooperation would burgeon along society. that community was

brilliantly successful for 30 years or sell one i grew up in that community i felt there was something unique about it and uniquely good by the time i was in college the community values had turned upside down. once the committee solve problems it became a community where they came to escapes social problems. it is a very sad thing i have written about it and i have lost a lot of friends and one of them i am told would be ready to assassinate me if we met four darth -- a different circumstances so i toned down a certain discussion. i wanted to show, mainly i wanted to say thank you grandfather and to my father who were devoted to this but also how it changed my life.

working with wonderful students at the university who did join a variety, but since we are focused tonight on the sit in i would just like to tell you what story about a sit in. and on the one hand, and this i founded disappointing as university professor come on the one hand hand, rational, the evidence is based argument does not change the mind of people whose privilege is deeply ingrained. they won't change. as a consequence of explaining to them that what they believed then is faulty imaging.

and another thing is that they would change under the force as something of the sit-in. for example, we had an organization naacp i was on the executive committee and another organization called the council on human relations the only civil rights groups and each year we would go to the restaurant owners and the theater operators and say what you like to change your policies? if the other fellow would do it, we would. they did not mean that at all. they were not going to change. one year, may 19 and 63 come i am sorry, it is not always young people i was 35 years old and most of my colleagues join him.

the head of the naacp recently arrived in town we had a picnic at the end of the year talking about what we have accomplished and floyd got up on a stool and said to you remember what happened in birmingham say where just off the bark on the tree and they were removed powerful hoses they had gone to jail and one had driven around town in his big fan. yes. we did remember. and they said history seems to have passed our town, but we will have a sit in if you

care to help us come down to my church and we will instruct you on what to do. we looked around and said we wonder how many will come? so we went and a few others went to. we got there and floyd told us what we would do and which restaurant we would go to it may have come out of snic originally but told and what to do to protect themselves and told men want to do so as not to appear aggressive because we were nonviolent and this is what you do of somebody was going to attack you and i leaned over to my wife and said this is a charlottesville. this is not colombia south carolina or north carolina or birmingham alabama this is a civilized city press

everybody told us how civilized it was. anyway, we got to this particular restaurant just a nice place to eat and several of us went and probably 60/40 and we took tables and they had little doilies that said don't let our waitress is a rush you. we sat there for three hours but they did for coffee on our head. [laughter] the next day there was a bouncer out the door and we fall art -- formed a line on the sidewalk leading up to the insurance. we burn not blocking anything or breaking in the

laws but standing as the we wanted to enter. then the third day, i had been there for awhile and floyd who was at the head of the line i mentioned a moment ago said he was hungry. i said let's go in here i heard it is a nice place to teach and he said write-down dae? he said i want you to go home and telephone and get a black leader to come here and take my place. i went home and telephoned but i could not find anybody. i came back and said i am sorry. i could not find anybody. he said i am really hundred you take my place. of that time no lights for at the head of the line. i did not say it with much enthusiasm but sure the after he left, a car came up and four fellows this would

not be the first -- first place they had come for beer and they made remarks that would indicate they really did not understand why we were there. then they went on into the restaurant and after while they came out and at this time they made it obvious of the deed they started pushing and shoving and i said somebody ought to do something. well how come i am the head of the mine. i should do something. so across the street was one include -- and closed telephone booth and i decided i would call the police. i have never called them before i don't think there was such a thing as 911 back

in 1963 so i pulled up the phone book to call the police. and before i had the chance to find and the number i found out later he wave 330 pounds 10 day from a prize fighter pick be a by the shoulder and picked me up like that and looked at me and said you ain't going to call no police. i've lived at him and i thought, you are absolutely right. [laughter] they pushed me back. his confederate who was much smaller hit me wants across the job than a little harder but since i did not hit back now because i did not believe been nonviolent spear was a 330 lb man.

it was an expedient belief to hold under the circumstances. and i wanted to drop so whole thing. i am not a courageous person and just let it go away but my friends would not do that they already called the police we think they were watching the whole time. and they say yes that is to that would be. so then there was a warrant out for an arrest and i said you don't suppose they will come not to my house? and father my family? they said they would not do that but they may go back to the line which is exactly what they were doing at that moment.