resolve and focus. but they don't have time for certain expense of things -- [inaudible vsaon nalecneri ourwthi 48 hours of nonfiction authors and books on c-span 2's booktv. you are watching booktv on amanit styrguhayp e orte that the population can thrive with community participation. this is what a little over an hour. is the a nonfiction author or okwuetse ses -mat booktv@c-span.org. were tweaked us at twitterom/booktv. >> several years ago and the

queen was that one of her yearly garden parties makin y inee aelone guests, she was asking such standard questions as have you come for? when one woman lood at her and said, what do you-seeal l aen hdarthee described exchange and confess confessed that i had nidea what to say. it was the first time in all the years of meeting people that quonne had ever asked me that whhe but to tell what she's really like. to take the reader as close as possible to elizabeth the human being, the wife, mother an friend, as well the ghly wht liorite about

the elizabeth, second, i would like to share with you some of the many surprising discoveries that i made about the queen. becae she is t best known pe fasw, t ereal woman is very different from the woman this is my fifth biography, all of them are about larger-than-life charactrs s arntd, t's ne h uen,ds ve hvro o world. other heads of state have come and gone. elizabeth is the longest-servi leader in the world, spanning shs h 4onar 21stcts. saerhsy it monarchy. reigning over the united kingdom as england, wales, cotland and

14 vrsie territories. she marked her diamond jubilee, which is a milestone jewelry john every six. the only other was her great, great andmher eenct, hse cra w hud ea ago. that happened in 1897 when she was 78 years old. if elizabeth, who willturned 86 years old in september 25,he will surpar i years. between the two of them, victoria and elizabeth have been on the throne for 124 f the last 174 years. they he sybolized britafr ern for inet t reign.

elizabeth is surrounded by people. that being qen makes her a solitary and singular figure. it is cruciafor her to eep a ifmsmysteriousnd dissent, she loses her bond with her subjects. but if she seems too much like everyone else, she loses her mystue. she doesn't carry a passport, lseth of 't havaders usoeedr like a bat out of hell on the road to the country estate. she can't vote, she can't appear as a witness in court, and she can't change her fate from pooner around her,c. including her friends and family, they balance curtsy when a greater, and when they said goodbye to her as well. although she was trained by

strict nannies who prevented her trd cho to accept with deference. a friend of mine told me a time when then elizabeth came to visit his family in scotland, and heplayfully thr her onto a fsfera earl, took them by the arm, punched him in the stomach, and said don't you ever do that to royalty. the princess did not mind, my friend told me, but that was the sture which she was brought p so how does an american biographer penetrate the royal bubble? especially when the queen's had a policyor the past six years of not granting interviews. dient om way really wasn'tto whwa t tth w her best for insight and

information. i am a long time in the file, and i visited britain frequently haad nds.pst hree ecsa some of them helped me when i was reporting on princess diana in the late 1990s. when i started researching the queen's life, i wentack to key sources who reed to help me again andintrod me m ophowoy mi they also serve as an advocate in getting cooperation. a book on princess diana had been fair to the yal family and particularly to prince charles. me gght.hevet hplc as a result, i had access to her inner circle of close friends and advisers. now, the que has disciplined herself to kp her views and emotions under wraps in the ic ososra

sofaatg opinions and feelings. what worried her most about prince charles when his marriage to diana was falling apart, for example. what would happen if she became physically or mentally aneneoitll it opinions, including one hot button issue which she discussed with an american ambassador. her friends explain the secret heru nom uale and they sized odve ways. monty roberts, he wa one of her most unlikely friends, told me that when the queen gave him inibaiit she shed an nt jli h does. with the assistance of the palace, i was also able to watch

the queen many different settings. at the guard ar grea windr ca, esenng rsbchaplc out one for annual garden parties. for that received a personal invitation embossed with gold with the queen's crownnd er on . nonght ho bena been commanded by her majesty to invite me. everybody got that. watching the queen makes her way along a line of people, i was se official at buckingham palace, later told me that she moved slowly to absorb everything that is going on and take as much and as she can. i also marveled at he b boc nvtiindy

stance. a technique that she once explained to the wife of one of her foreign secretaries by lifting her evening gown above her ankl andi, ha o plant their feet apart like this. always keep in parallel, make sure your weight is evenly distributed and that is all there is to it. as i obseed her over the imsithelmea er icumed rs hheriut r how earnestly she does her job. with great discipline and concentration in every situation. she is not just a figurehead. and she s an impressi range ofuties. eryex f ctm d aehe nt ve hours reading. they are deliered, they are red

letterboxes that can only be opened bypri. on herlose friends told me about the time during one of the queen's visit when she was deskbound all morning. must you,m' r a. i t r h again. she was the youngest daughter of the queen'sin. she was the youngest daughter of the queen's prime minister, winston churchill. she told me that when elizabeth was a young, 25-year-old queen, r fahe had b issy he nneth e wher w doing. it is hard to imagine the amount of information that the queen has a cumulative over six decades. and she has used it in exercising her right tobe consuld, tncge t rn he ees with

government officials as well as military officers, surgeon, diplomats and judges. they come to her. as she cesid,he factta e o elth g tee tthan y tli thmost impornt encounters have been the weekly audience with her 12 prime ministers. chill o w bn in thctory, rom ar ofrmy of her great, great grandmother, queen victoria, to david cameron, her current prime minister who is born thre yrs after her younge child, prince edwa. she actually glimpd hir fhest im her future minister when he appeared at age eight in a school production of toad of toad hall with edward.

[laughter] reon ithgaerms ng thatcher. in the course of my reporting, gained great insight into how that relationship works in some of which contradicted the common thuedhv executive power but she has unique influence. in her role as head of state, should represent the government officially at home and abroad, but she also serves as the head of nation, which meanshat she can ward people for their wihe concerns. to deces past the normal retirement age, he's doing 400 engagement foras

they told me that the queen knows every inch of this country in a way that no one else does. he spends so much time meeting people that shs an understanding of wt other ople's lives arele. dendat nl n it is. she has also pent time honoring citizens and members of the military for exemplary service. in 60 years, sh has converted aw aivhe psrsnd over 600 times. people need pats on the back she had said. it is a very dingy world herwise. traveling with the queenas icly au, especially the royal tour i took to trinidad. she was 83 are sold at the time and her program called for long days of meeting and greeting. her stamina was impressive. matched only by an 88year-old

whery ffap thik that, the lord chamberlain accompanies her to the airport. ph alith.al sneoh ape choreography, sort of like fred astaire and ginger rogers. i also saw an aspect to them that contradicts rashns and ity onsa brlittle child over to greet her. he often saw people in the crowd who can't see very well, and he ll block them out to give the a bete vante pot. wh theendsot,he h es of humor.

on the last night and in trinidad, i also witnessed a close range when i had heard abt from several people that the qen persire, ennh hottest emperatures. everyone was dripping from the heat, includg me ayveio e n edat me, close by, and there is absolutely no blister on her face. ..

and to get a feel to the atmosphere around the queen and the waiter household has changed from the early days when it was run entirely by a ariscratic n. as i stood in the lobby of thusd te oar ate i half dozen footnotes, one of them was a woman, all dressed in navy blue suits. sees him over there, he said. he has a masters degree in paleontology. it was a far cry rm ryp eo. >> cas and other programs online at booktv.org. georgetown university professor

charles argues we are moving into an age when no country or th hemr rt ominate the wrld riein t as he spoke at the carnegie council in new york city. this is just under an hour. >> some of us are given to slf promotion. soanto say thankyu l cingot uhaul lot. i am going to report if icm sometime, ed rendell, there are no would since among the politics and prose ground. i had a terrible paranoid whhen a ealyhe way ver ere torrential, at the koch brothers had ceded the clouds. so maybe some other super pac and i quickly realized there were two things wrong with this very. when his i'm not that important. thchthbee i liketo hin ta chnidvierta

ey like the free exchange of ideas and also on a he commerce of great small businesses by politics a prose. and this is an extraordinary community. this bookstore in soeways eprents what iribon thouf iid a mmity because this is where commerce will he does come together with the community. we all wish that car cold be with us tonight, and i ot a very sweet ne from david who uldn be her bute e ha bread and melissa and stewart of this extraordinary tradition that and i really think that there are, their view of he role as stewards, and that's why this stre cotinues b par pot ll f h committee. i have so many kind friends who came out on this night. i cannot mention them all but i

just want to say bless you for ming. i've sd many times, godjudges me for notwhat i donebtm fi,w o . est haou f coming out. i particularly want to thank my wife, mary, for being you. she's already heard way too much about this book. every single aspect of this book, and then mazn ub vey ugi oun'ntion it commits a for the c-span audience, and i gave up looking at that. i decided this was another addiction i needed to give up. the book as apatriotic theme, nuer glad i ote this cai almtaon ioday, april 19, 25 years ago issue. so i could acknowledge it in the book. i love you, mary. [applause] and i thn dtelis oe e r iurrothers

and sisters. bless you, joe, for being able to put up with mfor another hour on this book. it so good of you. it is so good if you to come. bo a e a time.ne and it begins actually by talking about american decline. that it is very much not a decline this book. veuc na-dihildag' . the book does go out of his love. i've had with american stories since i was in grade school. i acknowledge other teachers at the beginning of the book. my whole group of teachers going ters to high school,or t aeas hi omsa yto d paradox is the first sentence of the book declares -- it's a hopef book.

i know that the fact tha we so often o hghl experience as a nation is actually a sign of what a very high opinion we have of ourselves. we americans always think we are in a lace from which we can decline. and i argued in thebook, it's , re oigweaws k e g tyl, weonthe verge of decline. the core argument of the book is the way to avoid decline is to refresh the balance that brad meiod between our love afior olm anour it's important that out decline just moments have come extraordinary politicians and extraordinary political campaigns. i think barack obama's election was much rooted in the sense thate was the person tosl teso accompany decline his feelings.

we start saying it's about economics or it's about foreign policy but quickly we began to ask about o we are as a people, what is wrong with us. tob apaign, you justokbc think of the slogans he used, those posters with the word hope on them, or the slogan change we can believe in. i've always thout the word belief in the chang we c beev sn atst iots, ca americans wanted to believe in theselves again. and when we go through periods such as this, we often reach back into ouhistory for enlightening, even h e n grbohae on hry. and so while my book is extremely critical of the tea party's view of both current politics in our history, i acknowledge the tea party at the beginning of the book for encouraging us al to look back

to oufug,trlg tory. indeed, i think that those of us on the progressive side have not embraced the american store enough. i think in the andy bloch at the american story it is a profndly progressi story is astar inwhh wga a adectiti than we are today, voting was restricted to people with property. them extended to white men without property. anwe extended it to african-ericans. took the rights away ad then wee ela mor stie hof us who are on the progressive side i think should take great pride in this story. and we should talk about what it means. why should our consertive friends be the only peope who cay arnd cies of the cotituon ithpos? do e ev quo t destounsti friends? why do we leave the declaration of independence to thm

the most forward-looking politicians and moral spokesman in our history did not do that. go back to martin luther king's "iave drea . en f poft chiao the american story. it's about the american promise, the promises that the united states made to all of its people, to the quality. and dr. king for those of you who love thatpeech as much as prsnohad mo of at n fiamanha came back stamped unpaid, insufficient funds. this is someone who understood the promise of the american story. abraham lincoln mos important pren ldratspeech before he was ernihee tke an argument that the founders ultimately foresaw, as he did, the extinction of slavery in the united states. and lincoln did monthsf asoka research to give thispe atollzthea

nchl ksma h r president. so the core argument of the book is that we are torn between this healthy tension, between love individualism and our affection for community. and think we he too often tourryamenrl ie rs n individualistic side. have emphasized individual liberty to the exclusion of our dedication to community and also to the quality which we argue non o ln evy geeratn. oso a pure communitarian book. i am not arguing that liberty is not important to us but i am arguing that the very few we have of liberty depends on the idea that it must be defnded. weou eeber,rle cmo t very first word of the constitution of the united states is not i. it is not individual.

it is not even liberty. the first word of the american constituon iwe asin we the iner a m perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for th, defense, promote the general welfare. yes, welfare is in thefirst paragraph of the american tion dce lsng o rtt relves an our posterity to ordain and establish this constitution. its a we constitution. not and i constitution. the declaration of independence is a perfect reflection of this liet iidsm thegng and the commitment to our and any double rights that come from our creator, that among the ings life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. that is part of us. that is part of our individualistic libertylvng ces. hey praf

dct is where the founders pledged their les, their fortunes and their sacred honor. interested that we cannot protect individual liberty and less we do toether to you a i ots rt o tt dfh es indseg beismu project. if you actually care about liberty you have to care about community. we have had a parallel argument, particularly in recent years related to the role of gornme in our h. d to n ok g back to the legacies of hamilton and calais and abraham lincoln, and also the populist and progressive legacies. one summer i saw a coule of interns who came to work for me at brookings assume they're going to be wri n l kns po.f mte and asked them to help you look at the history of the american weeks. fortunately, they like history, to come and enjoy their explorations of theeeks.

if you believe that the federal government played impotant lethveen o country, you have to write hampton, lay, lincoln and a whole lot of other people out of our national story altogeth. if you believe that the constitution is absolutely clear and can be read only one way, then you have to doith the faht hn tharf e tmof constitution, alexander hamilton and james madison, the to leading interpreters of the constitution in the federalist, where at each other's throats over whether the federal governme had the right to establish a bank of thunited stat. haltongt. tt dn.out of that fight came out party system. the chapter in the book is called one nation conceived in argent. and i couldn't resist quoti my friend, the legal schoarh idtsi n heigis seem to rid their jurisprudence any idea

that i knew the founders, the founders wee friends of mine, i know how they think. [laughter] and i arguthat this approach adttis nnty i even challenge the originalists on originalists grounds, for those of you who are interested in these matters. hamilton and calais were visionaries. they were advocates of what heclalhiouldca al program the american system. why did he call it the american system? he called that because you want to distinguish it from the british syem, and the british system was based on laissez-faire. and he sa the meric y omngfe,us adsall our republican tradition, and understood how the comments contributed to individual prosperity. theamerican system as conceived

by clay d an orou thub gh t endorse henry clay, if they have been around back then. play one of the federal government to help a lot with all sorts of things including what he called eternal improved, ose bridg, cs rds whhegerell meovrrl,has done a lot of work on infrastructure and to say that we should be doing more to build and rebuild our infstructure, i want somebody to suggest to him that we should stop using that word and go back to ay's dot soeltmpovets tt d 'sraly ahe hamilton and clay also both saw the federal governnt as having an opportunity, and in the nd of respnsibility, to help build anayca uit aanufacturing nation. veshride nre arxo did, long before president obama's stimulus.

because he wanted to give aid to the states to do the projects he felt needed to be done for our nation. in frustrati once when his opponents were sayng thhi mactg r coitna clay said with great impatience, do we live in the onlyountry in the world with a constitution that is written for other countries but not our own an so, lkmpogss clay expressed frustration with those who see the constitution not as a liberating document to encourage self-governance, but as a series of chains upon designed to keep our country it exactly the same condition it was di ht'h deho, idnt think that's how we should think, either. i argue that her friends in the tea party are not oking back at the entire trajectory of, say, th 235 years sine we adopd our cstitution.

thinheyae okng epaliou history to define all of our history. they are looking back to the peri of the gilded age, those 35 years after the civil war, until, i date it untilteddy rooselook oe est. re wth dominant american creed. and i think that what they want to do is overturn the a consensus that we established ag ian o othulist anprogresses book and i don't want to go into this history at great length but i do want to make the point that a lot of folks look back and say that upon those andthe progressivesand later t new dealers were sehng in entelveerttoke eeal ventwe r fi time. my view of the populist and progresses and the successors

in our day is that they were in many ways, they were certainly innovative but they were also storationist. hey re rstoe thng itofanbnblndiv ben vi ahemut ey were restoring a time when we saw government as cooperative with our prosperity, cooperative with the pizes -- privat he nceatorai s ihn that radical individualistic period that the supreme court handed down a lot of decisions, including the one in which corporations were declared people, wherea mr. romney would put ieople, my ien of cens united decision lying in that gilded age, gilded age period. i have what i refer to myself, although i decided, what i call, wiiv atocii

ee where i argued that bush v. gore and citizens united are approprte bookends for the last decade because i believe in particular ways that each under cutorld moicmitsa on 'sthil age period that the lochner decision was made limiting the rights of governments protect workers. that was later that tradition, the lochner decision was later happily reisited. as a ru atth rsrs a restore is a balance, the great progressive thinker influenced teddy roosevelt argue that progressives sought to use hamiltonian needs to serve jefferaniseeto ineren a greater the 20 of opportunity, and to create an economy tht was not dominated by the trusts or by very small numbers of people.

and those who are loking for enuragt ur current ts bteoolt wow ond bu trust and concentrated economic power. at times teddy roosevelt and woodrow wilson sounded like they were at occupy wall street encampnts. it's qte atonishin how ngir rris. ths tpr the american balance. if we always sought a balance between individualistic in committee, we sought a baance between the state and the market. we are, i hink there's a dee shrewdness in theicie tho ever a eriecn lk about that in the q&a, in that we americans distrust concentrated power in all its forms. we missed trust concert our in government can't justome d bu hststnd would tryto h

enederth private sphere. and have developed a system of countervailing power in our country to check public power went needs th check, and chd.e are whent needs to be fd,id brooks, i say buy this book was worth it to go to forget why my friend david is a little crosswise to the current political debate, and i realized riding it that david is ansolyrhnrcrviving american alexander hamilton abe lincoln guy. it's actually quite david and i agree on some this and why we disagree osome things. ca mok somsult in his column woitosat actually wanted applied to my book. i was grateful for that. but he argued that my view which

is that conservatism has been inidsmad tiby a kind of radical ara tical is response to the flures of president bush and a reaction to all things obama your david want to argue that this game because of excessive government overreach. here i thikwea e od i'tiei' erre to provide health care and medical part of the government provide health care for all our people, which i would like to see happen. i don' think socia security is overreached. i don'thinotecng o ennmenis vreaed th at1 years, build a consensus period, is that yes, government has grown, but in this period our liberties have increase, no decrease. our opportunities have increased, notecrease. as govnment ew, p liros e more americans get educated.

that are better and worse ways to do government. and we progressives are not in thbusiness of expanding government for governments sake, but i hink thiradical indidum eauan ervereokr toenle hlvon the legacy of president bush. they surely couldn't criticize him for being too conservative. that didn't work. so they want toriticize him cosiecnerva.big spender. a unyhernn st t achievements of president bush that i actually respect and admire. and that it is not a reaction the government oveac heoethis lveu? hit bs f a balance, certified in have to actually serve a strong sense of the historical epic the early half is why liberals came to believe that they need a ind

i k e s or erane deeply involved in the individual rights tradition and civil rights tradition came to understand that we need in our thinking to balance our deep devotion to resilindmu.n to i k wyo o ba to some of the gret achievements of liberalism, notably civil rights, dr. king when he preached on behalf of civil rights very much in their right tradition in the declaration, buhe n afn-icthgh atyhv eeve for over three centuries. he was also talk about transform the entire american community, the word, the phrase most pase e bovedcoity. king is the afn-icsl gained the rights that should have been theirs, it came fter a long

period in which african-americans sacrificed a lot for their nation but i think it's no accident that thecivil wowae hanfer dods caamericans fought and died for our nation and i think of the gay-rights movement and its focus in recent years asextraordinary and essentially american. thinkof te great eandsof thgay-ghovemt ces sh demand that gay and lesbian americans be able to serve equally in our armed forces. they weren't askng to serve equally on wall street and make a lot of money. animly dd gayng to have th marriage is a demand to participate in the american community, and to be able to, to be able to share in the mad,aimad leties that te

topy h in. and so i think on the liberal side we came to understand that a liberalism devoid f community is not really in the tradition of american liberalism. fdrhimself takedag t mmy,tea a t act in community building. and on the conservative side i am so can't it's very nice of branches in what he said about my respect for conservatives. and that i could do have a lot cova ttiut r th rather prominent conservative jurist became a conservative, he wrote a very nice thing about macbook "why americans hate politics," he said he became a conservative afer reading "hy americans hatepol" ause liked, h wraed t scioh awo conservatives were. i had any change with the more i said i can assure you my purpose in writing "why americans hate

politics" was not to convert you toward conservatism. but does give you a seseof anathee now about my conservative friends, not all of my conservative friends, but some of them, is that ty have really thrownoverboard what i see as one ofthe mot powerful stres osat william f. buckley, jr.'s very last book, or one of his very last books he wrote so many, was it the cold gratitude, where buckley tlked about our usurs ndteback to theie robert nisbet, as some of you may know, is riding is one of our -- u-boat a book called the quest for community. he was a great ritic of the nw ba iori by the new left

because the new left was so interested in ideas of participatory democracy. i think the conservatives are going through what i hope is a pahtumu.ora veering off tha i think it's very important it's current form cannot succeed. becaus i think it goes aainst isatdi oer la ju ant us i would love to do q&a, and i'd particularly welcome dissenting questions from either my right or my lef it seems to me when you go back -- many ofoum e an tegnghaohe of the heart, they talk about how commit really want to understand the american idea you have to understand that we have

sortof two streams of individuals toluence us, and to treams ofcommitghin. ifi ran self improving sort of conservatism. and then there's walt whitman self-realization kind of conservasm. i was thing of the war in the '60s, the capitalist and he sts ndua.ye id and then there were two streams of community minded thinking. one is the republican tradition to that's what a small are in the sense that all of us, regardless of party in this om i think, or may her's stmeutu r republican. they had a particular view of liberty which is the highest form of liberty was our ability to govern ourselves looking out not for our own interes bt anhhes lilsts ofhetire

tradition, going back to the puritans. as i want to close my talk by citing two very different people. one is john winthrop, and the yormm tronae pite reagan loved to talk about us as a city set upon a hill, or a signing -- shining city on a hill. that phrase, a city setupon a hill came from john wintop's chiachrityedamelf e'get in that sermon where he said we must delight in each other, make eah other's conditions our own, rejoice together, mourn together, labor and suffer together. oummya eeving befo ores me i am so glad rush limbaugh wasn't around because he would have called those ideas socialistic. but that is at the heart of the americanfounding.

and they go all the way up to right now, and e, i c cuofint ece ngn haom of his vast audience with me and it would probably be guilty of that. but i love bruce springsteen's new song, my frid emily luken first pointeout to me, right when the book was coming ou,d i. oyuhdo t, some of you haven't, is where ever this flag is flown, and we take care of our own. and so, john winthrop d 3 haad very robust sense, yes, of personal freedom at the liberties to which we are entitled, but also of the obligations that we owe each other. if i can close with a uion phop, ee ll that.

sandel said that when politics goes well, we can know a good in common that we cannot know alone. that is a deeply american idea. ank u vy mh. la >> thank you. and there's already someone at themc cdn i i ov dissenters. >> no, i'm no dissenter. well, i just remember th phrase liamn stoaidrto jefferson, and currently two but was if you want to live like the republican, vote democrat. >> i've always loed that. >> more current ustion,

d oar orcomm h efforts voter suppression efforts that are occurring in republican-controlled states. and howyou perceive their tis behi tho actns. haouy u it hn yi voter suppression or i think we should make it easier rather than harder for people to vote as a general proposition. in fact, i have a controversial view which i share with the group ofcolleagues at brookis, not an fci inosn. tue e utal of mandatory attendance at the pulpit you don't have to cast a ballot to you just have to show up and vote. that actually then reverses, puts the burden on the stateo make sure that everyone is operlyired ha t otutthse voter suppression efforts are terrible. this includes voter id laws,

which out where i live out in bethesda everyone has got to get yedugrwon license o but an8 netys roel get a drivers license. poor people tend to have a less formal id than wealthier people do. older african-amerans never even got a birth certificate so how can tey prove,owcthey gett fmtynet en tws of restricting early voting, making it harder to register to vote, making it hard to run registration drives, purging the voter rolls. i think it's very hard not to see this as the effort o a rtat oer he nelioeesr 's tragic in a way because these methods are so partisan that the whole story tens to get report as a kind of party fight. thisught o be apa f.

th ioue t vt.opou vhaor t vote. poor people and african-americans fought hard for the right to vote. so what i am hoping for is that some of these efforts are so crass and so obvious that there will be aoont eew eet d s h everybody, for people themselves to make sure that no one takes their right to vote away. this song that is going to my head as the old civil rights so, aitody in t roit ipeha 'st et he te suppression laws is down because i think they are a terrible thing for our country and i hope some of them get thrown out of course but i'm not confident that the current majority on the supreme court will do wstoo thought -- reference to the koch brothers. i wonder if you could just say --

>> it's just the rain that broad outlines >> i'm just interested in the inut, logao theof founding fathers even thought about that, the capture of the institution byvery powerful interest. and i wonder if you looked into that in doing the book, you know, the fear of corporations and so on asquaninl ho. >>nk sch. by the way, i do want to welcome our c-span auience. i wis you could be with us in this wonderful bookstore today. the founding fathers were coti iyu ae dangers of looking at justice scalia's decision and the citizens united case and then looking at justice stevens' dissent, i think is very, very instructive. justice sali says well, if the fig n book, but the

founding fathers would probably have liked the corporatis as it exists today. now, i can't see sort of gaiing a decision on what they woul sithouot xnk eia mobil or microsoft or other of these other things. justice stevens' decision is rooted in lot of historical research. a womn h something very hose twthko out presenting interests, including money interest in capturing the government, and how obsessed they were with the potential of corruption within govrnment. now again i don't wnt o m taimcu stsa ong etngt i now the founders would've operated had the lead in the progress of air or the new deal era, o now. but i think, you know, the

indications we have is that th ki fcrehty od abt inou and again i think, throughout our history we have not been arguing, we did have a powerful socialistparty in merica. t on the whole our argument calio anave. ndf and the whole fight over the bank of the united states. andrew jackson some of those who made a whole series of statements that would have resonate at occupy wal street ie d er l ed buw urgat gck t founders, luxury might corrupt our small r republican tradition, which they argued about that quite a lot. so i think the argument we'r havingnow ar tinde th ar ythe same

arduous as those of the past, but those of us who are making arguments on these things now have a rich trove of inking to draw on among our forebears. thank you ouountleon vofe f a e days? we have cable tv and many radio shows, you know, so far on one side or the other, and we have such that thpeoplen en theiown point of view, or their own community as opposed to in historic times, a much broader media giving us information, both on tv and i prt. >>t'ue m at nfte about 16 different ways on this particular question, given the media i am privileged to be able to participate in. i think that on the one hd,

yes, you are righ weent through a ln oden e ad fie will be only three television networks, and everybody kind of watched the six or 630 time it. news. and alof that. but actually inhe lger gotove arwtat we went through i in the past if we is down almost all of the newspapers in america, before radio and television, where partisan newspapers. the first two papersn d.c. were jefrsonian and miltonian espap. prenedpl lennamn the editor of the important d.c. paper because it was going to speak for the administration to go around the country and see them in the papers have democrat or republican in the town, or even wh inilntar dilahipewi. illinois.

i told my cynic and i want to be in every remaining whig paper in the country. quincy, illinois, i think has a whig paper. an ' h odys, igone through this worry th it's very easy for us to go into our little cocoons. in my teacher class, i once asked my students, i listed whole series of let nter bs bi h h anen b i listed a bunch of right of center websites and a few other hands went up to and ask who pays attention to both. and one hand went up and i said good for you. you be both of these. and hnfesd that he veonmefo n. ug] do ra students when you teach. so i worry about that but i think we can overcome it to some degree, and there is interaction but a lot of conservaves run

across my column because some nservativeebsittd . thhe r people, they may disagree with me evenore when they read the column but it doesn't mean they don't read it or aren't exposed to it. so it'smr otalhtim i hresoi e's a degree, you can just disagree with somebody. i grew up in a very politically diverse extended fami, and so learned at a very young age that liy nryhwmpe,a i spent 35 yers arguing politics with. so it's more about tone that bothers me than it is about sot of pure ccooning but i like to see us chage the toelthoh i'nore we n ha th w sofe isedmyhveo e efct you're talking about. thank you.

>> i'm a little worried that everybody knows the answer to this, it's obvious, but me. but do youthink - pfo question. >> do you think that the original is argument can be used for comunitarianism? when you look at the phrase pursuit of happiness and how we haess,nd to me that means that everybody deserves to be in a position and any condition where they are able to pursue happiness. and, therefore, doesn't government have the obligation tophevas en, ug al care, that allows its citizens to pursue happiness? >> i'm so glad you made the comment and asked a question. there is great argument going on amoglbrga sar

chngoral there's a whole school of thought that progressive originalism. one of the great legalscholars talk about how if you look at the constitution holcomb including the civil war, po-civil war amendments, inuding the prressive era arnt ona ground. there's other school of progressives who say you cannot tease out of the language of the constitution everything that you want to tease or pretend that in booi e gets that clear. eebyermer justice souter who talked about how there are conflicting values in the constitution. the hardest choices were always between good and evil. but there's a third school but a friend of mine, le,n t tofrvse und myself quite sympathetic to. he argues that the originalists was accessible because everybody thinksou should look at the

constitution and you can know the answers, but because they had a larger kind hear t rsss, restoration you go back to the beginning and with the constitution said it meant, deein is the idea that citizens can not act as a smal our republican citizens without rtain acs. t aits ic education. they include access to work. they include not being in deep poverty. and i think there is a strong argument to bemade that ur democraticrepubli mds at rea et n ch people, people are endowed with resources and opportunities. is why jefferson wanted us t be -- ifill we could be a country of sma landholders and then coith sa would be responsible wha ensin t era.

this debate by the way i talk about, i was involved witha magazine called democracy that some of you may know but if you go online, the debate about the constitutionyou can find a thdao hnksathe ok, but i like sensible idea. as henry kissinger said, i think it has theirtual of being true. this argument that implicit in the constitution and our initus,isa cian ts e ulketent la w we thinking. thank you. >> as i was thinking about how to frame a question i just realized i don't know what e.j. stands were se i tnd o neep easngdiy parents didn't want to call me junior, so i've been called e.j. from the day i've been border i'd want editor editor once was convinced i had a peculiar

frch-canadian name. whici kif liked tha i likey mye at i use the initials. >> i believe that, i want to get your views on, that mormonism is going to become aswe get closer to the elect mt on beekw you have given religious thought and on occasion heard you speak on it. i ask that because no one, christian radio, covearo ertang rmm. aser searing teaching. i'm finding it not difficult but more hypocriical. if they have you when bush was in office about mormons, and now going al rud mi sousnt o o how are

you going to marry those two without irreconcilable differences? >> thank you very much. i've got to say, justightat hetp oy' rmm necan e. and that we sort of thought we settled that when we elected john f. kennedy, but it still keeps coming around. i think that on the conservativf ancahohod eocadfnc mormons. they see mormonism as not a christian religion. you know, it's often, baptist friends of mine said it should be seen as a cold. that's the word used. ro, lie this remained a ce in texas the nomination but he never won a primary in which evangelicals cast a majority of the vote to you i

was really paradoxical ting going on in republican pima whheh ehemci w th cdaasni e gelil vote, rick santorum. and newt gingrich in a couple of states. and so i hope that doesn't happen, but i hope that also leads to discipline on the other side. that if those of uswoa raayoms onshn' asu icdo believe, and then i hope the other side will show restraint of upbringing of the jeremiah wright issue and suggest that president obama agrees with everything jeremiah wright ever said i would also be untaherject oe re wt acly about. and i actully spoke to richard land who is a christian conservative and asked him flat out what'soing to happen with evangelicals and romeyon iu spihedesn't strong support mitt romney, and

he said that his impression is that the strongest opposition is likely to come from baptist, in his case, but evangelicals believe in areas where there's th mpti tat popatiowee ggest arizona and nevada, among swing states, and utah and idaho were element absolutely no political difference whatever. and i think we tend to sort of have our arguments with the people we are closet,t there shouldn't be a religious test. i have other reasons, there are many things i disagree with romney of that. i don't think religion should be an issue with the election. >> thank you. >>e to esti. homao av ie arranged all this perfectly. >> dj, thank you for situating your political argument in the realm of dilemma, paradox, competing valu but i think it's the right place tob.

tes ag aellao be. i'm interested to a little bit, some of your views from the whitott te ynw is argument got kicked in a big way, in a new direction, a lot of energy through ronald reagan in 1980. i'd like to hear yourthougsouhwt talng ebalancing of these competing values that you have spoken up. >> thank you very much. some of you may know that great d line that bob doesmusic is better than itsounie ie and ronald reagan governed

better than a doctor i think, rating ia fascinating figure. lil who writes with disagreement but respect for the reagan years. and on the one hand he started out life as a new dealer, and all his langge in it he never gave up a id nwda et b t ion successful in converting l of democrats, that and the very, very high interest rates helped him quite a lot. and secondly, i argue, i talk about reagan in the book and argue nr one, inoffice dt cot achievements of the new deal. he did not try, they are not even proposed privatizing social security to the wendy's on the speaker circuit he spoke very negatively about it. heaid taxe o save scia

ofma fnn jokes about why, but nonetheless he did it. he didn't try to overturn medicare. he did cut a lot of programs. he cut some progras are key cuts in programs all lot more ti.t wanted him to have the t ie iet chalnginthe whole lot consensus. the other thing reagan did is he was very alive to the communitarian side of conservatism. if you look at the morning in america commercial, the words stthall about cnomyail t sth ictures are of neighborhoods and weddings and families. the pictures a communicating to the language is about economics and foign policy. you know, his aos,rys un aol o y a least, he didn't only talk of peace and freedom, he also taught the family work

and friends. i think reaganism and goldwater isn't laid the basis for some of what hpening now. ada communitarian friends and look at that reagan had. the individualistic got the word and we just got the pictures. which is intriguing point. optio ttre viissindck or at least under some control. i think now it is not under that sort of control. i think the conservatives have been routed for the mome. th f at he usthit oicat copyright. , but it's complicated because some of his rhetoricas very individualistic but not all his actions re. >>hankou g hstet.

please. >> yeah, i hope -- [inaudible] somehow we all know that this anm ldhtyorokis very iided title addresses this division. but if somehow one gets the thoue qifc, pehapswy, he heating of the division, or you know, hat precise measuresare you propong, idgi oiosn esntg meanderings? what specific measures in rather simple terms would you address

to the nation? thanks. >>nk. k ve u stfli taking that as an opportunity to declare my candidacy for the 26 t. election. that's very kind. one thing i'mglad you remind me of in your question, many of you sht akiih that diane we hw. d nedic the words are divided are in red, were divided is in red were the heart is in lieu. d i want to assure, does a good observati or i neer thought of ior i wanted to suntiea ha no iti pic ur although if democrats want to buy the book and want to feel that way, it's okay, its okay with me. the book is very consciously not a policy that. i had a lot of policy ideas which you can sort of se lueswh bois how do you get to a

rational debate about policy. and to me, you know, the big debate right now is whetherwe reallya gi oq akdoegd e, sensibility, where we really truly believe as a nation, government that governs least, governs bt that we want toeginiantlg so of e rae'uip t 1yth e want government to buy less and less of a role in the economy. or on the other side, dowe want to go to this long consensual riod where people in both parties, and i would aue many consertives as well sbe biehaovn d gite to play in solving problems, checking private power, pushing against any course that capitalism and that would create a divide

thgu it'erth d eecy know, and from there you can conclu a number of things that i might think and a number of policy ideas that i might have. iaedouw ire ibg tistic book and i just just want to read the last paragraph, which is sort of why i thnk we come out of it okay in the end. my fvorite line on the uni chilthmensbe winon ysth ih tiner first exhausting all the other possibilities. and in going back to toefl, one of the thing tocqueville likes most about us was ou capacity thths ti orn d ng ildt t last

paragraph. our founders were gifted but they were not free in the interests and passions that affect us all. visiary epar tink nold and tmn o e skeptical about the possibly of republican government and self-rule. our task is to follow their example, not to engge in inevitably futile effort departs every word you rote and spoe to discove how wems t o isro aaibt also balanced moderate and timber. the confidence the government could be made to work and you could accomplish great things, but they were weary of the -- is usually valued individual freedom that they were steeped in princles th ahe eronfed mmntrey were influenced by the bible and the enlightenment, by liberalism and republicanism. those who came after always understood the imperative of keeping competing goo imbalance, and