sergio died in iraq that same year. people in this work pay a price for what they do. she has had a productive relationship with samantha. remember conversation ahead with her where i outlined one of our great concerns which was that the number of governments especially in the aftermath of the orange revolution in the ukraine were preventing ngos from operating and she took great interest in that issue and eventually it has now become a very important issue for the administration. president obama spoke about this at his last address. secretary clinton gave her a major speech at the community of democracies and the issue of defending civil society and the

u.s. was part of the campaign within the human rights council to create a new freedom of assembly for an association. and samantha was probably involved in all these things she is also with her important book a problem from harold, deeply concerned about the problem of genocide and the mass atrocity, crimes. and last november she took part in a very important meeting organized in paris but a holocaust museum attended by other officials in the government. david pressman who is the national security director of the war crimes -- at the national security council for problems dealing with war crimes

and atrocities. dms remarks for war crimes in the state department and his assistant diane warrenliquor she. the state department seeks to anticipate potential mass atrocity crimes and the speech samantha gave in paris at this conference, and how governments better organize themselves to better anticipate and prevent crimes, as a tragedy crimes, crimes against humanity, genocide. the issue we are talking about at this conference, emerging markets and the international policy of what we call emerging-market democracies is one that she has taken a large interest in we have talked about

a great deal. she spoke about indonesia, brazil and other countries we're dealing with today. and the importance of their international policies. this is not an issue that she wrote a great deal about before coming and unlike the other issues that are mentioned. but i know she has a large and deep interest and we are really anxious to hear her thinking today. let me say, also by way of introduction that she has come here because she wants to hear from you. we have a number of very interesting people who have spoken on these issues and she hopes to take feedback from the audience so that this can enter

into the thinking of the administration and musicians so the way we are going to organize this is we will hear from some and and she wants to hear from the audience in terms of comments and thoughts. i hope that the major presenters at this conference will give their thoughts and reaction to what she has to say. and i think will be very beneficial for the administration as it tries to develop its thinking about the whole issue of the importance and out to work with what we call the emerging-market democracies and why they're so important in terms of america's thinking about foreign policy. it really is a great honor and pleasure to welcome samantha power to this conference and a want everybody to know that she is a real friend within the

administration. [applause] >> times are not to have been able to attend the proceedings before me because i'm sure would have learned a tremendous amount and a look forward to sitting back and taking notes after you hear from the year. i will talk today about the emerging market democracies and their role in democracy and human rights promotion focusing specifically on those countries around which you build this conference. recognizing many of these so-called emerging democracies have a democratic tradition in human rights traditions that date back generations if not centuries. when president obama took office the number of democracies in the

world had grown in the previous two decade from 69 in 1989 to 119 in 2009. number of countries actively supporting democracy and human rights by laterally had remained quite static in that same period. over the last two years this administration has made a conscious effort to work with the emerging democracies to and list their support in standing up for human rights around the world. in his you and general assembly address with carl alluded to in 2010 president obama address this issue head on saying i appeal to those nations who emerge from tyranny and inspired the world from south africa to eastern europe and south america. don't stand idly by, don't be silent. dissidents elsewhere are imprisoned and protested the

beaten. recall your own history. part of the price of our and freedom is standing up for the freedom of others. in pursuing a partnership on democracy and human rights this it ministration has broad support from the seas to bear. first and obvious one. in the world this interconnected none of us can afford to allow gross violations of human rights to go and addressed. given the spillover and destabilizing effect of allowing repression to fester, long ago ceased to be viable to treat human rights conditions as the internal affairs of a sovereign state. over 60 years ago the u.n. charter and universal declaration recognized protecting human dignity at home is critical to preserving peace and security abroad. president obama has pressed for his pragmatic case to other people in government stressing quote that government that protect these rights are more stable, more successful and more

secure. in short the more true democracies there are in a world the better off we are and the better off our fellow democracy are. second premise is because emerging democracies are democratic the government will face growing pressure from within to align their foreign policy with their domestic value and to integrate human rights concerns. this pressure will come in part from young people who haven't carried with him p sovereignty versus human-rights baggage from the 20th century. the evolution of the human-rights debate was constructive. congress and free press and human rights and other advocacy organizations empowered with modern technologies have highlighted inconsistencies in those policies and created foreign-policy accountability holding accountable for the extent to which human rights is

injected into our foreign policy. in the emerging democracies we have seen countless campaign by investigative journalists and facebook users and others pressing human rights concerns at home and it is only a matter of time before these agents of change apply their tools to their own country's foreign policy. new democracies can make the difference. we believe the future of democracy and human rights in places like libya, zimbabwe, venezuela will turn not only on the strength of the democratic movement in those countries, not only on the willingness of traditional democracies to stand with these movements but also on the determination of emerging-market democracies to tip the scale. when they take a stand and pave the way for fresh coalitions to

press for change. simply put people who are suffering under repressive rule in the emerging market democracies to stand up for them. we are seeing some quite encouraging trends that ought like to highlight. emerging democracies are exerting growing leadership in other venues that may pave the way for more political leadership of the issues central to this conference. dirksen senate office building 0 has replaced the g-8 and managing economic affairs. and taking up their economic responsibilities in emerging democracies showing signs of recognizing and embracing the unavoidable link with political developments around world. the second trend that has been

in play for some years, emerging democracies are playing an ever more important role in strengthening international community banks which is a critical ingredient in promoting freedom from fear in the most dangerous places. indonesia has should grow on this front. they have 27 individuals serving in u.n. peacekeeping operations in 2003 and a now have 1800. indonesia has established a training center for peacekeepers and the u.s. and indonesia pledged to work together to turn the center into a network of regional training centers. brazil and south africa's contributions have grown rapidly. the pet deeply 100 personnel in peking, operation in the beginning of the decade and contribute more than 2,000 today. brazil has provided back and for the u.n. stabilization mission in haiti dating back to 2004 and

is notable that the time of the earthquake and the brazilian contingent itself had suffered such substantial casualties brazilian government decided to double brazilian contribution. this is not something a lot of countries would have done and you can't talk about peacekeeping without talking about india. one of the oldest democracies from which the phrase emerging democracy is a serious misnomer. in addition to being one of the leading peace keeping communities they have tripled their peacekeeping in the last few years with 8,000 blue helmets making it the largest contributor in the world today. we're also seeing emerging democracies reach out to pour. becoming players on the global development stage. the new actors are less inclined to interact with less-developed countries in a donor relationship but they typically engage as equal in developing collaborative solutions to

developing challenges. brazil has helped partners in africa and improve the crop fields of central farmers identifying and promoting rapid acceptance of new crop varieties to grow in the local environment. india in partnership with the united states and other governments is leveraging its scientific and technical expertise to develop, test and replicate transformative technologies for india and beyond its borders. and india has increased its contribution to you and democracy funds making it the second-largest donor to that fund in the world. third, emerging democracies seemed increasingly comfortable strengthening international norms on cost cutting human-rights issues. is given fresh points of entry into a human rights conversation that had grown stale in certain quarters in recent years these emerging democracies seemed increasingly inclined to partner

with traditional democracy. countries affiliated with the group of 77 have long been a first to singling out specific countries for criticism which they call finger pointing. countries like brazil and indonesia demonstrated a new willingness to press global human-rights concerns taking a leadership role in creating the position carl mentioned on freedom of association and assembly but first international mechanism ever created to monitor the crackdown and civil society. i would net the indonesia with a co-sponsor of that from a very early stage which in turn made it possible to bring other emerging democracies along until we were able to get this repertoire created through a consensus measure rather than a vote. that is how overwhelming the majority was an how the emerging democracies stepped up. brazil also played a leadership role in pursuing the last

session a groundbreaking cross regional statement signed by 85 countries calling for greater respect for the rights -- agreeing to seek the establishment of certain rights in the inter-american system. the first ever richer on these issues. on the un security council we see other it -- example. brazil has been a bridge builder on the council can't issues like women, peace and security which links the exclusion of women from conflict related decisionmaking to the maintenance of international security and protection of civilians. our shared commitment to open government and fighting corruption and promoting transparency has proven in the -- we're working with indonesia, brazil, mexico and others in the un and international financial institutions to promote the recognition that corruption is a violation of basic human rights and a severe impediment to

development and security. indonesia has been a key partner in our efforts to -- serving as co-chair of the process that produced this whole action plan. partner with the emerging democracies to launch an effort to bring greater transparency to government budget, expenditures and access to government officials and find ways of leveraging new technologies to harness this invasion and, a theme that president obama laid out in his un address last fall. brazil is the co-chair with this effort and the two presidents highlighted commitments during the recent brazil incident. president obama highlighted the launch of a dialogue with india last year and the two countries jointly organized the first-ever democracy and open government expo which president obama tour in india. countries are sharing best practices on ways in which they

institutionalized transparent practices, procurement, international laid and natural resources to make it harder for officials to strengthen the efforts of citizens to hold themselves accountable. emerging democracies are the cutting edge of these efforts in helping contribute to knowledge and experience including government and civil society and the private sector. despite the traditional reluctance to hold particular countries accountable emerging democracies have shown a growing willingness to speak out. i would offer three recent examples. here and, ivory coast and libya. brazil voted in geneva last month to create a special repertoires for human rights having abstain on the annual u.n. general assembly resolution since 2004, this was the first country specific mandate adopted since the creation of the human rights council.

in part because this leadership and the willingness of other countries to follow the lead of dominant regional players the resolution reinstating the era in human rights record are passed by the widest margin of any of the council or commission's resolutions since 1997. here and's actions of the ground have a lot to do with that as well. india too abstained for the first time in the general assembly vote having always voted no in the past and south africa abstained in the iran resolution as well having voted no since 2003. we are seeing moves from no to extension from extension on the range of country specific issues. on ivory coast which has come to an end, when it came to the un security council action in response to the contested election and attempt by the former president to retain power two important ideas were

intention with one another. non intervention on the one hand and the importance of regional problem solving on the other. ultimately all councilmembers including brazil, in the and south africa joined consensus on repeated press statements and resolutions including imposing sanctions, in notable shift from the non -- traditional distaste for their leaders. over time the council's product called more forcefully for enforcement of the mandate to protect civilians. south africa was initially skeptical of the un's in tours of the election's out, their position involved and their support for their findings may have been a turning point in the resolution of the crisis. ultimately all emerging democracies on the council voted in favor of you and security council 1975 which carried with it a forceful mandate accelerating the defeat of

bondboat. despite misgivings over whether the political track had run its course, compared to support, robust enforcement on the ground. is regional solidarity that is responsible for being able to consolidate, control over the country having won the election. this was important for the remainder of the year. and regional solidarity, democratic principles. south africa joined nigeria in support of un security council 1973 which took the unusual step of authorizing all necessary measures to protect civilians without the consent of a sovereign government. brazil and india do not vote no

and join the consensus revolutions several weeks earlier than impose stiff sanctions and an arms embargo on the gaddafi regime, and the criminal court. obviously doubt about enforcement action, robust enforcement action run deep. yesterday's expanded break some of which includes with china and russia three emerging democracies severe misgivings about the use of force in libya so we need to enhance consultation with the need for enforcement in 1973. how contested country specific criticisms and actions are for the individuals within these emerging-market democracies who are trying to shift their national narrative is.

they pittsburgh -- brazilian president experience torture at the hand of the brazilian military had been more outspoken than her predecessor and international human rights concerns distancing herself from the president comparing political dissidents in cuba to common criminals and upon taking office she pledged to criticize cuba for tuned rights shortcomings. such policy pronouncements sparked critiques even in the halls of power in brazil. these tensions will surface more and more in the months and years ahead. the fifth trend worth flagging here today is we are seeing a growing number of examples of bottom up pressure from within emerging democracies see greater attention to human rights and democracy beyond their borders. we in the u.s. government recognize we are not the only ones with domestic politics with which to contend. as i alluded to earlier it was

the congress who pushed the executive branch to report on human rights around world and a congress that began restricting funding streams on human rights grounds. today it remains u.s. civil society. a lot of you and u.s. constituents hold us in the government accountable not only for policies at home but our actions abroad. in the new democracies it will take time for parliament, civil society and the media to turn our as well. there are encouraging signs. we have seen the burma plan play an import rolled putting the state of the birdies on the political map and indonesia play a leading role injecting human rights into the charter. we have seen growing indonesian citizen pride over the country's role in the democracy forum as indonesia's itself identity increasingly takes pride in being a leading democracy in the region and in the world. we have seen thousands of brazilian citizens right

letter-writing campaign to press the brazilian president to offer asylum to the iranian woman sentenced to be stoned to death for alleged adultery. in indonesia which has there 2000 government organizations the u.s. has pledged to help groups that partner with other human rights organizations in the region to try to incentivize work beyond their borders. a huge amount to offer haven't undergone a transition they have. since egypt african revolution it is noteworthy that egyptian civil society has found ways to connect with indonesian and others in order to learn from their experiences moving from dictatorship to democracy. so those are the trends and i think they are encouraging. there's always more to be done at home and abroad by all of us

to consolidate democratic aims and promote and protect human rights and we should not underplayed genuine disagreement even as we seek to forge more cooperation across borders. there are several reasons our policies are unlikely to fully align in the near term. we have different histories. some emerging democracies view the sovereignty shield as having protected them from external interference during the cold war and other times in their history. we see the lessons of history differently. some emerging democracies believe they threw off the yoke of colonialism and repression of dictatorship on their own relying not all are an extra 0 help and discount that extra will help can play a role fostering democratization. we believe outside actors cannot dictate events in democratic progress but we all have a

constructive role to play and moreover we see how difficult it is to be neutral in dealing with repressive states. we are factoring human rights into foreign policy or we're sending a signal to a repressive regime that the rights of citizens are not important to us. we are different stages of democratic and economic development. many emerging market democracies are still consolidating their own gains at home attempting to close extreme inequality gaps and in so doing would not be able to convince their democratic voters that it would be a good use of taxpayer money to provide large amounts of democracy assistance to countries not as far along the democratic development spectrum. we also have different interests. many emerging democracies have powerful economies may be seeking markets. many may believe democracy is a stabilizing force they may see the process of democratization

and destabilizing in the near term especially if it is a process that occurs in their region. even if our interests are similar we may prioritize them in different ways or seek different means to the scene end. notwithstanding these different vantage points we feel we're making progress together and president obama has invited more leadership by the emerging democracies. one way is to check his travels schedule. most of the troops he has chosen to take in his first two years highlight the importance he placeds on the embrace of emerging democracy -- he has visited ghana, japan, korea and chile among other countries. the trip to india and brazil which national-security adviser spent months planning highlight the full on embrace on emerging

powers. this administration signaled even on contentious issues the spirit of mutual interest and mutual respect. when it comes to coalition building we have approach emerging democracies early and often in the process rather than coming to them when human-rights action fully cooked so we engaged in model in new york or geneva but a high level of capital recognizing challenge of overcoming ingrained resistance on some of these issues. building these relationships to come at a cost to the u. s and traditional democratic alliances. they remain critically important to foster democracy but in a world of 190 un member states winless build a bridges to these critical powers. our most effective tool for the polarizing the traditional debate over human rights and democracy promotion speaking about addressing our own

shortcomings and also bridging some of the ideological divides in the cumin rights and democracy debate. president obama's success in reinvigorating the human rights commitment made it easier for other governments to stand with us on these issues in international forums. the president made it clear that he believes human rights begin at home and the most powerful tool in our example and struggle to perfect our unions. this is included in reaffirming the ban on torture and the effort he made to close guantanamo. preparing a ratification package for the you and disability prevention and the u.s. government to producing its own action plan to mainstream gender consideration and international security policy and end don't ask don't tell including the united states and our own global trafficking reports. also entailed spelling out what this administration will not do.

back into his cairo address in 2009 president obama renounce the imposition of democracy by military force saying, quote, no system of government can or should be imposed by one nation on any other and keep the edge to respect all democratically elected government with respect for their people. the administration will listen to the voices of all law abiding voices even if we disagree with them. he has also challenged the false division around the definition of human rights and democracy. hear the president has emphasized an inclusive conception of human rights and democracy. in speeches that resonated greatly in africa, asia, the middle east and beyond the president is back to the centrality of human dignity. hot spoke of the dignity of peaceful protest and being able to choose one's leaders and the dignity of being able to speak freely and pray freely. he has spoken in terms of

individual dignity and also the dignity of nations deserving of our respect. the president and his foreign policy team made clear elections alone cannot democracy make. and vibrant private sector and civil society to drive democratic progress. in ghana he said africa doesn't mean strong men. it needs strong institutions. he returned to one of president kennedy's most memorable ideas when kennedy said, quote, let us focus on impractical and attainable peace based not on a sudden revolution in human nature but a gradual evolution in human institutions. as part of his challenge to false division the president emphasized the link between freedom from fear and freedom from wasps and given a greater emphasis of economic development in foreign policy than we have

seen in generations. president obama highlighted these connections with the release of the directive on global development. and secretary clinton spearheaded the introduction of a new tool to ensure development get the attention it deserves. we want priority is in the defense department quadrennial defense review but secretary clinton introduced the diplomacy and development review. this administration policy are rooted in the president's idea expressed in his nobel speech that these include not only civil and political rights that must in compass economic security and opportunity. beginning with his 2006 speech, and mentioned is already president obama has emphasized corruption is a profound assault on human dignity and human rights and secretary clinton took the step of highlighting corruption in the annual

human-rights report. the president stressed lasting change must come from the bottom up and be indigenous. an approach that resonates with the emerging democracies that pride themselves on their own histories and those of their movements. the president has repeatedly stressed change is not something the united states or any other country can force or is there one model for change. each nation gives life to this principle of democracy in l.a. grounded in the condition of its own people. america does not presume to know what is best for everyone. each country will pursue a path rated in its people and past traditions. however the division is not a recipe for america standing on the sidelines. to respect for other traditions with a challenge to take respond

ability to fix homegrown problems and is not western lawyers that cause people of libya to risk their lives on behalf of democracy. at the president said in moscow half these ideas are not a monopoly of one country. where possible he invoked the international covenant on political and civil rights and international instruments the very government abusing human rights long ago joined. this humility has helped us build these cross regional coalitions with increasingly willing partners. in conclusion the obama administration has engaged in a short and long game when it comes the human rights and democracy promotion. we are more effective when accompanied by regional powerhouses and emerging market democracies that have undergone such inspiring changes in recent years. a broader coalition that includes the emerging democracy

testifies powerfully to the universality of the principles we were promoting. it denies the use of bridge loans, the refuge they sought in regional blocs. the comfort they found in the diversion of polarization. the leadership of the emerging democracies is unnoticed by the people in repressed society. emerging democracies offer a bottom up change and a testament to how quickly a country's fortunes can be transformed and a model for the social vibrancy and economic growth and the unbounded political horizon that come with democratic change. [applause] >> this is the time when samantha would really like to hear from you. this conference has raised a lot

of issues and we even had some internal debate in terms of if we are talking about countries just being a model and promoting democracy just by being in model or projecting tour promoting. there's a consensus not for imposing but there are views here and across the spectrum in terms of what is appropriate and there are some differents among different countries for which people have given paper. i might note that when asked about what is it that the net has done that has been interesting and effective i always say that one of the most important things we have none is cross border work. that started after 1989 when poland and other countries in central europe to make -- because they believed in democracy but also to make their

neighborhood more stable reach out across borders to work for democracy and we helped india ands from the post-communist world working not just east and near asia but also as far away as burma or afghanistan. this is a very important dimension of what we do and the u.s. believes that it needs cross border work too. that is what we heard from some mental. we want to hear from some of the speakers had. given chance to have a reaction to what samantha's said. she wants feedback. i will open the floor for people to make statements. she will say something in conclusion pinellas the opportunity for people from the floor to say something.

>> out milliken. from your vantage point recently, how has the implementation of sharia islamic law affected democratic and human rights advances in the emerging democratic world in particular? >> that is not a comment the question but we will take it. was it addressed to meet? anybody have any comments to make? >> i am paul larsen. my comment is when you look at human rights there seems to be a certain amount of prioritization required. a limited amount of resources. in terms of saving lives,

addressing structural violence seems to be a more cost-effective method then doing a direct violence approach, significantly more cost addressing structural violence. how are you prioritizing those different costs, comparative advantages and my comment would be we should be -- >> what do you mean by that? addressing structural violence? give me an example. >> poverty prevention the capacity building and you to a very forms of intervention. >> okay. i see a hand here and a hand back there and in the back. >> my name is alan saying johnson. imac political economist. i would like very much to explored deeper what we have

been talking about today and yesterday of around the right type of programming to support democracy and human rights. just from the u.s. a perspective. we could provide that kind of feedback for the emerging democracies and how they think about programming. of one thing is a decrease in funding from the united states government for democracy promotion. how are you structuring things to approach congress in this budget crisis where we could put more funding into promotion of human rights and democracy in our work around the world? how do we see the five trends you tracked in your speech matching reaction in congress who believed there was a window of dialogue on this? over time it is a more productive use of our u.s. tax

dollars to invested in that democracy promotion than other programs? >> let me say from the very beginning the administration has been good in its budget requests. congress has the power of the purse. >> from the university of wisconsin and international affairs. the focus on the president's regard for human dignity. and democratic election and you specifically cited the importance of the international civil and political rights. the other economic and social rights, there are often claims for the right to clean air, shelter and education. the right to be free of the dumping of toxic waste. i wonder how you feel the administration is on economic

and social rights and where they stand to civil and political rights. are they distraction or should they be handled in the same way? >> is that kelly in the back? >> thank you for this presentation. it raises a lot of interesting issues. i was surprised that one word you didn't mention throughout the presentation was china. it has been a topic on several of the panel's about how these emerging market democracies are shaping their policy in response to china in response to the pressure china is putting on them and china's behavior around the world and it seems there may be a time of cognitive dissonance in between the messages you are putting out and the administration supports democratic development, the

country's national partners and seems to privileged relationship with china which was not democracy and seen to be pushing too much for china to become more democratic or engage in political reform. if you look at the entire picture it can be disconcerting to have that toe and running through the foreign policy. that is just a comment. >> are there any other -- are there any other hand? >> with the brookings institution. i think my question is changing discourse from democracy promotion to democracy strengthening. in a lot of ways a lot of the

programming, some of the programs related to democracy strengthening our lot harder to measure what hour and had really is and a tight budget environment when $8 goes farther. how would this monitor evaluation jibe with democracy strengthening programs that are hard to get concrete numbers. any thoughts on that would be interesting. >> we don't use the term democracy. democracy promotion. a lot of the activists on the ground don't like it. what they want is support and assistance so we use the term democracy assistance. we don't use democracy promotion anymore. something we can do about it but we don't think of those terms.

>> in his speech to the general assembly president obama spoke out about the need for these emerging democratic powers to speak on behalf of other places and there have been a lot of initiative to work with these countries but the next speech is there a plan at some point to hold those countries that haven't made progress? tour to press them more forcefully for a better approach. >> this will be more a comment. >> that is what we want.

[talking over each other] >> it is also partially finance we have discussed here, about six countries. there are two different ways of looking at what the human rights issues in the world agenda are. it is certainly a question of credibility when it comes to former imperial power tour the united states in terms of understanding of human rights because as you said there are different understandings of human-rights -- the understanding of what human rights are in -- secondly a record which in large part over the world leave people to think you are being hypocritical. third there's the issue on the part of the united states being the dominant power.

for being very selective even on the issue of libya. libya and bahrain. i understand why you can't speak about libya the be quiet on bahrain. there's also the issue of israel. israel's own citizens, the kind of discriminatory practices that are emerging where you usually are very quiet. the so-called constructive and agent. south africa was criticized by the south africa panel. that may be understood as partially domestic politics and partially the responsibility of a great power. you cannot destroy all balances in the world. how do you work on trying to if you will break out of that first

perception of what the u.s. does what it does. why the u.s. does what it does and how do you get to a more common understanding? is it at all possible. when you are engaging in dialogue with partners with brazil on your side and iran and south africa with some reluctance joint the united states or whatever. is it because you prevail over them with political arguments tour because you were in conversation with them changing your own language and discourse and what you were saying? >> any other speakers or anybody else want to grumble? icy hand all the way in the back. >> this is a little unfair but

how does the thrust of your remarks and the importance of encouraging leveraging democracies square with the kind of hotbed published this morning or yesterday where president obama join the heads of state or great britain and france, the indians and brazilians and south africans or putting out a kind of different statement. how does that help your effort? it just seemed quite different from the kind of approach you were stressing in your speech. >> i will take these two hands and that will be it. >> peggy hicks. i want to stick upon the last to speaker's points do we heard from the indonesian power earlier and one was about the

fact that one of the reasons indonesia can't in gauge as much on democracy as it might like is it lacks the democratic credentials. i wanted to reflect on that with regard to how the u.s. in gauges from democracy. a very good point of how the u.s. has taken that criticism on board. to engage differently. talking about economic and social rights. the way the u.s. undertook the human rights council and the type of leading by example we want to see from the u.s. government which would allow that to play a more positive role with emerging market democracies but unfortunately there are still gaps that need to be addressed. a glaring one that has come to light in recent days is the u.s. doesn't stand an invitation for special repertoires of human rights in this country.

they haven't been able to do business with the detainees and the issue has come up. taking on board the fact that that consistency and those democratic essentials have to be maintained as firmly across that as possible and emphasize the point made earlier about bear rain being a good example where we don't see as much consistency as we would like and the u.s. force to be as strong as other places. [talking over each other] >> a very quick point related to the un security council which would happen with a move from the g 20. i am surprised to learn that the theme the comments and

questions. what foreign policy is every day is an effort at prevention in dealing with the causes of structural violence. i had a long section of the speech and the emphasis this administration placed on economic development. that is a prevention tool. a few get development right or have better partnerships and more collaboration and an emphasis on results. that is your best tool. the diplomacy that we have done but many other countries have

done isolating bondborough and the ivory coast is an effort to prevent violence before it comes about when you are calling on people to respect the results of democratic elections in the event they respect them that in turn will present the violence we have seen in recent weeks. i can say from the inside when there is an occasion in which things have gotten really bad thinking that every day we have our aid mission and diplomats in countries in question trying to do this kind of work. additionally as i suggested in the speech the importance of injecting human rights concerns cannot be understated.

that is a signal of the priority we place on this every bit as much as our resources and programs and sometimes one of the things we try to do is to marry diplomacy and programs and we tried to address that as other administration have. it is challenging but critical and it is about making human rights not just the subject of a press release or a very high-profile intervention but of the day to day routine business of what we do. in terms of the congressional climate which came up in a few comments, as carl indicated our budget requests have been very substantial. the president and secretary currently committed to defending those requests it is a difficult budget climate. the will for civil society and

constituents in making the case that these are cost-effective investments, not just esoteric, distant issues of foreign policy but very related to the foundation we are trying to build for our kids at home and the stable world that will make it easier to draw back our military presence and other things around the world. in terms of the question of accountability or if you questions around engagement with emerging democracies, as i suggested the accountability of at least the most effective form of accountability will come and is coming more from within those societies so that is the important place to look in the important place those of you who have those partnerships. ultimately is going to be the

most sustainable and effective route to the ends that many of you share. in our dialogue with these countries in instances we disagree we are expressing that and there's accountability. fifth the differents that we hear frequently have made a lot of progress. on want to make sure to correct the misimpression i heard in a couple of last comments. perhaps just the nature of being a u.s. official and giving a speech about the importance of emerging market democracies taking leadership on these issues or a case that is obvious to all of you i hope budget and to imply some how that these countries were stepping up because the united states was

asking or because i don't think that is the case at all and the security council is a good one when india, brazil, south africa, turkey, when these are on the security council they're responsible for a piece of security. they take very seriously. we may differ on how best to do that from time to time they want to step up to leadership roles and countries that want to see security council reform for that reason and be part of the conversation and part of putt the enforcement apparatus. trying to build these and so forth, the reason the conference is important is hearing perspective of countries themselves and how they see democracy and human rights fitting into the broader economic stabilization debate and the broader peace and

security debate. thank you for pulling it together and i hope i get to see the transcript for finding and i can take more back in terms of what we can do better. >> the presentations and discussions we had showed the complexity of this subject. not a simple unified view as to how all this works of and i think your presentation offer a comprehensive view from this country which as been absent in this conference and 9 thank you for bringing it to this conference and we will share with you all the results from these discussions. thanks for being with us. [applause] >> we are going to take a quick five minute break.