i would like to ask in regards to modern conservatism between the center-right and the conservatives themselves who would he write in this instance and how can we create more of a unity within the party rather than a separation? >> obviously it is tricky because at the end of the day what conservatives have to do to be most relevant is to win a presidential election and to do that you have to find somebody who both embodies the message and can win.

>> bell thanks so much to hay market for inviting me to do the project, so wonderful to work with, and thanks to hay market brewery for having us here and for the talents 23-r joining us and everyone for coming. it's exciting to see this

interest and resistance bubbling up. i'll read from the introduction and introduce the panel and talk and have time for questions and comments. this is the introduction starting on march 4, 2012, a little after a year ron was elected mayor. march 4th, 2012, chicago's 175 birthday, and the city celebrated with the chicago party of the public history museum. the event promised actors of famous of those when chicago, an advocate for children, imgrants, and factory works. little did they know, the show would be stolen by a woman, more renowned, accomplished, but willing to raise a voice and speak up for the weak and vulnerable. the chicago children's choir

sang a lively version of happy birthday, reason to smile. ten months earlier, he was inaugurated as leader of the nation's third most popular city taking the reigns, and while his term had not been a cake walk, so far, things were going well, inheriting a budget deficit. the labor yiewn youses resisted, but he was able to strike deals and come out on top. meanwhile, he was moving forward with his plans to institute a longer school day, a promise that had gained him positive attention nationwide. he was already assuming daily as the green mayor, and in february, announced the city's coal fire power plants would close. he snatched two important international gathering for chicago. the nato summit to be held concurrently in may of 2012. the first time boast would be hosted in the same u.s. city.

there was sit-ins and protests by community groups and unions related to the stunt, school closings, and other issue, but he showedded a knack for avoiding and ignoring them and didn't seem to have suffered too much political fallout. as he watched the swinging and clapping singers at the birthday party, he didn't notice a crinkled orange paper banner bobbing in the crowd of rebellers that said history judges the mayor 1 mcfor closing mental health clinics. he got that early on in tenure. as wall street inspired protests swept the nation, it was a fit, and brief highly lucrative career as an investment banker. a staffer for the maw your or museum noticed and told the man holding it to put it away. it lowered into the crowd, and they shook hands and well wishers near the birthday cake.

a voice cut through the clatter, causing heads to turn and the banner raised again. mayor, i wish i could do the voice burned into people's memories, but i'm not going to try. the mayor, please, don't close our clinics, we're going to die. there's nowhere else to go. mayor, please, red hair peaking out, and dark circles under her eyes giving her the most girlish vulnerable expossession. television a chicago woman who struggled all her life with mental illness but was a local advocate for herself and others suffering from disabilities and mental illness. for the past 15 years, he she wa regular at the city's mental health clinic in the morgan parks neighborhood, working in the middle class area.

he said it made perfect economic sense. it would save $3 million and patients could move to the remaining clinics, but they pleaded they didn't understand the role of the specific clinics played in the lives and difficulty they have traveling to other locations. his eyes fixed unblinking lill to the mayor calling out in the ragged, pleading voice, her gaze, intent and focused. all eyes on her other than those of the mayor who shook a few more hands and pivoted quickly and disappeared through the door ignoring them the entire time. mayor, she cried and, please stay here, mayor. the abruptness was exit, cake untouched, lack of clothing, and crowd milling around gave the impression the event was cut

shorter than planned. with the mayor gone, fellow activists stepped up on the stage and left the banner behind the cake. centering in front of them to face the remaining crowd earnestly, people are dying. they are not going to have nowhere to go. critics and admirerrer described him as a strategist and fundraiser who knows how to leverage the personality to get wealthy donors to open the wallet and win races. he was a prominent fundraiser and made $18 million in investment banking in just two years, played central roles in two white houses and ork nateed a dramatic takeover at the house of representatives in the six years of congress. he clearly nowings how politicking works, but being married's different, or it

should be. there's prelim adversaries, fair game for manipulation or intimidation. in congress, they represented the constituents, but there was more to do with machinations than maneuvers running a city directed to run and serve people and listen to them is supposed to be a different story, but he treated chicago like washington. perhaps that's why even in the brief tenure of mayor, he found it easy to ignore, parents, teachers, students, pastors, and others carrying out protests outside his office in city hall. they note they had not been particularly accessible, simp sympathetic in the approach, but met with people, acknowledged them, made officers to listen to the proposals and act on the concern. he can't seem to find the time for members of the public, they complain, even as he says the wants their input.

students, parents, and grandmothers, the community organization, for example, camped out in city hall for four days trying to deliver a former plan that community members droppled in conjunction can efforts to protect the local school from closing and create resources in the surrounding low income neighborhood. the response was to ignore us. we had our problems, but he surrounded himself with neighborhood people and was a nabbed person. they are robbing outs of the things our parents fought for. i want to introduce the panelists at the forefront of, well, even before the mayor, but struggles have taken center stage. a teacher, organizer with us and community activist with the

chicago teachers' union. [cheers and applause] with the takeback chicago movement. an ben is with the chicago reader, one of the mayor's favorite people. [applause] we'll hear first from rick. >> well, thank you, kary, for your intellect and bravery around the topic. let me say this because the mayor of chicago is always looking for opportunities to run commercial, and when julie introduced the book, she said the mayor wanted it, and you fought it. if you're in a commercial cheering, you did it here

tonight. be careful next time you applaud when a 1% mayor is introduced. let me also just say it's an honor to be a public school teach ergs and the -- [applause] and the conspiracy, and the attack on public education, we can find attack on public education at the very inception of the country, and so i would be remiss if i did not at least acknowledge all my brothers and sisters of the chicago teacher's union here tonight so thank you, brothers and sisters, appreciate you. [applause] this fight for public education is collective. let's put it into context. the mayor remits all that is bad when it comes to public

education and just privatization as a whole, and so if we think about the history of the country where education black people for people was illegal. fast tbrd through the civil war, it was permitted, but they begin to burn down schools that attempted to educate black people and poor people. now fast forward to to 20* 13, they close schools, 50 schools in i chicago where the mayor pushed for that. school closings in philadelphia, the attack on public education is real, and it's carried out by democrats and republicans. this is a bipartisan decision to roll back everything built in the country, and so when we think about what has happened here in chicago, when the mayor, fist of all, i think it's

interesting before he was the mayor of chicago and there was some fliering of him running, the president of the united states said he would make a great mayor. little did we know he was only speaking for the 1%, and i think that we have to be extremely critical of both political entities that are dead set on destroying public education, and when you look at the narrative around this country, and you see republican governors, democratic mayors, that are all committed to the interest of private corporations that want to shape education in their image, let's be clear these are the same corporate interest groups that have found their foothold here in chicago that are also looking to turn a profit off of public education. here in chicago, the budget for public schools is $6 billion.

it's a lot of money of the corporate interest groups want to ensure they have mapped on, and so we have to be very clear like we introduced here in chicago what a fight could look like around the country that the group that says they are in favor of our children,ment to provide choice and opportunity for our parent, they are not telling the truth. they are being extremely disingenuous, and today, through the leadership, we're going to expose that, and so -- [applause] if we could just try to rush through the strike, which i think is unfair because it was the most exciting time it has as a future. [applause] foregoing our pi checks to ?er children in chicago receive a positive education ising?

that not only teachers are browed of, because it was the most important strife in our country, and thank rahm for that. [applause] one of the things we were very clear about, we were not just simply fighting to fend off those who wish to destroy public schools. we actually had a plan that wrorked. one of the things we made very clear in the strike that you cannot separate the cfertionz of education from poverty. poverty matters. we began a diagnose not it's tick test, if you will, 166 schools in chicago did not have public libraries. let that sink in. church went to school without

access to a library or librarian, class sizes outs of control, 35-40 kids in a classroom or, worse, some students did not have a regular assigned teacher. no proper ventilation or air-conditioning or books. this is a city that launched the first african black president, but we can't get books for students. there's something wrong with a country that will pride itself adds this great incollusive situation that denied dpowr people the opportunity to learn. the mayor was pushing a longer day, even though he was not beginning to result in better learning outcomes. not only did we dispose the fact that we 4 no proper ventlation

or air-conditioning or class sizes oh out of control, where they did not have art and music, talking about very basic fundamentals for children to learn and flourish that did not do which was poverty, and so when they made the conscious decision to forego our paycheck to ensure that at least the conversation is raised, it's a day or days that we'll never forget, but where are we now? we are clear that after the strike the mayor of chicago was determineed to destroy the ctu. he moved an agenda to not only close down schools, but to close down the plarnlgest number of

schools in our nation's history. connect is with community leaders, pastors, connected with their school leaders to say with a resounding voice that we do not want school the closed. closing schools does more to harm students than actually help them. after thousands of patients came up from all over the city to say we don't want schools closed, the mayor stood at a press conference and said, this is what parents want. this gross negotiation is arrogant, cause the tremendous turmoil in the city. think about what the first day of school looked like in chicago. we're talking 50 years from the march on washington, and our children were escorted to schools with police officers. helicopters, firefighters, this

looked like something straight autoof alabama. this is the city of chicago, america, and poor children are forced to walk through territories not only not safe, but once they got to the schools, all the things the mayor promised, he did not deliver. school budgets were drastically reduced, 5-15 teachers losing their job because of this mayor's policy to defund public education. you can want have a conversation without having a conversation about race. [applause] the schools closed were in black

and brown communities, seeing this across the country. in chicago, it is mind blowing because this is personal. i'm raising two boys in chicago, black as well, attractive young boys, by the way, but my oldest son in kindergarten, i'm a parent, proud one, but our neighborhood school was closed. no one asked me whether or not my school should be closed, and so now my sons' growing up with do not have access to neighborhood schools, and not only did they overwhelmingly affect black students, but it affected black teachers. over half the teachers that lost their jobs were black. we've seen this gradual decline that was actually implemented other started when the mayor of chicago took complete control of

the public school system and had this idea to put paul in charge of the system, and if you look at the record, he's the grandfather of privatization and corporate takeover and tools so he's gone to chicago, new orleans, schools destroyed, philadelphia, schools destroyed, and when he got to keeks, they said, well, we know what you are about and sent them backing to illinois so that we got to figure out somewhere for him to go, but the move of the mayor to continue to close schools and at the same time calling for charters is something that's not only going to exacerbate the loss of the black teachers, but stratifies the school system with intensity poor black children in a concentrated school with limited resources and very people whose black

children tend to look towards for some sort of guidance and hope, that group is denied. last point here is that in chicago with the first black president in the white house, those moved by duncan are destructive. public education at the estate, after all, is a black idea. we cannot allow the black idea to be destroyed when the first black president is zitting in the white house. thank you. [cheers and applause] >> i'll talk on what bran ton touched on and a few things ben touches on.

i'm with grassroots collaborative, a community labor coalition made up of organizations working on racial justice. like many big city mayors, not all big city may mayors push a fiscally conservative procorporate agenda that benefits you at the expense of many. i think kari does a really important job laying out the ways that's true of the mayor. what that looks like is an attack on teachers and public spector, and it is about union busting, union busting in particular because of the power, the political power and that power unions have in the city; right? breaking the unions to closing down schools breaks the union breaking the political power of chicago teaches to fight against the public agenda.

there's a clear thing happening here on multiple levels of what the attack looks like. he's also -- since he's been in office, eliminated the corporate head tax. this is a tax in place on corporations of more than 50 employees to basically pay for some of the infrastructure excepts and to acknowledge the profits that they make by being based in chicago. that was eliminated. now, at the same time, that happened at the same time he passed the budget to cut mental health clippics by 50%. clear connection of who is benefits and who is not from the policies moving forward under this administration. this question starts with our current mayor; right? we had a few years of mayor daily before hand where we move forward, but he's continued the prodowntown development, and in particular, around what tax commit financing has done and what it looks like her in the

city. i think ben called himself a shadow budget; right? it's 500 million every year that's syverred from property taxes that instead of going to schools, parks, and libraries, at this point, goes to downtown development, developers in the central part of the city, goes to things like the depaul university's basketball stadium. at the same time, like, within weeks of the destruction of the 50 public schools in the black community, was the announcement, 50 million, up to 90 million now used on this private university stadium. that's just one example of several different things coming under -- in terms of projects. one of the things the collaborative spent a bunch of time fighting gwen was 29.5 million dollars to point plaza.

it's a downtown building due to be constructed, and that money was used to create a park. what they call a green space is trees for spokers, no offense for smokers on the smoke break to have a pretty place to look at while they have a corporate high-rise. there is a counsel fighting to rehab the park only needed a couple million to make it a safe park space. the city consistently says there's no money, there's no money. they find the money, and found $30 million quickly to get to wealthy developers with plenty of money to construct the pilling in the first place. there's a pretty high vacancy right now in downtown chicago so what happens when a downtown billing a traded with tip money, it means you move residents from one building not other, subsidizing profit from the new development, duh not creating

new rouserses, right, to go intake into the community. privatization, again, continues the line of privatization here in the city. a few things we continue to live with. the mayor is moving along the same lines; right? looking at privatization of airports, health care, the closing of the clinics, waste management, the idea of forced competition between public employees and privatizers. infrastructure, the chicago trust still really unknown, though, when introduced originally was introduced in a mad hurry our infrastructure is crumbling. we have to pass it now. there's no time for debate, and a year later, they are just now introducing the first project, but we had three to four weeks to mount any fight against the effort. it's really potentially

dangerous in terms of the amount of power given to private financiers whose interest is not the public good with infrastructure, but about profit. that's a dairches precedent, and we were not able to put any kind of real accountability or checks against the power because, again, it was told to us, you know, bridges are falling downright now, and it will be on your head if we don't -- if that bridge falls, and you've stowped us to put some accountability in. all this is under the theme of the global city. the mayor is trying to create chicago, again, under this global city which is code word for a city for white folks with money. it's about policies that perpetuate a city that is dividessed, right? one of two cities, those who can benefit do benefit through

connections and political positions doing well in the city. when you step outside the lines, where we are now, and a few mile radius from where we are sitting tads, the city looks different. the struggles are different and benefits that are to trickle down to us, and heard it before, continue to not be true. our work to really take this on, and i think that it's been about organized again just to lift up the truth around what's happening, folks get it. like, we've door knocked in the last few weeks around tips, around the sur application, door knocking around the city, and people get it immediately; right? this is a fairly much a no-brainer. what people -- people -- it's clear folks look for independent leadership, looking for older men in particular to be independent leaders to stand up

against the mayors, fights for the neighborhoods and communities. there's a disconnect from what counsel does and what the city wants. what's important is looking at rates, the policies and city. collaborative, a few weeks ago, released a study called downtown prosper prosperity neglect looking at the impact of jobs in the city, and what we noticed was the mayor would every day, week, would announce, make a new press conference and press release about all the jobs he's bringing in successfully into the city. there's one story that mainly mainstream media ate up easy and like the long list, i don't know what it was up to, 30-50 ,000, and the reality of closing public services in the city, knew he was losing jobs in the

moment, there were no press conferences on that, but there was a loss of black and ha teen know workers in the private sector, a place where you have middle class jobs in the sector. the cuts cutback libraries, not only affecting communityings because of the services not being there or institutions not being there, but, also, people's livelihoods destroyed. decades of work and places to get good jobs being completely destroyed. when knew there was a disconnect in terms of what was happening so we looked at job growth and creation and within the last ten years, over 50,000 jobs were brought into and created in dhig. what we found was three out of four of the jobs went to folks who live in the suburbs, who live out of state.

they were sub sigh dis diesed by chicago tax dollars that are the 2340 going to create jobs that chicago are getting. we looked at the one in four jobs, did an analysis based on zip codes because of the city, we find out who gets the jbs, and surprise, surprise, the jobs go to areas of white majorities of codes in the city. minorities lost huge numbers of jobs downtown. when we look at the policies and who benefits from it, it's clear what's happening, and rather than reducing equity in the city, the policies of the administration are furthering the divide. all that to say, what do we do? what we'd like to talk about is wwhd, and part of the reality of, you know, living here in chicago is that we have to look

30 years ago to look at the last time there was a political ofment in the city, and i think what we have to think about is what do we learn from the movement, and what does it take at this moment to move forward the vision for the city or taking back chicago. this, what we experiment with now, and i don't think it's rocket science, but it's about organizing, strategy, and having a frame work that's clear and political and in everything b l what -- what the issues are and understanding them. it's alive, and it was an amazing inspiration to be a supporter of the chicago teachers in the strike and have a clear perspective. the strike is over, that city is

ours, and we want to reconnect to the fact and be taking actions to build a movement. octobers 15, we pulled 2,000 people together under a shared economic justice agenda. we had five campaigns that were actually already moving, people were working on, so campaigns to raise minimum wage in chicago, a fair tax so the rich pay a fair share in the state of illinois. a campaign so our tax dollars go to education and not downtown developers. we had to push around the budget and not have cuts to prick services and no cuts, and so instead of being on a sort of let's fight to make sure -- defensive fight, and in the moment, i think is really key to

moving families in the city forward. how do you create a political moment, not waiting three months before election to pill people together to say, okay, what are we going to do? how do we try to create a political moment? we know that the dissatisfaction and anger is there, and how as organizers do we create a space for people to come together and express dissatisfaction and anger in a way that connects campaigns. what we did was city wide had over 30 organizations, moved to try to push forward the surplus ordnance. this was not what we created. we did the work two years ago, and we had parameters, targeting

downtown district, dwoo years later, there was an dpektive order, pretty calling for what we called for two years ago, but it was now his idea. executive order is not good enough. let's make legislation and let's make sure this can't be attained by the mayor whether he decide it's good policy or not. i know i need to wrap up. i'll sea in four weeks from take back chicago, we put 676 calls into all, pass through calls, and 738 postcards from door knocking and grassroots mobilization across the sigh, and all of this work in the period of time led to three votes. three new votes. the progressive caucus around the order naps, and look, my god, what a failure, and i think

the reality is, my god, we got votes. it's not enough, you it's the beginning. we organize now and it's clear what it takes to get the votes. huge amount of work and m oorks rla is in the room, a huge part of the fightings targeting several across the city, and i think that's what it takes. like, we have to have real political education at the grassroots, interact community so there's labor, community, and tate organizing at the grassroots level. we need a clear narrative and not afraid of naming this as the corporate agenda. it's not something that folks in the communities are scared. they get it. they live it every day. we have to have action to be bold, clear, and correct, and we have to build a grassroots political power. 2015 is not long away. there's work to be doing, energy

out there, thank. [cheers and applause] >> well, first of all, i write from the reader newspaper. which has thank you. i think i'm definitely the oldest person on the panel. [laughter] i have the longest amount of experience and memory about chicago, and before i get doo involved on memory lane, i thank you for the writing the book. [applause]

i fient nothing personal, but i find the mayor one of the most annoying and ob obnoxious people i ever had to cover. better you than me to deal with him. i read and wrote about it, your book that is, and you were remarkably restrained. [laughter] very fair. and you bent over backwards to try to get the man to do even though he would not participate in the writing of the book, would not be interviewed, even his assistants would not be interviewed, which sur, of course, points out a point about him, chicago, and the people in the room. i presume rahm himself looked at kerry's interview request when it came in, and figured it was

coming from the left. as far as i could tell, he has utter destain, bordering on hatred, for people on the left. i think that part of the reason he has that utter destain is because, like many leaders of the democratic party, he works from the assumption that people on the left have nowhere else to go other than the democratic party, and so as a result, there's a captive audience, and you can do to them what you will. now, most democratic politicians i follow don't durn that into destain. they try to pretend like they care about things you care about. in fact, today, i got a phone call from one who remained anonymous because they wanted it to be an off the record

conversation. he was defending his position on the matter, one of the most entertaining public debates we had in the last few years, and his point was you have to work with the administration at times to get what you want and suspend your goals, beliefs, principles, and objectives from time to time to get ahead. [laughter] this is a very, very common world view in the city of chicago, so i have, as i get older, have a harder and harder time being upset with the politicians that the people of the city of chicago legislate and have become more and more upset with the people of the city of chicago for electing the

politicians. as much as i respect and agree with almost everything she says, i disagree with a couple appointments or throwing it out there, if possible, a point of discussion, which she said the people get it. i've seen at the risk of sounding disspiritted, no evidence that the people of chicago got anything since they elected washington back in 1983. even that was a racially divided boat in which 50% of the city didn't get it. i do believe, the second point you made, and this is part of the unique schizophrenic attitude in the make of the voters that chicago republics politicians who stand up to power. i've thrown this out to

everybody i talk to, and i talk to them all the time. i can want recall any one who lost his or her seat because they defied an all-powerful mayor. for years, now, there's not a lot of choose from in the category because i go back. there was one from the south side, allen, and he had a fight with jay burn, and people of the 17th ward elected him over schiller, one time or another, leading independent in city counsel before she learned about the program, joined the ranks, but their tried every way they could. they brought in all the campaign, and it was a divide in both, but uptown reelected schiller. i stand by, and that people in

chicago do not get it, but they want independence. that leads me to this point. i still can't quite get my mind around the realization that the people of the city of chicago not only elected mayor five times, but i ask more questions than i answer smghts i usually ask my fellow citizens, who did you vote for? everybody i meet, i ask, who did you vote for? based on the results, i've come to the conclusion that rahm did not win at all. [laughter] the real winner was miguel. [applause] what it is, i think, people of chicago didn't realize who they

were voting for or they did not vote, just as bad. so they elected this man whoa is a little to the right of mitt romney. so now what is next? this is a question that is always raced, will be raised in this very room when the program is over. who is going to run? my response is we have to stop looking at the washington model because that presumes a great leader steps forth to lead us out of the promised lain. there was a once in a lifetime promised individual. i don't see anybody right out there now who reminds me, so in

all levels of greatness, elected official, first of all, because he knew politics. so i always tell people to look at the jane burn model. this occurred four years before the washington model in 1979, and in 1979, the voters of the city of chicago got disgusted with the way the city was being run that they elected a woman who had written off as a complete and hopeless flake. she had no significant political support. she had no money to speak of. she was mocked in the line by all the powers that be in the city of chicago. when that blizzard hit and machine was incapable of delivering the most basic and essential services, people said to hell with it.

i'm voting for the lady. she won. i think chicago should stop being like children and looking for someone to lead them to where they want to go. stand up, take accountability for their own city, and elect somebody -- even if they don't like the person, just defeat somebody they really don't like. [laughter] we'll leave it at that. [applause] >> thanks, again, for talking and everyone for coming, and just to see a crowd like this wanting to talk about the mayor and teachers' union is amazing

and inspiring, and that leads me into points i want to make to wratch up this this story is about chicago and its people and on both fronts, really ongoing story i think talking about it, you know, despite ben's valid point about the fact that so many chicago voted for the mayor over the years, we have a pretty amazing populist, with so much potential and talent and power. it's really important to acknowledge that, especially in a moment like this when there is this sentiment with facts to back it up, they were really a tipping point where chicago' future and image, and io identiy is sort of redefined and reshaped, and the mayor is central to that, really open and actually kind of boastful about

that way he is transforming the city. you hear the talk the of making it a hub of startups, tech companies, and clean energy. i love clean energy. i write about energy, but a greener, cleaner, hipper city. that's really been drawing the creative class from all over the country, and, you know, the bike lanes and urban gardens, and, you know, the food hubs which are great, but they are part of a new impage for the city, and when they had announcements in greating new jobs, and those have been, you know, there's been a lot of studies that define how the numbers add in up in any way that benefit regular people. a lot of the jobs, are jobs already filled by someone in the suburbs commuting into the city or may be new jobs looking for a specific person with the skills

to fit the new image, and they are not jobs to be filled by people without work like people that have lost jobs because of the privatization and cost cutting in the administration, but the other staff in the schools was one of the story i was inspired by following working for a private company for a contractor, but there was another contractor, looking clear, so that he could bus the powerful, the local one union and brought in workers with lower wages and far less sustainable jobs. the therapists at the clinics and unions say all black male tear miss laid off, which, obviously, has huge ramifications for families and communities and also for the

patients that had bonds and can't go to another white middle class woman therapist and have the same relationship. those people laid off are, you know, one of the janitors is not going to get a job at a new startup, you know, realistically, and that income is gone from the community and ripple effects that is. i think -- the way the mayor talks in restrapping the city and bringing this talent in, he's literally ignoring all the home grown talent and creativity and brilliance we have here already, and specifically these -- i think one of the examples i eluded to in the book was this organization did in city hall developing a comprehensive, seemingly really innovative fantastic plan to save a neighborhood school and the mayor would not even step

out of his office to talk to them about the plan. they got it into his hands, but no indication he read it or responded to them about it. he has a record of ignoring input, not only ignoring, but actively undermining and trying to discredit people like the teachers who are on the ground with firsthand experience knowing how to address these problems that an embarrassment for the city. he may be talking to consul at that particular times around the world about the most cutting edge policing strategies, but he's not talking to the teachers and the parents who are impacted every day. that leads me into, i just. to -- one pet among many, i guess, of the pet peeves with the mayor, talking about him ignoring public input, he

canceled the hearings washington started the hearings in the evenings in different communitieses so people who work during the day and commute downtown can give opinions about the budget. he was booed at them because this was during the time of the budget cuts and was already ignoring union contracts that were in place. he canceled the hearing the next two year, and the progressive caucus had alternative hearings where people poured their hearts out. there were several hundred hearings relatedded to the school closing, and as far as i know, the mayor and school board members did not show up, and teachers, parents, community members, students were testifying that those areaings and talking about what worked and what did not. you really couldn't get a better

forum for concrete input on, you know, how we could address problems in the schools. that, getting to the pet peeve, the campaign for mayor and the teacher strike, bizarrely became, like, a second campaign because the mayor had picked the fight from early on with the longer school day and denied raises actually in the contract. this strike and teachers forced to treat it this way as well, a battle where they were going to win and someone was going to lose. it was more about not actually the mayor not actually reaching a solution, but beating the teachers, and, you know, the rhetoric was clear and tapped into, of course, the larger debate around role and shape of public education and teachers' unions, and the mayor and

processes were trying to drive home the message that, you know, the teachers are lazy, ineffective, greedy, and screwing the kids over. around this time, you have this phrase usedded several times, slightly different woring about the kids in the public schools with empty eyes or nothing in the eyes, and, you know, implication that they were so beaten down and schools so terrible that it was robbing them of their personalities and had no hope. to me and journalists who look at the meaning of words and think literally, what do the words mean, it was just so ridiculous and insulting and revealed how he, you know, despite being this sort of campaign mentality, obligated to ensure he cared about kids in the, you know, talking mostly like the south and west side, lower income neighborhoods where so many of the schools were closed and so many of the teachers, then public school pairchts, out on the streets

came from. i feel like anyone with a kid in the neighborhoods would not describe their eyes as being empty. i mean, they are full of life and hope and times anger, sadness, and experience trauma, but that phrase reveals the mayor's not only a lack of understanding but lack of respect for these whole communities. i know it's cliche to say the youth is the future, but it's obviously true. i think it is viking that, you know, the payor, looks fairly certain there's another term and who knows beyond that 6789 it's a generation of public school students growing up with this administration and seeing firsthand the debate over the role of the public sector and the way their parents and

thieves are, you know, disrespected and also the way their parents and teachers and neighbors and themselves are going out in the descreets and going to city hall and going to the board of ed and becoming involved in the debate. that has to make a different. i think it will be really exciting to see what unfolds over the coming years, and what legacy lasts even after the mai your has either been voted out of office or left sioux see greener pastures on his own. bringing the book back to one of the members of the mental health movement, i don't know if he's here, but one of the many health movement memberses inspiring to me. all the different events and protests, and then people may have seen videos or seen a young

student activist, running for mayor, and i don't know if he's around when he's old enough to legally do it, but hearing about, you know, being inspired by this and he was to get lessons, and so there's obviously are, you know, despite the apathy and various things about being on the cynical side, no offense, but i think it will be exciting and interesting just to see how chicago responds. thank you again to ben, bran brandon, and hay jr. -- haymarket books and brewery and, please, tip well for the receiverrers here. to open up to questions and comments, i wanted to start, if she's here, with sarah rei, really generous in allowing us to use photos and the the

woodlawn clinic occupation. is 14e here? i don't know. [applause] >> yeah, raise your hands. yeah. i think we'll take four to five questions and then kind of, you know, open it up here a bit. >> [inaudible] ive a dependent more than a question. everyone in the room wants him to lose, as soon as possible. they will not fight fair, therefore, we can't fight fairment let met say this. i was a union delicate for years. they are my brother, brotherhood, would not endorse

candidate for mayor until it was too late. they made a complete mock ri of endorsing anyone, and it didn't help the chances because they were afraid he would win and we were penalized.

they are counting on us. they are counting on a rainy day so -- they are counting on this. i have seen it. look who his friends are. he appointed him to the next seat. it was appalling that he won without a second call for election. all right. i never thought he would gate majority. when i saw the vote the next day, i couldn't believe it. it was nonsense. are we going win? yes, we are. we don't fight fair anymore. we don't fight fair. we fight as filthy as they are. and we start now. >> i would just like to say, we have enough research. i think we're really repeating

mistakes of the past when it comes to how to solve problems in the city without holding anyone accountable for a plan. we have the university of chicago that has the answers for how to solve the problems with the schools. how to solve the problem, even when it comes to i crime. because i worked on one of those research projects that investigated not the chicago police department, because of the time the chicago police department would not allow research of their statistics. but it was another medium-sized police department, aurora police department, right outside the city. same problems because our people have went to that community. what i'm basically saying is, putting money in to police instead of schools is not the

answer when you don't have a plan for the police to even work effectively. and, you know, you need to hold this administration accountable for solving the real problems. and not taking money from the schools and giving it to the police and giving it to all the other entities. and then we still have the same problems. we're not going solve crime in the city until we decide to deal with poverty and race and all of these other issues. and, i mean, we have the answers. we're not just -- you know, we do more research, more commissions, more studies, and then business as usual. but you have to take that and really seriously decide you're going solve these issues that basically resolve around poverty. [applause]

>> my question for mr. johnson. mayor -- not only mayor of chicago. one of the leaders of the democratic party, and of course, he's very close to the president, who is another leader of the democratic party. it represents the interest of the leadership of the democratic party. do you think your respective goals and agendas can be met under by pressuring democrats here at the local level and followup in light of what happened in seattle, would you support a non-democratic candidate for mayor? [applause] [inaudible conversations] yes. we'll coone more. okay, good. [laughter] yeah. we're going do four questions.

>> my name is rodney priewt. i'm a displaced teacher. i stood on the stage at the auditorium and helped convince the teachers to walk out. i joined you in front of full torns on the river to deal with them. one thing i will say, i used to be head of one of the committees then i resigned. i felt like we were doing anything. until this city addresses race and call it as it is, nothing positive will happen in this city. that mayor will be re-elected. because many of the grassroots protesters do not vote. i'm one of the black displaced teachers until recently nothing has been put out in the media that has named us by name.

as a black male teacher, we're collateral damage. until this city addresses race, nothing is going happen. and this city is a microcause m of the entire country. [applause] as long as you have politics, that is deliberately vague trying to cover everybody, the people that need to vote will never vote. thank you. [applause] thank you. thank you for the questions. boy, there's a lot. i feel like i'm, you know, listening to the cliff kelly show in chicago. it's a very smart crowd. in term of the first question about the role that the democratic party has played in the destruction of public education. we have not shied away from

that. it's quite clear from, you know, cory booker to mayor nutter to rob emanuel. these are all democratic mayors. as a black man, i get a little uncomfortable when both parties agree on what to do with black people. [laughter] and so in terms of who we support or who i would support in any election, one of the things i'm actually quite cautious about. the need to find candidate. what i think this room should continue to do is actually elevate the issues. because as been laid out. there's no superman. there's no hero. the heroes are actually those in the room right here. but on the frontline every single day. and if a candidate emerges out of the movement, then let's push that individual or individuals forward. if we look at what happened in new york, bill deblast owe was

running in fourth place. no one knew who bill deblase owe was. until the issue of stop and frisk. he put his black son on television. we'll see how bill governs though. and so whether i think it's important that not just here in chicago but across this country, that we find candidates who are married to our issues. as far as what mr. route is saying. one of the things that i'm actually quite proud of the union has done. we have actually reawakened the black caucus within the chicago teachers' union. i'm going to be quite frank with you, we did it under controversy. you know, you're right, people get uncomfortable when black folks get a room and start talking to each other. we could be planning more than thanksgiving dinner. by the way, we are planning more than thanksgiving dinner. as we going organize black teachers dealing with the issue of the loss of black teachers, it pains me that you have an

educate brother in this room that is not in front of our children and let's be clear, this is intentional. the attack on public education is an attack on public sector. when dr. king to stood on the balcony and the bullet went through the face. he was clear fighting for dignity for public sector workers that are overwhelmingly black. this room and rooms across it country, not only have to tell the story of mr. pewitt. they have to tell the story of all the black teachers that push the union when the union didn't recognize black teachers. and so i so, i think, with the final point i'll make regarding the issue of black teachers and the loss of black teachers. ebony magazine actually did a story, the loss of black teachers. and there's more press that is going to be done around the loss of black teachers. the thing that make the strike so you knock is that we were not afraid, particularly on the third day of the strike, we caught up with democrats, we caught up with republicans and clearly said sean johnson made

it clear these policies are racist and we do have to deal with them. as we deal with those issues, i'm confident a little more than ben because ben has been around so much longer than me. [laughter] i have not learned how to be as cynical. i'm confident we will arise out of the dust as we continue to organize. candidates will merge, and who knows they might just be in this room. [applause] >> the only thing i would add is one of the things harrold washington did say is not the man it's the plan. and it is about what is our agenda? how do we lift up the issues? it's true we can't wait for the one person that save us and rescue us. it doesn't work that way. what happens when a man is no longer here and the movement. right. what are we left in terms of what we've actually still got.

i think for us we have a political organization where we're committed to elected who come from our base of folks who don't jump in just because they see an opportunity. but at the fight long before an election came around. i think that how do we actually create a space that for real independent politics in the city. because it's clear that the democrats in chicago, chicago democrats aren't the apps for us. they never have been. i think there are a lot of tensions in term of institutions like labor and sort of struggles all the time with speaker or the governor or, i mean, there's -- even the person that people were thinking would be the one who could take on the mayor, you know, democrats have real issues. and i think that our organizing has to be about the issues though and not about independent -- individuals or politics because that alone is never going to get

us to where we need to go to. [applause] >> if i can add one thing on the front. i think one of the things with the mayor is that, you know, he's fought for gay marriage and he's been on immigration since he's been in city hall. he's been proimmigrant. his time in the past was not necessarily proimmigrant at all. and, you know, he doesn't say these outrageous racist things like some politicians who, you know, have videos going viral. so i think he tries to on secure -- or, you know, the national media or national public doesn't realize how racist his policies end up being. whether he's really a racist in his heart or not. almost doesn't matter because his policies obviously have a racist impact, but since he's one of these mayors that is, you know, more liberal in some

ways. i think he's been able to hide that. at least from the larger. i think people in chicago are well aware of that. but nationally it will become an interesting issue if he runs for a higher office nationally. so anyway. >> if i can add one of the things to the racist propensity of the mayor in chicago. if you look at the policies, the failed policies that he pushes, that it does have adverse impact on communities of color. right now the mayor of chicago is pushing mandatory minimum. which is going to exacerbate the prison industrial complex that is overwhelmingly is populated with black men. when the black caucus in illinois blocked it from passes -- it wasn't going to pass in springfield and erick holder, the obama administration's credit, are beginning to roll back on mandatory minimum. and rahm emmanuel is doubling down on it. what we have discovered -- first of all, locking people up

longer does not curve, you know, violence. and so as you begin to look carefully at his policies, you begin to see the leaning that he has that are overwhelmingly against the interest of black and brown people. i would take it one step further. when you push things like mandatory minimum, it has such tremendous impact on communities. particularly as teachers as we sit in front of classrooms day in and day out and our children are dealing with the issues of poverty, not having enough food. being homeless, having parents that are in the penal system. after the black caucus in illinois blocked it, the mayor issues a press release the next day saying that he cannot wait to congratulate the sponsor of the bill which, by the way, the sponsor of the bill does not represent the communities in which he says he wants to help. the mayor, was honored to say he could not wait to congratulate

this sponsor when the bill passes. in other words the mayor is saying i cannot wait until we lock up more black men. those are the policies that this man is pushing. as a community we have to elevate the issues to make sure that people are engaged so we can give people hope to people like ben that change will come. [laughter] [cheering and applause] >> there's a question right over here. >> my name is -- [inaudible] i read the book and one of the things i was struck by by reading the book is your interview -- you're a very sort of fair and balanced reporter. you speak out. [laughter] the opinion of everybody and then everything you write about. you speak to a lot of union leaders in the book, and, you know, we have brandon on the panel with ccu and unionism in chicago. but you speak to people in the

book who i would say did not represent that kind of unionism that the represent the city. i remember you got quotes from people who are saying things like, well, i'm just sure glad whenever mayor -- he'll answer my calls. i'm so happy he'll even talk u to me. you have a pitiful quotes from a lot of people from the labor movement, and so there are clearly sort of different styles of unionism that flapping the city. even a few weeks ago, i read in the -- has given money to rahm emmanuel's election campaign. $25,000. i wanted reflections on that about the different visions of unionism that we have in the city. is it going to be seen in your book? [inaudible] >> thank you. after couple of more questions.

[laughter] >> ben, i agree with you people should be responsible for what it is they do. whether it's voting, marching, voting on referendum. i agree with you. i think it's also important to recognize that when emanuel was brought to the city to become mayor, he had a powerful sponsor, the president of the united states. and that gave him a lot of credibility and bunch of issues that he didn't deserve. but i thought the turning point in all of that was when ed berk and jerry chi koa tried to make a political hit on him by denying the res -- resident status to run for mayor. he appeared to be a victim of the chicago machine. i thought you put boast them together and that's how you have an image that people can vote for without knowing a lot of substance to it.

i think things have changed over the last couple of years. i'm not saying he's beatable or doesn't have the money or image. i think there's an opening now on the issues, on the candidates we wouldn't have had four or five years ago. i would be a little bit more hopeful about things. that's all i'll say. you know it far better than i do or a lot of us in this room. [applause] >> well, as you might imagine, this is not the first time i have expressed these opinions i have about chicago's lek elect trait. in regards to the election of ram rahm emmanuel, um, the man was elected with the black folk, and --

i talk about the disdain he has for leftists. i have to wonder what he thinks about -- closes 50 schools in black community. is not even in town when the announcement comes down. utter disdain. the way he treated karen lewis, i enjoy recounting that. i'm willing to give the citizens of chicago a makeover. they call it a mulligan? a mulligan? i'm willing to give the citizens of chicago a mulligan. from the assumption you're correct they were so caught up in barack obama's wink and nod to get him out of the white house. [laughter] and they were so sympathetic to his plight for being challenged on the residency issue, okay. they were overwhelmed. and they lost touch with their good senses.

so they were wrong once. i like to believe, and i do occasionally show signs of being a believer. for instance, whether i was -- when i was in a northwestern football game. right on the border of town. when the picture flashed on the screen, because northwestern in the wisdom decided to promote him at the start of the fourth quarter. i don't know why. probably because a payback for the deal at apprentice hospital. when his picture flashed on the screen people booed. it was a loud boo. [applause] i mean, and this wasn't a father flagger's church he had been booed the week before. it wasn't at the v103 party where he was booed. this was the northwestern football game. so maybe you're correct and

maybe the people have come to their senses and realize there's a consequence for note paying attention when you have an election than just voting for somebody. because you think he's been endorsed by barack obama even though barack obama is kicking him out of the white house. and feeling sympathetic for a person for something, like, on a residency challenge when she probably shouldn't be allowed on the ballot anyway. i'm willing to concede that the possibility that the people of chicago will prove me wrong this time, and rise to the occasion. i'm certainly hoping so. >> i think back there. yes? >> i wanted to piggyback on what he said about race. because we're not on -- really it's an issue of class. that's why we have the school closings and everything. i'm all for teachers. and so, you know, yeah we get

jaded because truly the two-party system. it doesn't matter. they throw us under the bus. hopefully there's a viable alternative. but i don't know. but i appreciate it especially you, ben, i appreciate all of your articles and you still won't accept my friend request. i'm upset about that. [laughter] on facebook. that's all. [laughter] [inaudible conversations] >> aren't you surprised that nobody has been investigated the $45 million -- [inaudible] whether the money that is going that is being taken from the buses and trains and the makings of the cta? [applause] thank you. >> yes? just a comment, you know, i

understand you're disappointed with the people of chicago. but i think it happens throughout the country. it's not chicago only. i mean, we're not giving many choices. and these people are making a choice by not doing it and not voting. it may not be a great choice. but when the political debate is controlled by the 1%. when the two presidential candidates spend $1 tbl each, the money they spend they're going answer to. it doesn't matter how you vote or how i vote. and it's not only in this country, it's happening throughout the world. i han to be greek and behaviors is going on there. they use that as an experiment to see what they're doing to the rest of the world. it's a great plight. and we have to fight every front. we can't disparage ourselves. we try to empower them and say you can stand up to the people. and our folks -- votes can be more strong than

their money. [inaudible] >> time for maybe one or two comments. anyone else like to make a comment? >> i had to run out to take care of my meter. it's a whole another issue. i don't know if it was addressed while i was gone. but the citizens of new york city stood up this time. we don't -- like we said we don't know how bill is going govern, but a bunch of lgbt people ran away from christine quinn because they knew she wasn't progressive enough. i want to know, like, when we're going get our backbone, i mean, i was wondering what the panel has to offer about how we can, like, i don't know, like, how can we make people just excited about, you know, voting for somebody who matters. you know, i mean, we have to deal with the two-party season. really we only have one here in

chicago. it's figuring out who is the most progressive. i don't know. i don't know if i have a question or if it's just a how can we turn the corner in this city. like they did in new york or in a lesser degree l.a. the guy they voted for spend time having office hours and didn't spend time in hollywood. that's why he got elected. i don't know. stop voting your constituent sei and voting for what they believe in. i don't know. i'm wondering what your thoughts are. >> well, i'll talk again in a minute. i guess for one last -- yes. >> i have a comment too and it feels like an observation. i hope i state it right. i travel all over the country. when i talk to people. everybody is against corporate power. everybody is against privatization. i mean, the majority of people. and when it comes down to, and i agree with the people on the panel, when they start talking

about it when it comes to the idea of race. and not even a poverty. everybody is against poverty. but then they have this thing if they feel like it's helping people of color that somehow it's some sort of disadvantage to the majority. and it is -- it's sad. and i'm a native chicagoan who since relocated. i live in los angeles. i work in new york. and i get scattered by the progressive dissin disintegration of social unity in the city. i really -- it just is heart breaking. i say to other places across the country, but i also see very progressive voices emerging in place like new york and california.

part of it is because the youth are way more engaged in those states and those cities. but that power arising. and i don't witness that much -- people in my age group and older. my only hope in that transition and in that unification and those people being outraged enough to see their futures have been not only blocked but subverted. so i don't know if that's articulate or not. but i just -- that's the the sense i get. so maybe want to make a closing statement.

however wants to jump in. >> i think for me -- a lot of what i look at what is happening in the city and i think what is needed to shift things and to build a movement and why that is so difficult. so much is about hopelessness and we're set up to feel hopeless for a particular reason. right. of course, it's hard. of course, people are not engaged. of course, it feels like nothing can change that we have no options. we're going have to go with the best of the worst situation. it's all very deliberate. when i think about organizing. an organizer said this to me when i was learning about organizing. i used to be a union organizer. one of the things she said to me was organizing was about an individual feeling like they have power. because if an individual doesn't feel like they have power. the -- it is pretty meaningless. we vet up all the time to

individually feel we have no power. it's not even a feeling. there are real con constrictions on our lives and real challenges. but to me that's what organizing is about. how do you have the individual connections and relationships and help people see the spark of what is possible both in hair own like and their communities and school and workplaces and in the city. and thing is i believe people in the city get it. i think they get what is at stake. ic they get what is wrong. i think they get that things aren't the way they want it to be. i think it's our job as organizers to figure out how do we create the spaces and opportunities for folks to step in and work for progressive change. i think in the city of chicago, like everywhere else, it's not, i mean, that's going to take organizing and it's going to take us to actually really understand what we're up against. and how do we actually despite what we're up against in terms of racism and poverty and the pressure of capitalism on our

daily lives. we need to understand that. but also know that folks have -- we have major incredible agency despite all of that and resiliency. it's about how do we create the spaces for people to step in and take action and build real connections and relationships along the way. i think a lot of that is happening on the ground. how do we get it to scale? i think there's good work happening. how do we get it to scale? how do we move the labor movement with us? because it isn't a monolithic place and there's a lot of tension. but there's all possibilities. and i think there's an incredible spark that the teachers and many folks have shown what is really possible. the last thing i'll say is you should join our e-mail list. you should like us on facebook and get engaged. we are organizing in neighbors across the city. we're working to take back chicago. we hope you'll continue the conversation. [applause]

>> well, you know, just to defend my wounded pride here, i'm not quite as cynical as brandon would have you believe. and i actually believe and this is kind of my own -- that what she said was true. when they had that vote on wednesday, just the fact that the chicago city council had something resimbling a debate on the unbelievable scam was a triumph of sort. i appreciate you had a bang on a lot of doors and make lot of phone calls to get even that. the fact they got 11 i'm not sure he knew how she was voting.

i think he got confused and voted the wrong way. but whatever. so they had the discussion. they had the vote. and so i do believe that it is possible in the city of chicago to get people to entertain complicated thoughts, ideas, and to exam how their city is governed. but i think the greatest challenge is to try to overcome this sense that is so chicago that you cut a deal. you can get what you want by sort of making your own private imreement -- agreement with the person of power. that's one thing i have learned since moving to chicago. i'm not from chicago originally. i feel there's a cynicism that is in the people of chicago in the elect rate. it's easily manipulated by

powerful, wealthy candidates like rahm emmanuel. i suppose your challenge is really to -- [inaudible] in my opinion. [applause] thank you, ben, for all the hope you bring to chicago. [laughter] but seriously, i mean, no one quite articulates what i'm thinking in such a smart way. so one of the things i think was missed during the chicago teachers union strike. it set off a wave of strikes across the state of illinois, and quite frankly, as cross the world. and so -- [applause] if there's any glimpse of hope you can actually beat back these awful policies that mayor emanuel in chicago em boys -- embodies even teachers who make $100,000 make $1 02,000. i'm not mad. i don't k