ethnic group that does not reflect the ethnic diversity of the country and this army cannot anymore become a national institution with social cohesion anymore if it remains the way to today. a much deeper and broader constellation between the communities that everyone will buy into. not the current process where the art is shipped is the leader of.

including the individual who talks about sudan. there is nothing wrong with having these leaders lead a consolation. but we have to look at the histories of ethnic relations in south sudan where they will come from an ethnic group where they are accused of other ethnic groups of the other sorts of issues and they are more acceptable to everyone and as one person told us when this institute was investigated was the ability of doing a lot more with the compilation process in the problems of south sudan cannot be prayed away. and so we look at a more comprehensive recompilation process that everyone will buy into is out of the question. and the other accountability that is critical for the

recompilation to take place is the impunity has to stop. because it is not impunity that has become one of the big reasons that is going on and is talked about. and these will need to be built into whatever political government will emerge if it were to be made with commitments and financial commitments and political commitments, if there were to be prophecies that every leader in south sudanese would need to be part of this government that will come from other countries. which the ambassador said cannot be a simple return to the status quo and a comprehensive one and

i think that i will leave it there and thank you for listening. >> thank you, jok madut jok. and so as i warned over this, and this is one institution as part of the society to focus on representing the diversity of the society and can be a true symbol of national identity. and that was part of the reputation to focus on. the second is to broaden the reconciliation process and to make that process acceptable. and for making sure that this is

something that needs to be more inclusive. and there needs to be able to pass the culture of impunity that is currently existing. have i got that right? okay. we'll come back and get into the comments and questions. all right, let's move to cheat and she is an adjunct faculty member here at the center for strategic studies and the author of the individual in south sudan that was released in september.

and we had talked about this in december. kate worked on a host of africa and security issues and global development policies and issues that she has an extensive acheron working in south sudan and she was an assistant administrator for usaid and director for sudan in south sudan and she also represented the u.s. government and the evaluation commission charged with overseeing the implementation of the cpa agreement in the south in sudan. kate, please take the way.

>> the opportunity to be here this morning, i just want to offer a few comments a few things we can work as we go forward, there is a current moment of crisis and what we might look for with a framework in terms of priorities. how sudan is the direct result to manage alternative positions given the failure of its leadership, namely the former and current president. we are trying to avoid resorting

to violence in the country, however, is not due to instability and conflict. progress can be made during a transitional time toward a new political the sensation with responsible leadership and inclusive processes. empirical evidence tells us that this can be done. the world development report captures the experiences of countries that have successfully exited and provides in south sudan. especially when a political agreement is reached. to break cycles of insecurity and reduce the risk of a recurring, national reformers and their international partners need to build a legitimate institution that can provide a sustained level of security and justice and jobs. such institutional transformation takes time. at best case scenario, it is

within a generation and a hires a restoration of confidence and trust in government and across the communities. for south sudan it will be imperative to address the underlying issues of political accountability of the executive branch and the ruling party that precipitated the outbreak and to repair the state society relations and intercommunal relations of the violence has cost. for this to happen the current political leadership faces a critical choice. using the crisis to develop accountable institutions by ceasing actions that perpetuate the executives or continue to alienate society through power. neither is an indispensable for enabling a democratic south sudan and either one is part of

death and destruction. we are required to rise above these mechanisms and processes that can generate his confidence in the state and ultimately systems that can endure in this includes courts and political parties and national governments and the merit-based civil-service in our professional security sector among others and they can also be society based having an independent media and this includes norms and standards. and there is a situation across the state and society and it is one of deliberate underlining and erosion with mechanisms

between state and society than this included those dedicating themselves to support the key institutional reforms to expanding voices to enable the national dialogue and this includes responsiveness to the responsiveness to expectations during this moment of political transition. particularly with respect to drafting a permanent constitution and fostering local reconciliation and conduct an fair and peaceful elections. let me say a little bit more about each. the state needs to make a concerted effort to have dominated south sudan's political arena this fire.

it must also transcend the fault lines and engage this by partnering with trusted institutions such as churches and civil society organizations in identifying hugely beneficial priorities and complementary strengths such as strategies that will improve the impatience of local communities and this would simultaneously diminish the justification for violence by communities and so they have been excluded from the political process. whether it involves political processes and others, it would make initiatives and reforms more viable and sustainable and effective while fostering trust for future efforts. the statements also protected states and citizens to protect themselves if the processes of

the state security dialogue or to gain traction. access to independent information is indispensable to us that listening and accountability mechanism on which a stable democratic developmental date attendance. and we recognized the civil society individuals that are citizens and that can contribute to a stronger and more stable of sudan. this includes that the state does not want a genuine discussion with the citizens to donate access to power and wealth. and since the challenge of building the national consciousness is as much a cultural exercise as it is a political one, effort to foster a new south sudanese identity

should lament the reforms to protect and expand political and civil rights. providing deep reservoirs of cultures for those that are appreciated for their diversity and new identity. ultimately the government needs to demonstrate that it has the interest of the citizens at heart. current things on the ground that do not bear this out. two chains is a time of transition is needed during which the outcome has been generated. this signals how committed the government to citizen participation and insight. for strategic priorities will restore legitimacy to the states of the vital institutional reforms can proceed. the current transitional constitution gives extraordinary powers to the president with almost no checks afforded to

other branches of government. the president cannot be impeached and dismissed the national and state assemblies and governors from office as well as any justice or judge. in a national constitution review process was supposed to be completed by january of 2013. before the national assembly expires in 2013. it should be an opportunity to educate citizens about what they have done and what kinds of checks and balances that the people want on their government. this includes the decision for how it should govern the

country. and so in light of the current crisis the timeline for addressing the new constitution and conducting will need to be revised further. and there is an opportunity to be transparent and the draft constitution should be part of societal commitments in this include south sudan to enter the foundation for unity. it will also call into question the political leadership commitments to democracy.

as jok madut jok has just mentioned. although not mandated in the cpa or the constitution, the government announced an initiative for national reconciliation process and in recognition of the country's long history of grievances and this renders the initiative of utmost importance. although the way the early disagreements have been a mandate in membership, a new committee is not peace and reconciliation that was established in april 2013.

in this includes long history of violence. ensuring every community had the opportunity that will be vital to the credibility of the process and the difficult question as to whether what forms of justice will be administered to the reconciliation dialogue and some other significant challenges for political leadership and for the south sudanese died at large. the question must be answered in south sudan. and third, the political transition should make preparations but these should not proceed without first restoring some confidence in the country's political processes. specifically there should be a credible entity support. and the adoption of the reform to a assured democratic procedures and transparent vetting and select selection of

candidates for office. this includes progress on national reconciliation as well. without progress in these areas first it will continue to be seen as winner take all competition set height and the likelihood of violence. finally these critical processes all depend upon goods and services across the country and in a territory the size of texas there is only one paved highway running roughly 120 miles to the ugandan border in this was constructed by usaid. huge swathes remain inaccessible during rainy seasons including the conflict stricken regions. this includes the infrastructure that will continue to be part of every political and humanitarian

objective for the country. radio coverage must be extended as quick we as possible. and this includes insecurity and political exclusion that will persist. eight. matter of transition is needed for a renewed confidence and to provide the social capital needed to build the institutions most central idea of the current crisis. those that are part of the justice and livelihood. most immediately the fighting and critical detainees must be released and humanitarian aid must reach all populations and human rights abuses must be accounted for. the united states and international community should the display the measures available to them.

both are culpable for the devastation and suffering brought by nearly two months of fighting. going forward south sudan leadership can set a new course toward legitimacy and stability and sustained development if it prioritizes above all building trust and accountability and social cohesion with an across the south sudanese population. there is no more essential stabling task than this. the current crisis is those tragically illustrating the foundation of this data cannot be an active part of this. thank you. >> thank you. >> we have given up a lot of focus on this and it seems that within everything you have said you have emphasized the themes of trust and accountability and social cohesion and there are these institutional processes that are important to emphasize

the process of legitimacy and you talk about reconciliation but it is the process of doing so in an integrated way that is inclusive and we talk about important parts of the election. making sure there is trust building with local institutions so they actually serve a purpose that they are intended for. any talk about the communication of infrastructure as well, not just as an end in itself but as a means to try to help build national unity and cohesion within south sudan. so we thank you very much. that will give us a great deal to respond to in the question and the answer. so let's turn to our final panelists. jason is a senior coordinator that worked to support the south sudan transition and conflict

mitigation program and jason has 20 years of experience working on humanitarian peace building and post-conflict recovery activities with various international organizations in sudan and south sudan and he has worked as an advisor coordinator and project manager in support of initiatives directly in support of the comprehensive peace agreement in sudan and south sudan as well. so with that, jason, please. >> thank you. again i want to thank the organizers of the african center for strategic studies to participate in this discussion. i was asked to look at the next six months to three years and we have all looked at some goals and constraints and what might be some benchmarks of success. including the question is about who sets the goal and more importantly that the process of achieving these transitional goals is essentially a factor

that will make them successful. the south sudanese achieving these goals is critical. that being said, i'm going to make three main points in the first is that -- for those who want to find a lasting solution to the conflict, i believe that there is -- when we find the common goals that are shared, we focus on the model and the mechanism needed to achieve those goals. then i would say that it varies depending on how you see the root cause of the current crisis and the second point is that regardless of the models and the mechanisms and how they face challenges, there will be those that face these and will be hard to avoid, challenges like stability and justice to get in the way of these longer transformative goals. the last thing is that i am really going to argue for --

focusing less on the event. focusing more on the conditions for which those events can be genuinely transformative. so looking ahead over the next three years by the end of 2015 the national constitutional review committee submitted a draft constitution based upon the consultation and at the same time there should be elections in the four there are elections are needed to be a sense is that we left on the table and including the other political parties that also need to organize that a national reconciliation which is really a precondition for those elections to happen in a stable way to have these other laws with the development and implementation are ultimately important. the local government and the land act and the ngos and the political parties and all of these things are there in the next two years and the calendar is very crowded and full of

democracy. i'm being sarcastic. and so if we want to look forward and look at some practical goals and a couple of things there, i think that we need to look at the transition time. not 20 or plan or whatever it is that something very specific. like how do you ensure that there is a successful transition. i think in the broad goal a group of experts talked about the good governance and i can do everyone has touched on it from broad-based inclusive democratic decentralizing ways and the meritocracy in the supremacy rule of law there. i think that there isn't going to be disagreement on the broad rules for south sudan. but what comes as a challenge is how you see bracing people to have two schools of thought. and i'm going to oversimplify

this. one looks as though was a personal rivalry in this includes a few people that went off course. and the violence is really about an immediate threat and the prevention responding to those immediate events. and that is the problem that needs to be addressed. a lot of people say that this was the trigger and the root of the cause dates back to historic rivalries and 50 years of liberation struggle or 90 were about six years of the cpa institution building. or three years of the nation and state building postindependence. so how you see the root cause looks at how you will look at the models and mechanisms to let me focus first on leadership of

the transition. and that should be the transition. not leaving beyond the transition was setting up your party or institution beyond that. and it is a power-sharing formula where you balance the ethnicity and originality and gender and you balance and find the more extreme elements that are either weekend or isolated or centralized. but you get back on course for that configuration of leadership. but if reformed it is part of the engine and the driver for this process. as well as how they got off

track. the other school of thinking is that actually you cannot build an institution regardless of the powers of the president. whoever is president and out sudan is still the head of the government and the army and a political party with no other political parties competing and in the country with no her. no institution can be built strong enough to resist an office with that kind of power payette. ..

these were good ideas. these were things that could have worked with the right configuration. and a length of time thought and work has gone in to it. it's about getting back on track with the very well -- years of investment in building a new state. the flip side is say no. it's two part sudan, one part uganda, one part sbla and sblm and written in english. american english. you try to come -- comb through what is the system in sudan and try to get through it. need to rethink the idea. is it ethnic federalism that ethiopia has. separate but equal integration -- how do you deal with that? especially my when there's fear and the confederation on idea. going back to the three regions and maybe looking federal arrangement as a way to deal

with new model for state building. i think briefly the u issue of security and justice in paragraph. the goal of this these two mechanism has to be, i think, as others have pointed out. it has to be about demilitarizing the political system. demilitarizing political competition. there is debate. active debate. in addition to, you know, dealing with the conflict and moving beyond the conflict that the security sector, particularly the army needs to be constructed in a way that is useless as a fighting force for a personal, ethnic, political party agenda response integrated, so professional that if you bring it in it falls apart when you try to bring it in to engage. that's the kind of army that south sudan would need. on the issue of justice and accountability, it has to satisfy the south sudanese. that's the mark. that's the measure.

whether it will or won't. until just disreplace i revenge. they will not be able to demilitarize the society as well. we need to think of justice very much functionally and the interim period is not just security and justice. not just moving beyond taking account of what happened not punitive but rest are ative and helping the transition. focusing open the short game getting through the transition. and the last goal i bring forward is the issue of the budget. i think people would say that, you know, the laws are there. it's being developed that the natural resources are -- there's plenty developed and paid for moving forward. others are saying we should look at the trusteeship. it might belong to the people

until the government does it needs to sit in a trustee shift. it belongs to the people when the transition over. there's a permanent constitution. that's when you look at how to use the natural resources. so talking about quickly to the constraint or the challenges i think the first challenge is as we all know the table is largely going to be set before you move to the transition. it's set because the wars is continuing. because people are being polarized over political and ethnic likes. it's set also in influence by the mediation effort, in the aid effort to bring assistance. i think fundamentally we're asking the wrong question. who are you scared of? what are you afraid of? confidence in being and not where do you sit and who represents you. it's a different conversation. it's a bigger conversation. i think it will help get closer to what the solution is. next i want to focus on the

economy a little bit more. 75% of the budget went salary. 78 of the 75% went military. entire population is on a district income from the government. besides removing them from the work force, young people from the work force it prevent you from pulling the money out and putting it in development. you have the dill limb ma. it. you take the money away from the several hundred thousand people in uniform. young people with arms and one skill and leave them on the street you will never get to development. there's the problem it costs something. the economy of the state and the people. and the state economy which is based on selling off on the

natural resources oil 98%. minerals come in. if the government chooses to sell not the fish but the river it will undermine the building of an economy. it will block the communities from coming in and emerging as a private sector. the how you develop this -- how you find the money will either support or undermine your future. the other constraint is simply fear. the idea you're going bring the town to the people right now people are terrified of the towns. so that whole model of development has to be rethought. justice program and aid program and development program. you are better off not doing it. whoever is left out will be left out. of the nation and the state. they have the grievances result

in termination that will drive them. selective implementation of any of these processes those who are out will be out at this point. the exclusion is the divisive. just to kind of wrap up the on to the benchmark for success i think most likely in the way the media efforts tend to be, there's probably going to be a combination where, you know, those who look at the more acute model i was talking about will be handed and then everybody will look for transformative opportunity within the agreement laid out. but that the what was the transitional constitution will become the interim agreement if they follow the model. ultimately what you get is the matrix with a time line and a set of activities laid out for everybody to look at. what i'm going to argue is the

issue is not really to invest in those activities but in the conditions and environment for those activities to be transformational. how do you move what is an elite closed door slightly exclusive system to one that is genuinely increasive. breadth, depth, quality. how do you change anger and fear in to something more like -- healing and trust. confidence building and essentially confidence building in the government? how do you build responsivenesses how do you build the contract whether through the -- tbhaild contract through the constitution through taxing the people? right now i made this before. the success of the government budget rises and fall has nothing do with the success of the people. it's different economy. it's not that relationship. the fundamental contract.

people aren't doing well. the government of not doing well with them. the link is a significant contract is broken. you listen to who give use the check. it's not coming from the people. how do you replace things like rumor with the informed and demanding public. how do you replace revenge with justice and political conflict violent conflict with debate. i think agreed we have to look at healing and protection of people, people of natural resources. national healing, sport public engagement. the third voice i'm not pretending it's a moderate constructive voice. it is just this diverse as political parties there. but the idea of looking at constructive, you know, public voices in to the process whatever they are hopefully constructive and helping them become ultimately a third force.

is a key area the comcial community should look at. and the constitution is a clear process. and look at it from south africa and kenya. it is in that nation build progress excess. it is a process in which if everybody participates they will own the contract. i think the key threshold moments are moments in a constitutional process is when the population demands to be heard large achieve through civic education when the population has been heard demands that their voice is represented in the structures institutions and the institution that is there. those are the two threshold moments for the constitution. that it is a demand of the people. i want to say this is our exit strategy. this is our exit strategy. it's not stuck on the dependency it's got nist to especially

through the conflict. thank you very much. >> thank you very much. you gave us a whirlwind of ideas. and the verbiage which will come back to highlighting some of the key points that you have made that i think help frame our discussion about where we're going. you talk about the problem of the monopolization of power and how it isn't a matter of political power but economic power. and moving forward to get no a more stable place there needs to be some diffusion of power. there needs to be checks and balances. it so there is more sense of ownership for political participation. and legitimacy on that process. you talk about the importance of demilitarizing government and depoliticizing the military so that institutes a huge element of the national budget currently

in term of national employment. in closely related to that you talked about there being an economy of the state and economy of the people. and the two aren't necessarily connected. and for that there to be stability there needs to be a stronger economy. it needs to be broader a stronger private sector that isn't dependent end on the state and ties to the state. you talk about the process of development not just the content of development. and that what is ultimately more important for stability is making sure that the process is inclusive. lest people feel they are excluded and feel grievances they need to rectify in other ways. qloasly related you talk about justice. transitional justice and the justice has to be relevant and

meaningful for south sudanese. it's not a international justice. and you talk about restorative justice. not just retributive justice. or punitive justice. and i think that is an important goal we can focus on. lastly you talked about needing a voice for civil society. to enable this dialogue in exchange. this voice isn't going to be a june fied voice. it isn't going to speak necessarily in a clear and coherent manner but still important to that voice has room to maneuver and have i.t. heard as part of the process are participation and healing that needs to take place. and in term of building the knew institution needed.

thank you. you have done what i i've asked you in term of throwing things out what we need to be focused on here in the next six month and two years. what our priorities for stability you have given us a lot to think about. i'm going open it up now to the audience for brief questions and comments. i want to give an opportunity to the ambassador if you would like to respond and gave your own assessment where south sudan needs to go. one detail make sure when you speak your microphone is on. there's a button there. when you're doing turn it off. so we don't mix up the audio here. thank you. >> thank you very much. joe and i would like to thank

the african center for organizing this wonderful discussion about [inaudible] south sudan. i have a few comments to make. one, on conflict. and number have been put forward and disagree with all we i disagree with one. political space was limited to some of the -- [inaudible] i think all the actors following the conclusion of the peace agreement have had really high

-- [inaudible] who feels they have been excluded or very much -- [inaudible] impleation of the peace agreement organization of the election and the referendum. overseeing the economic development so by and large i tend to think it is not fair to

assume that space was reduced. for those who are in opposition today. yes. unfortunately, the result of the violence has lead to a lot of costs in life and -- [inaudible] for the people of south sudan. it's unfortunate. we are determined to find. this is what has come to the conclusion of the ceasefire. in the way forward now an increasive -- inclusive dialogue it did not begin after the violence.

[inaudible] that s pressuring lm d.c. [inaudible] was in opposition for a long time after former minister of foreign affairs contested against the president and once he lost he decided to -- and not come for the declaration of independence. but whatever recently to find a solution and agree. it was clearly political -- [inaudible] for everybody. the government of south sudan

today has debtorred authority from a very small political party. south sudan -- [inaudible] and many of the political forces in the country, even without representation in the parliament are represented in government. i think this is what i would call political -- [inaudible] the leaders let reconciliation process with one of the strongest. and they have reached an agreement. so the desire for inclusion and

our determination to each other has been very well expressed. we want to continue with that through the upcoming dialogue. by inviting political leaders including [inaudible] of the political parties by inviting religious leaders women's groups, youth, and stakeholders to participate. this has been clearly stated a number of times. that is one way forward. we hope to effect the mechanism. that would be creating conditions of confidence

building and corporation among the south sudanese people to have stability and readiness for the next phase of elections. we hope and think that the only method to create open space and desmic processes be given the content through elections. whether we need to wait for making a census so as to determine the appropriations and divide based on -- [inaudible] to us is -- [inaudible] for now. if we do that, we are going to delay the elections and some of

the people who are competing for the -- it is a deliberate method. it is going to be we do not want to delay the elections. we want to go ahead and conditions we have today and hopefully when things change for the better in the near future. we hope we can whatever would be dead assembly and maybe -- assembly and all fresh elections. yes, the i agree with the the analysis that desperately is not

-- today institution. it -- [inaudible] it's not built on -- it was built correctly to push us forward and get to stability have elections, have -- [inaudible] it has backfired. many people are -- [inaudible] about the need now to whether they are leaders or they are in

party to the representative of our nation of compositions. we are grateful for what they do. and our friends will come from -- [inaudible] in the fight against the nra and the decision of south sudan. it's not going to complicate anybody or anything to have friends invited by the -- [inaudible] by the afternoon by the -- [inaudible]

the request might not be the best way. i think it would be better to incorporate by having a direct talk with authorities. and should the need for the presence have come to an end and definitely -- reconsider. yes there is need for accountability as part of whatever agreed. we need to have include accountability by accountability are not -- [inaudible] whoever has committed the crime to justice.

i know, there are seven officers who have been identified to have use excessive tower against some civilians. and they are -- [inaudible] and the results will be publicized very soon. the view is an absolute necessity. it has been underway. sometimes blocked by the internal -- [inaudible] but it is a necessary way forward. and there are ways of making

constitution. but the current review process should be credit forward to the end. power sharing in the transition of -- [inaudible] is a possibility. it depends how we work it out. we are always in accommodating. this is not the first time we are -- [inaudible] but, you know, but again we're sit down to talk to [inaudible] and so i believe the current is going create an opportunity for

us to rethink our relations, our policies, our reason for south sudan and finding our space within the international community. but not as a -- [inaudible] >> okay, thank you, ambassador. thank you for being here, again, thank you for your candor and responding to these observations and comments and observation about need for reform and greater inclusiveness. you highlight many of the same theme brought out on the panel. about the need for political space and inclusiveness and political inclusiveness and the effort made by the government to involve other parties. you talk about the need for more

accountability and mechanism for power sharing. and realize where you're at now isn't enough for where you hope to go. the priority it is you have given us and what do we need do to make them a reality moving forward in the interim medium term trajectory. now we'll open up to the general audience, and just in term of timing we'll -- we have gone a little bit of late we'll take it to 11:00 15 and folks a chance to get a few more questions in and facilitate more of the exchange. we're going to start way back in the corner over here.

speak to a microphone, identify yourself and keep it brief. we'll take three questions. >> thank you very much my name is -- [inaudible] i'm pleased to be here i came from -- [inaudible] also one of the survivors who came from -- [inaudible] and my brother was killed with his wife. after all, i'm not bitter because i'm -- [inaudible] building of the nation of this country. i would be very specific --

i will talk about the root cause of the problem. number one south sudan. i have a big problem. we have not -- [inaudible] measure one nation. did not do much in myself to try this disease of -- [inaudible] and our government system in the public services is done on triable basis. '02 find an constitution being dominated from the gate keeper.

system of the government where there is no accountability. there is no transparency. in the parliament we have a lot of difficulties. one thing that almost lead me to -- [inaudible] even the mission we have -- [inaudible] set up in the -- [inaudible] the ten driver. in the outside world they are --

[inaudible] [inaudible] give the -- [inaudible] if you could wrap it up. [inaudible]

[inaudible] we are now a country that we don't have -- [inaudible] and no government system. the only way -- [inaudible]

and we will love to tell tsh [inaudible] the only way -- [inaudible] thank you very much. >> thank you very much. we appreciate your personal sharing. and i appreciate you moving us forward. thinking about what has to happen here in this medium term future to the extend possible i would like to avoid focusing on what happened in the past now and really use the time we have to look at where things need to go and focus on the priority. are there a lot of hands -- >> hi. i'm ellen. [inaudible]

how to you get aid to the people. european unions are for sale. they're not get together people. how do you get the aid to the people right now? thank you very much for the clarity. go ahead. and the ambassador you mentioned how critical they've been to the process so far. and obviously in term of timeliness and pressure they were instrumental. it going forward and then in term of focusing on an inclusive political dialogue the role they played in the cpa talk that wasn't an exclusive rather than inclusive process. and i guess, you know, there are some question about the role of uganda and the military operations in south sudan right now on behalf of the south sudan

government here is the -- and e gad administration. th open ya, uganda. these are one-party state. in the interest of sort of expending the dialogue beyond the spln are they necessarily the most appropriate body to lead the effort going forward? we'll take one more question, please. i'm form. the former africa center director. my question parallels lauren's. it's a question for any or all of the panelists. how great is the risk, in your view. we go through a protracted

process of trying to implement a ceasefire and separate the parties and so forth that the mediators -- the region the international communally will decide it's sphars we can go. is that a risk. if so what do we need to do to mitigate it? >> thank you. i've give the panel to respond. pick up which you would like and nothing to add then that's fine. we'll go to another rant. -- round.

how do you get aid to the people. one of the key things is getting aid to those most vulnerable who tend to be those internally displaced. many are in camps at this point. the program is taking the lead in trying to move food and nonfood items to support it. it's one component of it. to answer going forward. i read it out of the communique. what it made clear they need to engage in a comprehensive inclusion process. while many members have dominant parties system. that doesn't mean that's what they're trying to impose on south sudan. they recognize they need to have in order achieve stability has to have a broader base consultation. the first approach on this is

for the mediators themselves to collect ideas. in order to go on a framework to propose to themselves moving forward. on the political dialogue to address the underlying of this conflict. will will be a meeting called to bring the parties back together to start talking about the framework for the inschiewsive political talk that will address

at least the government's party structures going forward. there are many ideas out there as well that may be pursued from reconciliatuation to security sector reform. to economic issues. so clearly there is a broad, i think international backing for the e gad mediation to continue to pursue this effort and heads of state have candidated their commitment to sticking with this. >> okay. in excess to the -- the lo logistical challenges aside or the negotiations of access aside. i think what is happening the way it is funding and the

narrative of the how the country got here between 1999 and 2005. i think it relates to the ambassador's question as well that perhaps the initiation of aid and access to aid must be very, very watchful of it so it does not become another war front between the parties. so it doesn't become so intrinsically linked to conflict. because that is how you get the conflict to be protracted when aid itself becomes a link to conflict. or indeed we see that government

and the opposition might entrench themselves in the own position. they work independent access to aid. how aid can be played in to the conflict. and if it is with a we are looking at all over again try looking at it protractive situation in south sudan. >> i would echo his comment. i can't speak for current u.s. government assistance certainly and i haven't been in south sudan since the crisis broke

out. i have to say i find watching from the distance here in the united a discussion on delivery of humanitarian assistance and the problems never mind the logics call challenges but the problem with the party the government and the opposition in term of interference and theft of the humanitarian commodities is deeply disturbing. i, too, feel that going back to the operation lifeline sudan type scenario which was a overall negotiated access mechanism where each side got to turn on off access to the area they controlled and term when and how vulnerable populations can be reached would be disastrous. and i think if i were sitting in a seat at u.s. aid or another donor and we would be having a difficult tough conversation about how it was going to play out and what the role of the government is. this is dpircht situation than before.

the government is responsible for its people. and the fact we have over 3.7 million in need of emergency food assistance defeat now and the next rainy season the map you can see posted here. a vast amount will be inassessable. you will not be able to reach a population with any kind of assistance to be stolen or distributed or otherwise. time is of the essence. i feel it is a professional army. many quotes coming out from the government to key ministers there if a professional army there would not be threat of humanitarian commodities. period. it's a serious question. it's one that has to be addressed front on. it cannot feed a logic of we never mind going back to the status quo of december 1th. we're going back to well before the peace agreement was

conceived of as a process in term of negotiations and back to the '90s in term of how humanitarian aid operated in south sudan. i think it's very, very disturbing. it's a troubling situation. it's one we should be able to work the government as partners in getting through the interim period and the referendum and independence i would also just -- offer comment to lauren's question about the mediation going forward and inclusive process. i think it's vital that the talks be set up not just as the two opposing side and the handful of delegate representing them and then representative sort of perched around them observing and trying to sway positions on the margin of the talk.

but there be direct linkages and consultations for starters in south sudan that inform how the mediators frame the talk and set up the process going forward. i think most critically. and has to be broader than the government and determining how to reconcile within the splm and those in opposition currently. certainly the detainees under much discussion and attention are part of the dialogue.

threaten to shape the playing field. the a lot of thought gone in to how transition in to political talk. about and creating mechanism to monitor on ground by the community. olc the longest in the history theup u.n. is not the model you're going to avoid the risk you said of creating a permanent woe need to look at both to avoid network that is very hard

to break. if rerecognize the unwinnable it becomes acementic. the opposition side making areas ungovernable. thing it will go and the aid will perpetuate that in the absence of any real political solution or transition. thank you. >> another round. you, sir. >> richard from the navel war college and sudan study association. i appreciate the optimistic view that has been presented the past

to stability and tight. i think you're struggling to get the glass half full when in fact it is more than half empty. it seems like the main agenda should be management of crisis and conflict. i'm inclined to look at that when i see the map that said unity. it's the most contested least unified place. when i look at the call for release of detainee and simultaneously the call for accountability those aren't easily reconciled. i think the discussion would be enhanced today when we would talk about david, george, the new railway maybe. the question of the whole neighborhood being in a pretty horrible condition.

when a special envoy and i were treating the first cohort everyone was optimistic. much like the panelists a pathway forward. let's go ahead. you have to look what is going to be the situation after independence. all the people will be the same people. the neighbors will be the same neighborhood. north sudan is not going to move to the north pole and south sudan move to some other place. it's going still have neighbors with car which is a complete and total wreck today. it is still in a complete wreck. my comment is perhaps we need to

calibrate instead of pathway to stability and the future. but we need to make an agenda which is far more realistic management of crisis and conflict. that's on the agenda. thank you. thank you very much. please, right here. i'm a political military analyst focusing on africa. my question is with regard to the deployment to south sudan. it came at the invitation of the government of south sudan as a sovereign nation is their prerogative. i'm particularly interest from a u.s. government standpoint. does the u.s. see a conflict of interest between uganda acting as a e gad mediator and within the current conflict i think

that could be a useful effort. >> thank you. in the blue. >> thank you. i'm henry from the center of national private institute one of the core institute for the national endowment for typically. -- democracy. where exists specific tints for the citizen private sector as opposed to the large government private -- government owned economy. in the transition process. what change need to occur so the voice is representative and strong and then are there

reasons to be held off? >> okay. thank you. finally on the backside of the front row here. >> thank you very much. [inaudible] i work for the [inaudible] doing research on south sudan. my question focus on the reconciliation and justice process that is now one of the topics being discussed here. and my question several

emphasized being a key tension andon going problem. i invite any of the panelists to talk about how does it get resolved here in the short term how do you work toward that resolving that issue? let's go in the same order. ambassador, boothe? the utah had been supporting numerous community peacebuilding. conflict-resolution activities through the partners in south sudan. a lot of the conflict that occurred in places like the triangle and along the border areas where there are migrations and annually these are areas

where we had activities to try to keep the communities talking to each other and at peace. we were supportive of the national peace and reconciliation commissions efforts that by the archbishop. we were involved in prior to this conflict in trying to help south sudanese address issues of reck -- reconciliation and conflict avoidance. in term of the role of private surprise and private sector was one of the many groups we indicated we believe talk to the mediators in believing they should consult to get input in to how do you structure the comprehensive approach to the conflict to the resolution of this conflict? what are the issues that need to be addressed. i think one of the key things that would be of key interest to the private sector. i hope that the south sudanese

would raise this. would be the question of transparency. you've had a system where the economy has not been a paradigm of transparency. i think that tends to constrict what the private sector is able to do. in term of the role of the deployment, they were invited by the government of south sudan. they initially went in to protect critical infrastructure in the area of they help facilitate by protecting that infrastructure the departure of foreign nationals. particularly uganda nationals. took an additional role and began to participate in the conflict fighting alongside the spla. with the signing of the

agreement should be a progressive -- of all foreign forces and the point has been made explicitly to uganda by myself and others. the role they're playing now is one of trying to maintain modicum of stability particularly in the area around it. in term of the release of the detain knee not being accountability. i'm not sure i get that point.

that's an issue that needs to be addressed. it's something done the road. bring diversity of how it is going to reform itself and also have the board of govern mans discussions go forward. you raise the lit any of the regional roles and yes, it is a terribly troubled reejt. -- region. there are many crises active if not brewing blow the surface in the region. i think it's important that the region organization has really come together and trying to address in particular this crisis.

it's not part of the mediation. they are a member of the e gads. they don't have a mediator there. t either open ya, kenya and sudan who provided thoament work with the parties. and uganda has purposefully staid away from the mediation and the talks itself. >> the -- i agree about this. the operate muslim is the past of south sudan. people have disagreed. people have fought. but they have always found ways to -- i believe patch them up if they cannot resolve them entirely.

the problem brought forward and discussed with honesty in the -- the issue, of course, is a complex one. on the one hand if you charge them with corruption you can find another 11 people that you can charge for corruption. the issue of accountability does not qerkt with the request to -- if you didn't you have to release them. that's the law. you can hold people indefinitelily it should be the main focus rather than the -- the question whether they were involved or not.

the -- on the issue of private sector about what jason was describe as the economy of the government and the people. i think there is a place where they meet. the private sector doesn't have a long history. it's going to be the same government economy feed in to private sec top. the only problem is how do you feed it and get the private sector have access to government economy. the way to do it is think carefully how you use it. particularly oil. so far oil revenue has been used for costs and government. that means the economy remain a government economy.

and so the best way to go forward is find ways to invest it and the tax money will be used around the government. then that is how you feed this private sector in to it. all of this will be contracted to local businesses. and i think it will also -- jason was talking about. how can you prevent -- how can you take away money from all of these civil servants. you will not be taking the money way. it's another way of

redistributing the money. than just the 700,000 fishes employed. you are distributed in the oil money through employment of larnlgter number of people in the projects. >> thank you. were i don't any having hope is naive thing. i think it's vitally important to be able to see a vision for a way out. and recognize the lessons that the world has to offer and how cycle of violence can come to an end what have, key common factor in the situation.

end this current con diminish and the division it can move to a more open and inclusive society. one of those is foreclosure the military option both sides foal is on the table and the ceasefire. the sensation of hostility hasn't stopped the.

i believe having the pressuring df withdraw would help to spur the conditions for peace and stability. to ensure the military option doesn't persist and move on to the political dialogue that needs to take place. institutions at some level it will be up to the elite to unviolate and i welcome the voice and that a participation. or if it's going to be a harder

struggle and more challenging one even perhaps one of personal peril to be raced and heard. we hope it will be a collaborative process going forward this would be a wake you up call for all part. but community leadership for everyone to recognize that there must be some changes here in term of how the deep underlying issues that he pointed out are con fronted and addressed. so the country can move forward. thank you. we have focused on it again and again and again.

with it came to stability. it's a recognition. when you have to look at something different. how do you change so it doesn't come back. adding to what he said in term of investing the revenue in to

the development of of the state. those held by community. that structure is there and in force and the partnership is not between the private investor from outside and the state. it's between the community and the investment. the state is enablers. look at the customer the land regime in a way that promotes people private partnership not state public/private partnership. is a way too go. looking at the floodplain because they provide importantly

in the region climate stability. carbon sink. biodiversity. there's a hassive resource that needs to be protected. developed possibly and at risk of paying for if there ab interest in the region of protecting this very important resource it nigh to be responsibility internationally to say let's hold it. it's not a great place where you want climate instability. thank you very much to the panelists. i'm afraid we have come to the end of our time here. i know there are a lot of questions still out there. i'm sorry. i wasn't able to get to everybody. i want to thank my colleagues for all the work that went in to hosting this event today.

i appreciate your work. it i would like to thank the panelist for taking the time out of busy schedules. assessment where things need to go. it is in d.c.

[inaudible conversations] [inaudible conversations]

secretary johnson was sworn in as the head of the homeland security department this past december. here is a brief portion what he said. what is another way with the creation of the dhs, the trotioa sernlgting forti weaknds along t air, land, and sea borders. or ports of entry is now met with one federal response for me. anduld through our government's effonerterrorism effort in both the bush and obama administrations we have put al qaeda's core leadership on the path to defeat. qaeda'core l but the threat has evolved since about 2009 we saw the rise of ae qaeda affiliates such as al qaeda in the arabian peninsula f which has made repeated effort

to export terrorism to our ohm land. the government working with others must continually deny these a safe haven. a place to high. at the same time they are try tx recruited westerners indoctorate them and see them return to their home country with an r extremistet mission.

syria has become a matter ofattf homeland security. become tool of mass violence. m. we must remain vigilant in

detecting and countering all threats.ring a at the departmentat the departmi was wiess to thextraor s of our defense and the other national security and intelligence components of our government encountering terrorist threats overseas. here at home, given the installing -- evolving threat, i believe it is critical over the next several years that dhs continue to build relationships with state and local governments. the first responders in those governments -- we must also continue to encourage public participation in our efforts on their behalf. through the nationwide suspicious activity reporting initiatives and campaigns such as if you see something, say something. that was on prominent display at airports and even at the super bowl five days ago.

c span.org website make it easy for you to find and watch all of c opinion span's extensive coverage. prses briefings from the white house, capitol hill, the state department, and the pentagon. plus, selective supreme court oral arguments and appearances by the justices. watch live or on your own schedule. federal focus on c-span.org. making it easy to keep tab on what is happening in congress, the white house, and the courts. you're watching c-span two with

politics and public affairs. at the capitol building building in madison. this is an hour.

[cheering and applause] >> that the time, in case you didn't notice, the governor is here. this is my honor to introduce the governor of the great state of wyoming, honorable scott walker. [cheering and applause] [cheering and applause] [cheering and applause] congressional of medal honor recipient. [cheering and applause]

[cheering and applause] members of the wisconsin supreme court, constitutional officers, triable leaders, member ever our cabinet, distinguished guests, members of the wisconsin state legislature. and most important fellowder fi itizen of the great state of, e wisconsin. it is my honor to address you dist importtly, fel before i get started, i wouldbey introduce the first ladye firs of wisconsin te. [ applause ]

also in the gallery are our sons, matt and alex, and my family; my parents, llew and pat, my brother, david, my sister-in-law, maria, and my nieces, isabella and eva. [ applause ] next to my wife is major general don dunbar, our adjutant

general. i want to thank him and the more than 10,000 members of the wisconsin national guard. thank you for being here. [ applause ] the state of our state is strong and improving every day. the economy is dramatically better and our finances are in great shape. still, there is more work to be done. you can clap from a that. that is okay. [ applause ] thankfully, the days of double-digit tax increases, billion-dollar deficits, and major job loss are gone. we replaced them with massive tax cuts, growing budget surpluses, and significant job

growth. [ applause ] wisconsin is going back to work. tonight, we have some really great news about the economy and our fiscal situation. the non-partisan legislative fiscal bureau recently verified that the state will have $911 million more than previously projected. [ applause ] these new revenues are not a one-time windfall, or budget gimmick, but come from a strong economic recovery, where more people are working, more employers are hiring, and personal income is going up. they also come from good

stewardship of the taxpayers' money. what do you do with a surplus? give it back to the people who earned it. it's your money. [ applause ] i propose that we deposit a portion of these new revenues in the state's rainy day fund and use the remainder to provide much needed tax relief to you-the hardworking taxpayers of wisconsin. [ applause ] tonight, i will propose a blueprint for prosperity, which will continue to improve our economy, while preserving our strong fiscal standing. so how did we get these positive

results? a true commitment to real structural reforms for state and local government budgets led to our long-term fiscal stability. meaningful tax cuts that keep more money in your pocket rather than requiring you to send it to madison, changes to laws and regulations that make sense if you're trying to start a business or find a job, and bipartisan investments in worker training are some of the driving forces behind the strong economic recovery. so, how do we measure the impact of the recovery? well, the unemployment rate in wisconsin is the lowest it has been since 2008. [ applause ] initial unemployment insurance claims are at a 12-year low. [ applause ]

private sector job creation between april and november was the best since 1994. mrausz the seasonally adjusted private sector job growth from november 2012 to november 2013 ranked wisconsin higher than minnesota, iowa, and illinois. [ applause ] according to the latest national report, personal income grew 4.4% over the year; faster than the u.s. [ applause ] in fact, wisconsin ranked as the 4th best state in the country for personal income growth from the second quarter to the third quarter in 2013.

[ applause ] after years of a stagnant market, a key component of the american dream, home sales are up by nearly 11% and housing permits are up 12.9%. and according to quarterly and monthly job reports, more than 100,000 jobs have been created over the past three years. [ applause ] let me introduce you some of the people hired since i took office: joann stephens from appleton is employed as a quality engineer at surface mount technology. heyward gualandi from madison is employed as a sales supervisor at beechwood sales and services. ben lang from brookfield is employed as a design engineer at metcast service tech resources.

dominic petri from cedarburg is employed as a design engineer at tlx technologies. lucas klemann from appleton is employed as a cnc operator at m & m tool and mold. bob stoffel from hartford is employed as a brake operator at steel craft corporation. patti sharer from new berlin is employed as an accounting specialist at hastings air energy control. scott grinder from reedsburg is employed as a maintenance technician at milwaukee valve. rick banach from oak creek is employed as a supervisor at rexnord. angela hayward from madison is employed as a nursing assistant at uw hospital and clinics. david sohl from madison is employed as an organ procurement organization surgical recovery coordinator at uw hospital and clinics. and chris barber of two rivers, is employed as a welder at ariens company.

[ applause ] as a candidate for governor, i announced an aggressive jobs goal because i wanted people, like joann and heyward and patti and rick, to be able to find

work. every time we help someone find a job, it makes for a stronger home, a stronger community, and a stronger state. [ applause ] each of these people were looking for a job, or a better opportunity, over the past three years. they represent the people and the families behind the numbers. these are the faces of an improving economy in our state. wisconsin is going back to work. [ applause ] when i spoke about our jobs goal more than four years ago, i also made a pledge to help the people of wisconsin create 10,000 new businesses by 2015. tonight, i am proud to announce

we exceeded that goal with nearly 13,000 new businesses created so far. [ applause ] this is a great sign for the future as thousands of new employers bring the potential of even more jobs. think about it, if each of these new ventures grew by 15 employees or more by next year, we would more than exceed our 250,000 jobs goal. new businesses, like 5-point fabrication in ashwaubenon and solomo technology in madison, will help us reach our goal. others are helping, too. during the past week, i visited hartford finishing in hartford to announce 94 new jobs. embedtek in hartland committed to creating up to 72 more jobs on friday.