whater wert's aronyism or thouscdarr. ca, hodo we sell this inequality increase to the american people such that they don't go in apu dtion atouon y in tatn llquon ththheco eqty, and large, the increasing income inequality is by and large right, and it's clrly a matter of concern for evybod notusthe lt. tnk ebodyhoulbe ncd ts. exivin bwhan e to alleviate the effect of this income inequality. this is, the causes are many. some, id, iheloba

eth er 'rrytlo ut or do about. the second is more what i think mat omtin nale oh ae of anhaw psa mn. alhink what is important is torecoize that in order to have a tru anorqziewe mke ar ps. thth pptt also -- [inaudible] is that americans don't resent necessarily inequality, resent the fact tat th unfairnes be a t.ustotv fr st. and so how can you fight in a

aucbays bayeay thiscrng voucher-based system based on starting point. so today we have a lot of progra like ama an a d e. m used bod ou f the upper african-american middle class, you don't need a help. and if you are ahit i poo eau d . heht oelot ceed need-based. and so i think can be easily solved by saying we know what is yourisadvantagwith ta. yasocu. iisan tme teof y performance in

school? so why don't we try to give higher value voucher t people that come fm those aas s tanget toette old ot coeshe ber because now we have a system in which if you are good at th ghchool level, you can get a owsh inol,d sud nd s peeyon vethvef cti in that, at that stage. and we need to bring them up. vere mete oven if i dt pl hengatlfess te hic to equalize the starting point. they're not redistributing this coret the end of the me

because that, of crse, would stroens. t th're tualryi to ha mpeve g ha aren sd dngo. dow here in the front. >>i yoook, dr.the mic, please. itdu cmp, wass aha g es tni states. i admire what you're doing in yo book. >> quick right here in the second row. righ in back of of you. isnatiore ahe i ,nyogaes u'el peo smoke. which is fine, but it is another form of regulation, is it no >> oh, absolutely. but i -- my goal iser nearguon ihin nio hdoo-

yet that implemented? and my view is because the idea of taxation is simple and has ve litetcan wihiheuacd ofar t gar guondi regulation, and most of the regulation is done far away from the eyes of e voters. d heav sangon ane s fhe e hetenebl i g ept. the tax, we decide whether we want the regulation or not. but in a referendum of tang matyllprl, ahe th proper way to do regulation. i agree with you, it is a form of regulation, but is the least

waeful an by eay, ea tat re t drthe in. thx so if we can raise more of these taxes and can less of the tax on income, i think we will all be better off. >> okay. timeor a more qution sa >> li,totex du liathebl o conli iea partially due to the enormous return of this economy to the >> th moving forward i see that as a potential risk. first of all, i have to say i'm not qualified enough to lk about genetics because it's not my cup ofea. but omhatittl fod iin b m reansuca ohe

way marriages, the marriage market works today rers us 20 or 40 -- versus20 or 40 years ago. t athe ment don'think ats th bstbl serefan a return on luck. especially in areas like the software industry where the marginal cost of the product tendso yo t te, ca n fil th lne t disproportionate return. there could have been five facebooks created next to each cotee es matecause facoo e bni i n disproportional return which is completely disproportiona vis-a-vis to everything, the effort they made. so i think there's no ey fix r aect. ag theexay

is cne ae g sort of free market system ia system also where the people who made tremendous amount o wlth, eyi it ba ie it us inkye coe ,suitis skill, but it is not just skill. >> nicole? luigi, the obama administration isncagineuroo presre sin toseca thy ec private creditors to private institutions to losses that they should take or om loss that they should take. is this g i t f cta f n iltan a r peilaio anoat and does this send the opposite signal that dodd-frank is

supposed to send, that bailouts are still the preferred wayf dealg with the finaial cris? 'sleaydi a tbl gn trfrofinas waadg with the french bank that they were overly exposed to greece cdss. and the french trader told him, behi uventis inkhectha ophtschr the too big to fail doctrine caused the crisis, there is no discussion that after the crisis people do perceive that that's a nonerofro t idoanav cto thrt of part of cost and part of the blame. in greece the greeks sort of eaanhd r spbi t les dot

eceee r onlity too. and thesystem has been a system where we use public resources basically insure the cror et10 a12 mt anwveficu f greece to get out through any form of restructuring because there is not enough money that they can restructure with. soino sn, tk r tola because that will have dramatic negative effect on university but that momentum mean -- europe. but that doesn't mean you have torotect allhedid otth ehrs er aoteeha belw mvo wf bear screening since sort of the little piece i wrote, "why

ununy, nry"n 2ay >>gh me ost question. up front. >> hello? one of the critiques of our et syemis a ieain so napi at the expense of productive capital. would you agree with that, and if so, in the spirit of your remarks wouldousut s-tpat anio hih'mce ouat doa eh evidence that that's the case, but i don't have strong evidence that it's not the case. so i am definitely concerned. i think at mo oth nncaus tris an t'se t

st ud] sgornment. so the publicly-traded companies might suffer that, the government suffers that in spain. w, do i adcabe fftialin t teedthng in i k t makes a lot of sense, especially i thk that there is definitely too much fopenndr in stock, especially polierxnt w we're supposed to hold for the long material -- term. doub whether it'sll lu haou , h, ing bosll capitalism for the people," ask it's just out from basic books. wanted to thank you all for coming tonight. [applause]

wdkeefr y t ydb tem/tv >> more from jefferson city next on booktv. justin dyer, the author cotualradion,ks-sler ous . sheim t book is natural law and th antislavery constitutional tradition, and the title started out as the laws of god and man as the tle, anthen tt w going ttitl abbee tf ple suthhewsf g anmeg ia revealed law, something you'd find in scripture. and what we really had in mind was the natural law. and the natchatur law woprplhaeo caen nd jthhas e, tthanso t re oue pci,th ends,

the purposes of nature and come to moral principles through that, through the ercise of reason. sone of the stamentt 'rmi wthnv iofat clio pece nne em that all men are created equal, that they're endowed by their creator with certain inalienable lights and among these e life, beane uit wa d hewsfur i idhaerreta laws, certain world princles that don't come from government, they don't depend on government, and you can ha the even despite of the government at aiin thgu, it cotu, a t 17as to pro-slavery or anti-slavery. and you had this whole group, this tradition in american politics of oplehorgue at tnsti was

tivense dsde dla t usmeavd itstid constitution w in its essence a glorious liberty document and that those provisions touching slavery -- if they had a relationshipo it, they were th mrescldthas soo oe tee. gus, iac abraham lincoln and others who maintained that slave was was unjust before slavery was unjust nal us itiodth rof tthevat soirumwawa that the constitution should be interpreted in light of the deck la rice of undependence -- declaration of independence. as abhamncai the clios th app o , th citn e e olv nd. d tppdan o , er old proverb.

so in the proverbs there's picture of an apple ofold in this frame of silver. tham erhnstions riotol o git eofce arntate ve to understand the constitution in light of the declaration of independence. so you had various arguments on all different sides about the nstituti, is itrovery tiveanpecica dienauin tionethfi mpsehaou ses eethfa person for the purposes of representation. you have provisions about the slave trade, about fugitive slaves a different tngs in the constitutn. meplenteretedho ovisns a aipg w sryld ngxin un thrdla"ot pen cotu, r t slaves as person. and that was evidence that the founders intended this document to exist long after slavery had gone away. ininco's wdse un mola o

owime nc rslo a i way that would offer perverse incentiv to maintain slaves, thoings like the three-fifth compromise. and so you havthescomping ane meak t okthneryo th a- er dendtive nstiyove rs teonship they saw between the declaration and the constitution. they said, no, look, the declaration's central here. you have to understand what it ys about nural rights wh me at raig thhestio edortoeth clioey. u'adotreon cots recently that have called into question the arguments made by people