and he had those people in his head. where he stayed, when he stayed, bourn rhode after another. so, you can literally map where he is going and you can take that, the book and open up the notes and just follow the numbers and you will be on jon porter's routes and there are many of course, but you can follow all of them. so i annotated it with names finding who these people were, the roads he was on and then also describing it to the extent necessary the importance of places, why they were at a given location when they were, all those kind of things, but the manuscript wouldn't give you because he's just -- his is a stream of consciousness. [laughter] so it's heavily annotated in the back, but you can use the whole

manuscript to get a good glimpse of what life was like an morgan's command. .. [applause] >> thank you. i want to start first off by thanking katharine and ronny for organizing this and inviting me here as i said. many trips 20 manhattan, and

i've attended events here, and it's an hoer nontore on this side of the podium, so thank you for that. i also apologize for being late. i know that's not respectful of your time ring so please accept my apology. we started out at five o'clock in the morning at fox and friends., and we literally have gone nonstop until cnn a few minutes ago, and when one interview goes late, in piles up, and everything is late. i sincerely apologize. what i want to do tonight is really address what's on your mind and answer your questions, and not just about the book or about the 2010 campaign, but also about moving forward. i'll try to keep my remarks short to get to the q&a. i want to start by talking about why i wrote the book and what i hope to accomplish with this book. i wrote the book because our

party is certainly at a cross roads, and there's a division, and going forward i truly believe we have to unite. as a matter of fact, i extended on one of our fox interviews, an invitation to kiss and make up and go forward a united party, but i won't -- i do talk about the cronyism of the republican party especially in delaware where the leaders have been ousted, but the reason i bring that up is not to perpetuate it or to fan the flames, but to put it to rest, and so say that, you know, if that, you know, if that cronny crowd would embrace principles that the grass roots crowd, that our party was founded on, not just our party, but our country was founded on, we will be a power house if we can unite.

i dell tail things may campaign endured and what i went through as a candidate, again, to illustrate a point of what happens when we divide instead of when we unit, and everybody knows it's no secret that the 2010 elections -- the republican party was divided, but i think that there are some examples to look at, and i draw the contrast between kentucky and my own race where in kentucky we had the nrc and senator mitch mcconnell really campaigns against rand paul. you know, he was the worse thing to happen to politics until he won the primary. the day after he won the primary, the two, you know, mitch mcconnell and rand paul for arm-in-arm saying that's the past. we have to move forward to be sure this guy crosses the finish line. unfortunately, that didn't

happen in delaware, but it's got to happen in order to win in 2012, so that's the message i hope people take away with them by reading this book. i tried to tell the story of how i got involved in politics, and what made me embrace the principles that i did and why i chose to become a republican, and i told it in a way that some political advisers have said was a little too honest, probably shouldn't have admitted some thing, but i did that again so that the reader can relate because it's not about how many mistakes we've made or if we've ever fallen because you simply can want pretend to be perfect. it's too exhausting to keep up 245 facade. we're human. what it's about is about whether you get back up again. whether you're willing to own up to your mistakes, and whether you're willing to correct your mistakes, and whether you're willing to forge ahead in spite

of the opposition, so that's why i chose to address many of the things i did in my book and talk about it where i came from and some of the hardships that i personally endured so that people can be inspired to get involved. when i was on the campaign trail, i met so many people, and in the last chapter, i talk about one of the stories where my sister and i, my sister, jenni, was working with me on the campaign trail, and we stopped to get gas. she went in to pay the woman behind the counter, and she saw the o'donnell for u.s. senate sticker, the woman said, you know, tell your sister we're rooting fer for her and hope she wins, and she articulated her frustration, and jenni says you can do more than hope she wins, but vote for her. her response was telling. oh, you know, i'm not political. i'm not the type who votes, and

i chose to tell that story not to shame her, but because there's this mind set that, you know, a certain elite control the political party, and they forget, not just the political party, but the political establishment on both sides of the aisle and the people who are impacted by this policy forget that you can get involved, not only can you get involved, but you must get involved, so i talk about some very practical applications, and you here in this room, especially the republican women, you are the leaders, and especially being manhattan republican women -- [laughter] i've often said women politicians have a double standard. conservative women politicians have face it more, a double-whammy, republican conservative women in manhattan

have a triple whammy. i hope this book inspires you in spite of what you face, in spite of what seems all odds are against you, we have a winning message, and the beginning part of the book 1 the story. how i got involved, where i came from, how i got involved in politics, and, you know, maybe we'll get to it in the q&a, but i'll tell you quite honestly i got involved because i thought the boys signing up at the college republican table was cute, and they were paying $75 a day to go pass out literature on election day, and what college student, especially in their early 90s would turn down that large sum of money, so although my motives might have been a little wrong to begin with, i found that i truly stumbled upon something i loved. being in that environment and especially -- this was in north jersey -- i got to talk to some of the local candidates and ask

them questions, and, you know, i was a little too naive to realize you can't ask candidates challenging questions, but, you know, why do you stand for this? why do you take this position? in case i knock on the door and they ask me about this, can you explain this? you know, and that sort of curiosity got people's attention, and then from there, you know, what might not have started out as the right reasons, it tapped into a passion in me, and i realized i like what the republicans have to say. i think i'm republican, and, you know, i don't know what i was registered at the time quite honestly, but the more i found myself, i got invited to then actually work on the bush call campaign as a union leader in the convention in houston in 1992, and, again, just being a curious college student asking people questions and that, you know, the people around me

embracing that, not looking down that i was young -- that's what brought me into my political career, and i close it with practical application about the principles that the republican party stapedes for because again, these are not just the principles on which our party was founded. these are the principles on which our country was founded, and i try to give practical application about the policies that we need to embrace moving forward, and what we can do for those people like the women that we met at the gas station who said i'm not the political type. i get it. i used to think that, and then i found myself the political type, very much the political type, but, again, you have to get beyond that mind set. i close the chapter with practical application, but the policy stuff i talked bowel, 24r*s a chapter that -- talked about, there's a chapter i call the freedom food chain. one of the things we are saying is that government is too big.

the size of government, you know, exploded under president obama, and recently, i've heard some democratic pundit saying don't the republicans get that that's a good thing, that government is a good thing and government is supposed to take care of its people? unless we can clearly articulate why no big government is not a good thing, we're going to lose, and then i also talk about there's a chapter called defeating the power of the soundbyte because being in manhattan, you feel frustrated around you is a liberal comments, misinformation put out there by all people, i understand the frustration of the misinformation, but yet we have power right now. information technology put the power back into the hands of the people and especially women who are the activists who are the unsung heros in any major advancement in american history. you are the ones who can take

this information into the pta meetings, little league games, why arenas, into your jobs and talk about this, counter that culture of misinformation that tends to plague some mainstream media. i talk about defeating the sound bite and how it derives power in the fairs place. i talk about practical arguments against socialism because, again, that's a topic that's coming up a lot as we head towards the 2012 elections is that, you know, a lot of people say obamacare is the final nail on the coffin, that's what is going to cement the entitlemented culture we have and push us over the edge, and, again, the democratic pundits push back with, well, isn't socialism a good thing? i try to address the fundamental flaws with the socialist economy. number one, it reduces the value

of the individual to that which is cost effective, and you see that clearly with socialized medicine. if it's not cost effective, that person doesn't deserve that treatment, but number two, you could then say, well, what about modeling some socialist, you know, systems like france. we model their fashion, and isn't it cool to everything french is, you know, hip and cool, so why not have america model the french socialism where it's compassionate? isn't that okay? no, it's not okay. it's -- it's not right to put that kind of oppression on people, and the second flaw, and i go into greater detail about this is in a socialist economy, if you don't have a chance to get ahead, it's likely you and generations to come will stay

dependent on the government, and that's the problem with the socialist model. it snuffs out the american dream. the american dream on the campaign trail, i ask people what do you think the american dream is? what do you think the american dream is, and far often people would raise their hand and say it's to have a car or have a house or even to say to have a car and a house for your family, and that sounds great and you might think isn't that the definition? it's not. to me, the definition of the american dream is to be able to work hard, to earn that house, to earn that car, and that is the american dream, that no matter where you've come from or what kind of economic background you may have started in, if you're willing to work hard and sacrifice and go the extra mile and exercise the spirit of entrepreneurship and make those

creative sacrifices and take the blow and take hits and have several failed businesses before your business model finally succeeds, you relieve your children and grandchildren with a better future, and in a socialist model, there's simply not allowing for that room for that profit margin when in more than half of it is going to pay for taxes and, you know, these -- what are they called? france? social fees, a euphemism for more taxes. there's not enough profit margin, so we have to remember the principles on which this country was founded, and we have to remember that not too long ago democrats supported this as well, so going into 2012, we have to have, i believe, a radical ideological reawakening of these principles that made our country great and can still make our country great. i don't think it's too late, but

it will take a lot of work, and it will take us unifying a unified party which is ma what can make sure that president obama truly is a one-term president, and i could go on, you know, i have a -- [applause] i have a whole chapter that i call a fire in chief where i lay out many of what i think are president obama's flaws, but you guys probably have questions about 2012, so i'll save it for that. >> okay, if you have a question, line up behind the mic. >> what do you think will be the candidates? >> you know, i honestly don't know. i think it's early, but i will say this -- >> if you had to guess, who

would you guess? >> it's really hard to say and people get frustrated when i say that, but i think all of them have really great characteristics, and i think it's a real testimony to the dialogue that the tee party brought to the table, the mere fact that, you know, a balanced budget amendment was even part of the discussion before raising the debt ceiling, and, again, you know, let's look to that whole debt ceiling discussion as an example. if instead we have instead of pointing fingers at each other saying they are to blame, they're to blame. we pointed fingers at president obama and said what is wrong with a balanced budget amendment? what is wrong with putting in safety measures to be sure we never get into this situation again, and we had spoken in one accord pointing -- putting the blame where it belongs. i think that we would have been

much more successful, but instead we've got to get over the finger pointing, but the mere fact that was part of the discussion and the mere fact we have true champions of the constitutional principles, not just, you know, people who are saying it just to win the nomination -- we have true champions who i believe are going to fight for our country and for our party, and we've got a winning message, and we've got to be confident of our message, and we should be proud of our message, and if we can adopt that attitude going into 2012, you know, we can do great things. >> hi. you touched a little bit on your tables after you your primary win and the difficulties you had with the party establishment. what is your relationship like now with delaware republican party and the rnc and what are

your plans politically? >> they are great questions. well, first of all, i do want to clarify that, you know, my trouble is with the former republican leadership. there has been a growing discontent in delaware with the political establishment that has on both sides of the aisle that has pretty much shut out the people, the voters, so candidacy didn't create the discontent, but we tapped into it and because of the dirty underhanded tricks that the former delaware republican leadership did, those leaders were ousted, and the new chairman of the republican party understands that we need to unit, and he's been doing -- john sigler, former president of the nra, he's deny -- been doing a great job of gets that unity and take back the state health and be a strong

unified force, and to help the former republican leadership take pride in the principles in which we stand, but, you know, the -- the ousted leadership is still unhappy, and they're still resorting to underhanded tricks because i talk about how one of the things that our former chairman tom ross did was file false claims against me with the fec, and not only did our delaware republican r leadership do this, but the democrats did it at well through a group called prew. they filed a false claim with the u.s. attorney's office. now, i have been cleared of all of those claims, but why i say that it's a sleazy underhanded trick is because it's abusing the prelim process. the thoughts with the u.s. attorney's office, the political motives 1 abusing the justice system. none of you in this room who has

a vendetta against your neighbor can accuse them of burglarly and get the police to look into that without facing consequences when they realized that it was, you know, a venn -- false claim. the fcc saw through it, there was no merit to the claims. they are trying to fight back right now and trying to say that things are inaccurate in the book. i would just say, you know, those are the same people who lost their post because of the dishonest tactics, so, you know, dishonest ri and trickery is not off the table for them, but thank youfully we have a -- thankfully there's a new leadership and people involved in the party who are, you know, mending those bridges, and as far as the iron sea, you know, chairman stehle was great. he called me the day after the

primary. he personally came to delaware, and i talk about that in the book, so i hope at least with the rnc, we still have that good relationship, and like i said earlier on fox, you know, and on cnn, i extended the olive branch to karl rove and said come on, let's kiss and make up. let's get behind whoever wins the republican no , nomination and make sure we're talking about the issues at hand and make sure we're holding obama accountable. >> fortunately, this afternoon, i had the privilege to hear you on wor -- >> well, good. >> it's a great deal on your part to say what you did by way of the radio station. a question is you eluded and have been talking about it, the establishment across the board in all the political parties. you were obviously a victim

there, and one of the other major candidates have been and still is. would you run for office again, and if so, in what capacity, and for what position? >> okay. that's a good question, and i think that was the third part of your question that i forgot that answer. you know, in the book i talk about, you know, the decision making process when i ran for office in previous times, and i can honestly say i know you guys are probably like oh, my gosh -- i can say i don't know. the reason for that is right now my focus at hand is to -- filing countercomplaints against prew. i started christine pack so we can fite. it's the same organization that went after sarah palin, after so many good candidates and my lawyer in that case also represented many of the crew's other victims, and, you know, as you would expect, it's an

exhausting process. you know, the fbi called my childhood friends.. you know? ail because of this -- this, i have to say allegedly for legal reasons, this allegedly purged affidavit that was saw what through and dismissed, but usually what happens is the candidates, obviously they lose the election because, you know, they file the complaint and release a press release all in the same day so that as you're getting closer 20 election day, the headlines read, you know, candidate is accuseed of this illegal activity. you know, all my attorney's clients have been dismissed of these, but what happens is you're so emotionally tapped, you're so financially tapped, that you're just glad you survived. well, i didn't earn that title troublemaker, you know -- i did earn that title troublemaker for

a reason, and they picked on the wrong person, and we are fighting back, and we are filing our own series of countercomplaints with the u.s. attorney's office, our state attorney general, and with the irs. our sphait attorney general is providing -- yes, there is relation, our vice president's son, so let's see if i get a fair shot. i'm sure he'll want to give this case all of the proper treatment it deserves, and we're also asking the irs to revoke their tax status, to revoke crew's tax status because there's 501c organization so when george donates his, you know, millions to crew, it's a tax write off, and if he and warren buffet want to write more checks to the government, great, but he gets to write off the check to crew.

when you're a 501c3 organization as you probably very well know, you cannot engage in direct political activity. you can educate the voters on issue, but you can want actively -- cannot actively campaign. if you look at the top 12 worse, of the 12 in 2010, the most horrible candidates who won reelection, eight of the 12 are republican, and of the four who are democrat, three of them are african-american. now know, there's a very clear agenda here, and in the very beginning, they didn't go after democrats at all until people started pointing the finger at this, this obvious partisanship and obvious political motive, and than think picked on the black caucus and not the fanfare when they go after people like

me or sarah palin or others. they are obviously politically motivated, and one was guilty of slander in so many ways -- allegedly guilty of slander -- [laughter] in so many ways, and we're fighting back. that's on the top of the priority list right now because when candidates or political opponents do not have a platform to stand on, don't have a record to defend, which, you know, even the democrats beginning to say about the obama administration, they don't have a record they can defend. they resort to politics of perm drugs. if we don't -- politics of personal destruction. if we don't stop this, they'll continue to do that. again, you can't accuse your neighbor of burglarly because you might face some charges of your own for abusing the justice system.

crew cannot do what they did. in terms of running for office again, like i said, i honestly don't know. it depends on, you know, if we have a congress of allen wests and jim demints, i can enjoy civilian life, and that sounds very appealing, but, again, i wrote the book because we need more allen wests. we need more jim demints, more michele bachmann and sarah palins. as an outsider looking into the race, when people watch what happens and realize things you've said 25 years ago are dug up, taken out of context, you go why the heck would i ever do that? why put my family through that? why would i embarrass myself or risk my rep togs like that? if we allow them to do that, we allow them to win all over begin because we need more

troublemakers to challenge the status quo, hold this administration accountable, to put their name on the line, and, again, we might not win the first time around, but we're making a difference, and we're paving the way and moving the standard along further for future candidates, especially -- especially for women, so i really tip my hat to what the organization is discoing here in such -- doing here in such a difficult district. [applause] >> thank you. >> hi, i was wondering if you would be willing to talk a little about your experience with the media during your campaign. was there anything that surprised you or shocked you in the coverage, and also do you have any advice as to what conservatives should be prepared for in terms of coverage with the election in 2012. >> yeah, okay. remind me to address both parts

of your question because my mind -- there's so many things that i want to share and answer to that question. first of all, there were a lot of surprises, a lot of surprises with the media, and, you know, we all expect the unfair treatment. we all expect the double standard, but i was surprised how some conservative media, you know, would justify getting behind a man who coauthored the disclose agent which i essentially call a grass roots gag order with that endumb bent protection -- incumbent protection clause, and there's a cap-and-trade agreement that's destructive to the economy, but yet conservatives who also oppose legislation justified getting behind the candidate, you know, for reasons 245 i think are false, you know, because it's better to have a republican in there. my response to that, you know,

so first of all, i was surprised that the malicious treem from the conservative media, downright malicious repeating false accusations that the former republican delaware leadership, the former leadership would put out there, but, you know, to address that point, the polling shows my opponent, mike castle, was declining in the polls, and before my party's attack against me, i was ahead in the general election, and had a two -- 2-1 advantage, and i say the independents

. there were surprises. the day after the primary, "good morning, america" wanted to talk to me, and george was interviewing me and they said no way. we're not putting her on with george. i said, come on, i can handle it. you know, like, he's fair. i mean, very fair, and even, you know, he had on my opponents, and i talk about 24 in the book in one of the pictures, talk about how my democratic opponent, chris coons, everybody asked him -- the winner of the election served in the lame duck session because you're sworn in to immediately fill the rest of the term vacated by joe biden,

so my opponent, you know, had literally no less than five public positions on how he would vote on extending the bush tax cuts. there were five public positions so depending on the audience, that's the position he took. i tried to get it out there, but, of course, i say it in rooms like this, but it's never picked up by the media. well, i was on "good morning, america" one morning, and as i was leaving 20 go do the next campaign event, you know, they had chris coons on immediately after me, and george says, you know, your o poem accuses you of having no less than five positions on the tax cuts. tell me how you would vote in he said, thank you george for allowing the opportunity. i'll be accused of misquoting him, but, you know, thank you for allowing me the opportunity to set the record straight.

my position on the tax cuts have been and always been blah, blah, blah. george, i could have kissed the tv screen, pulls up the smart phone and says, well, i have your website on the phone here, and it says something different. i was like, aw! i was like george, of all people, is the one who held him accountable. that didn't get a lot of play up fortunately, but i was happy and there was a lessoned learn that obviously george was a democratic operative, but he recognizes that his position now is as a reporter, and he'll throw the tough questions, 3wu he does -- but he does it evenly and throws them to the other side as well. that's one the surprises that i had is that where the unfair treatment came from, sometimes i was surprised that it came from who should be friendly and supportive, and then the fair

and balanced coverage came from people i was going into interviews expecting -- you can't have a prejudice about who -- it's about who's professional, and whether it's ap, you know, you never know. you never know who is going to choose to take the role of a professional journalist seriously and who uses the role to advance a political agenda, but as we can -- as going into the 2012 elections, what we can expect is that, you know, we can expect unfair treatment. we can expected misinformation. again, information technology put the power back into the hands of the people so at this time unlike ever before, we are not powerless. yes, it means we have to work harder. yes, we have to stay one step ahead of them, but if we are vigilant, we can defeat the power of the sound bite, and,

again, i have that whole chapter in there about how, first of all, you know, how the media derives its power from the sound, and then how we can disarm it. you know, knowledge is to the sound byte what cryptonight is to superrer man. we can use that being just as vigilant and unified. do you hear any democrats turning on each other, turning on the base the way that we are? you know, so, and did i address all three points? i did. okay. i might forget them. >> hi, your last statement prompted me to get up and ask you a question very specifically -- how would you specifically unify the tea party's movement with the

party? >> okay, well, first of all, what i think we have to do is be proud of the principles that the party was founded. right now, there's almost -- i don't want to say an embarrassment, but, you know, whether it's joe biden calling the tea party terrorists or other people saying that the tea party is causing this paralysis in congress, you know, i think where that's coming from is because the tea party and the middle class movement that propels the tea party has put the establishment on notice, and, you know, politics will not be the same, and the tea party -- at least in my campaign -- maybe i shouldn't say this? a republican audience, but we have a lot of democrats. we had a lot of independents, and they are unified around this discontent with the career politicians who have turned congress into a favor factory,

and one of the things that we can recognize about the 2010 elections is that the reason why so many tea party candidates won primaries is because the message was resinating with the every day voters, and they were, you know, whether it's rand paul's race, my race, they were engaging people in the political process like never before, and they were articulating common sense solutions that, you know, you don't need an ivy league degree in political science to get so the message was resinating, and i think what that does is it proves the power of the message. again, these are the principles on which our country was founded, and as i said earlier, they are the principles that made the country great and still can make the country great. going forward, how we can unify is in if, you know the

establishment part of the party would get over what has them frustrated and recognize that you can't trade favors anymore and embrace the grass roots movement that won so many primaries based on principles. if they would extend their expertise, extend their resources and their long to this grass roots movement and come together, that's what's going to defeat obama, but, again, unfortunately, it's a big if. you know, we've got to be unified, be on one message. we can't be pointing fingers at one another, but at the same time, i don't think there's any reason why we have to be embarrassed about our message. we have a winning message, and in that chapter about defeating the soundbite, i talking about how freedom is inscribed on the heart of every individual. that's why we yearn for a better life for our children.

that's why when you work, you want to be appreciated. that's why you want to be valued and loved by your spouse because you want your unique preciousness, your individuality to be celebrated by those around you, and that is how freedom is inscribed in our heart because in the free market economy, in what america once was, you have that freedom to take your god-given gifts, your very unique talents, and make a life for yourself unlike a socialist or communist economy where your role is given to you, and that's your path in life, like it or not. you know, it snuffs out creativity. there's no room for outside of the box thinking. you do what you're told, and, you know, if you are content with that, good for you, but don't try to make a better life for yourself. you know, again, in that

chapter, i articulate that freedom is inscribed on the heart of every individual. our challenge is to arctic late that. if our message is not resinating with the people, don't abandon the message, but reframe the message. you know, i wouldn't go to a 12-year-old and talk about this very stuff and why it's a bad thing that the imf is calling for the dollar to be removed from the reserved currency because, well, you know, my nephew might understand because he's smart, but most 12 year oles don't get it. talk to them on their level, but don't abandon the principles, just reframe the argument. that's what we need to do. if we can do that as a party, as a movement, again, i'm very optimistic that we can make sure that president obama is a one-term president because -- i agree, let's clap to that notion.

[applause] as you can tell, i'm passionate about that. any other questions 1234 >> any other questions? >> okay. christine. >> thank you. >> i can't thank you enough for coming. >> thank you. >> it is a great pleasure for us and a great honor. >> thank you very much. >> thanks a lot. >> thank you for having me and thank you for being patient with me being late. >> christine will sign books near the front where they are being sold. carroll will be selling the books, and she'll do signatures for you, all of you, and we want to thank her again. >> thank you. [applause] >> good luck. good luck with everything you do, all your endeavors. >> thank you. [inaudible conversations] >> oh, i forgot to thank c-span for covering it. sorry. thank you, c-span, for covering the event.

>> more from frankfort kentucky now, and the social history of bourbon and the impact its had on american history. >> the early distill would have been like anywhere else, from 20 gallons to 100 gallons in size, and they were making their whisky in the fall, in the winter after the crops were in and the corn reached a good percentage of dryness so they could grind it and make whisky out of it. these distillers made whisky for thane own consumption, and they also made their whisky to sell,

and they would sell it to grocers basically who turned around and sold it to bars and saloons or whatever. all throughout the 19th century, it was an extremely profitable business. there was a lot of it being made. there was a lot of it being sold, and they were making good money off of it. there were problems throughout the 19th century. remember, the 19th century, the main package for selling bourbon wasn't the bottle. bottling of bourbon didn't really become something that was standard until the 1890s. the main package was the barrel, and back to your question about frankfort, this is where karl e.

h. taylor, jr. is an important figure in the bourbon industry. he started in the banking industry in the 1850s, but then migrated into the bourbon industry. ..

which later became the buffalo trace of today. so what he would do is to show of his genius at the time, she took the discovery which he bought which was just a small farmer distillery type of operation and he built it into a modern distillery and build a gas lines as he could because he realized the importance of having a really nice distillery from a salesman and other people came to the distillery to see how it was made with an iron skillet. so the first thing he did. the second thing he did is realized was of beryl was the main package, so he designed a really fancy trademark to put on the barrelhead. the brand their names on the head of the barrel. so he designed a really nice

speech 84 that barrelhead, plus he made the barrel using brass suits instead of iron or wooden like most of them were doing at that time. so he said a barrel autrey customer. he would take the barrel and shine it and everything and make it really fancy and mice so that when you walked into that saloom and you saw six or eight beryl's across the lot, his would stand out, that fancy beryl head of brand name and those shiny brass hoots. and he was realizing how important the packaging was. so when you came with your flask or your drug and wanted to buy a pint of whiskey or whatever you would look at them and say i want that one. >> kentucky is very fortunate in that they have a lot of people that knew how to make good whiskey.

it also has a very nice geographical balance. you've got the limestone ridges on your free e and it's very bad for making whiskey to read you take a male and drop it into a glass of bourbon and come back later and the bourbon is going to be black and taste nasty. with iran free water in kentucky, plus you have a very nice balance of hot summers and cold winters which allows the whiskey to work into the barrel to bring out this nice flavor. so kentucky has the - proper balance and people who knew how to take the advantage of all of this and they just made good whiskey and built their reputation. >> how has the bourbon industry been doing now? >> it's doing quite well now. it wasn't long ago you couldn't say that.

we have a generation of people - were sitting don't trust anybody over 30 and we aren't going to drink when our parents drink and most of what their parents drink is durbin, rye, scotch or whiskey. the start experimenting with the products which is dhaka and tequila. two products the government didn't bother to keep track of in 1970 because there were such few feels of it. the decline in the 1980's really moved the scotch industry that helps bring the bourbon back because one of the things people were drinking in the 70's was maureen and they were having when tastings and blamed dinners and magazines devoted to moreni and people were writing books about wind and things like that. the scotch industry decided to

show people that there's a single recipe which is fairly uncommon in the united states before the 1970's, late 70's, early 80's. they started having whiskey dinners and tastings and they started encouraging books and magazines and articles and things and doing the same things the industry had been doing to grow the product. the burba and industry called on to that and started creating products like small batch products that could be treated the same way. and as those products grew in the early 90's, they were starting to bring up the sales of the other products as people would say this is really great i wonder what their other products taste like. so now it is actually growing at a pretty good rate and its

expanding. islamic mark on the social history of bourbon. for more information on this and other interviews from frankfurt kentucky, visit c-span.org/localcontent. khalid sheikh mohammed is about 4-years-old that time. his father dies and i search for the death records. apparently his father died in 1969. and the simply didn't keep records of the foreigners, def, marriages, it just wasn't interesting to them. so, we have this account of his father's death but it's very sparse and there is no official transcript to back it up. his father dies and there's no welfare state, there's no organized charity for the forerunners of the kinds of his mother takes a job washing the bodies of the dead, the female bodies of the dead and preparing for vara burial. this is a low status and low-income job but it enables

her to have a living. at the time she has nine children, and khalid sheikh mohammed is the fourth mail. the years pass on and cliche is doing very well in school. he's a good student, somewhat bookish boy and the family decides that not -- they can't -- they don't have any money at all. they need to back one son to get an education and that is the typical families in this purpose of time would support the rest of them. and to the college and historically back to school in murfreesboro north carolina and the family has saved some money or more likely the muslim brotherhood of kuwait has agreed to sponsor him and his two older

brothers had joined at age 16 and roughly at 18-years-old prepared for pcs i interviewed the man who picked the month of the airport they drive into murfreesboro and this is years later but if memory remembers khalid sheikh as being surprised by what he saw. he's surprised by the geography, the intense greenery. when you see the trees and great fear usually behind walls and privately-owned. and here they were just trees everywhere but more surprising, and more strange and more off-putting than the trees were the people and what they were doing. they were sitting in lawn chairs on the front lawn visible from the road, they were growing out, playing with their kids, taking a close to the bushes out side of the front window and what

surprised him is so much of american family life happening in public and this isn't the kind of thing that would happen in the arab world. the time that we spent in north carolina the more that is persuaded and americans were really backward the trust each other very quickly and didn't go out at night. after dark is when most of them what happened in kuwait and many arab countries. but in the united states even in murfreesboro time, 1983, 84, the had won a piece of parlor. millibars, the pizza parlor closed at 9:00 the town is asleep so far from the might be in the life and social and friendly it was the day when americans were busy. so he became more and more

alienated by america because it wasn't an era of country. and these are very small observations. these are these things by themselves do not become a terrorist because it does set him at odds with the country. that made him part of this larger community. in fact one of the things i learned in writing "mastermind," this is nothing the civilian colleges do to integrate foreign students to explain this country to them. we take for granted that everyone knows these things. when the fbi searched the car of the 9/11 hijackers left behind at the airport, they found a small spiral notebook and a very careful arabic script. there was a description explaining the differences between shampoo, conditioner and body wash. we think we are easily understood but from another culture, another time, yeah.

we are puzzling. abn explanation is in order for foreign students. so naturally he spent most of his time in college with not just other arab students the other 28 students. he didn't even mix with the non-to wait their lives. after a semester he transfers to north carolina and tea. jesse jackson's on a modern. here he studies engineering, but again, his social network is very limited. about 50 or 20 people, all of whom are muslim, all of whom are too late arab and some of whom transferred with him. but he emerges as someone who is known on campus as a mullahs, with a mean by that is he as an enforcer. he makes sure that the other students in the group do not violate these very small very obscure tenants of the islamic law or what they believe to be the form of the law. for example, because of your

pants can never cover the ankle to wear shorts. when they get to the gym and work out there would be fully covered. and for some of the differences kept them apart from the american college campus. i met a number of people almost a dozen insecta went to college who remember him and by the way, they mostly remember him fondly. he was a canadian, a member of the informal student troup mazzetti fri tonight show where he put on plays and skits and it was very successful and apparently very humorous imitating the other layer of leaders. but the audience was the other 20 kuwati-arab students. he didn't -- i couldn't find anyone who wasn't a kuwati-arab, who was in muslim who knew him in school. his lab partner just remembers him as a person who had a very

broken english. his professors remember him being very good at math and science but never had a single substantial conversation with him about anything that didn't involve molecule's and formulas. so he was in north carolina for almost four years but he came into contact with americans on a very glancing basis. it is as if you are changing planes in a strange city and walk through the airport. have you met the people of cincinnati? not really. pass by them. that is what he did in basically for years. he self isolated himself and he policed the borders, the parameter, the social perimeter to limit contact with americans. but sometimes the events intervened, and one of the things i've learned that was a surprise to me is that he had a criminal record in the united states. i'm surprised the other investigators and the government didn't turn this up. they like to drive at high speed with an expired driver's license and he would sort of go through

the streets of greensboro and other parts of north carolina that he saw too much of the dukes of hazzard, i don't know. but one day they are talking in a parked car some urgent confidence that couldn't go on in the living room i imagine. when the car smashed by khalid sheikh mohammed. the injuries are so severe they sued him and i found a copy of lawsuit. by the way it is christian verses mohammed. [laughter] ultimately they went in the case and they are awarded more than $10,000 in 1985 which is an essential sum of money the times of the injuries were fairly severe. he never pays. he dodges the sheriff, fly is the law the christian women's