dianne feinstein is going to turn into the opposite. i think there are lots of other ways it can. i think countries banding together to find ways to undermine the ability of the u.s. to observe hegemony over the internet is promising. i think the fear that american tech companies legitimately have about the impact of these revelations on future business prospects based on the idea that companies can say don't put your e-mails and your chats on facebook or google. we won't turn it over to the u usa. i think it's a really important pressure point and ultimately exactly what you said it's not just individuals realizing their privacy has been compromised. it's also the choices that we all have especially people your age and younger which is people

have career choices. the nsa needs young highly adept people for programming to work in their system or their corporate partners like silicon valley partners need those people to operate those systems. they waste money mayor faces of the people they want and then there's the other side where their tech companies that use privacy tools of the kind that you said were social activism groups. you may not make as much money doing that but that's the kind of choice we all can make to have an ultimate impact. the last point you made i want to underscore which is this remarkable there are tools now bike tour browsers that can protect the internet. the nsa is pulling its hair out over its ability to convey communications in one of the things that is credible is the

nsa scours the internet looking for people who are using pgp to protect their e-mails because they regard anybody who uses pgp e-mail as inherently suspicious on the grounds that if anybody wants to keep their communications away from our prying eyes they are probably bad people doing bad things. the reason that works, the reason you can become a surveillance target if you use pgp is because so few people use it. as millions of people use it instead of tens of thousands or tens of millions and becomes the default of the way we communicate which i think is going to happen it becomes impossible because of the sheer quantity for the nsa to target people. i will severely undermine their ability to invade dedications. encryption works and if people begin using encryption that will be a major blow against this ubiquitous surveillance. [applause]

>> unfortunately we are running short on time so we can take for brief questions to from each microphone. >> you have set before that elizabeth warren for example or other politicians who would be able to answer would have to conform to a system that forces them to sell out to the influences that would basically their original message and populist message people who would -- presidential candidates promising reform. i'm curious, individuals such as noam chomsky and pero its question the ability of institutions that exist right now to address these problems whatsoever given the level of pervasive the between them and the interconnection and the inability of any single law or

politician or even branch of government to effect change on its own. i would also like to say thank you to any fbi agents here for contributing to a great cause. >> let me quickly address that. i don't think i'm quite that graham about the prospect of elected officials to effect some kind of change if they get elected. do you think the system is -- if she wants to have other democrats but with her have to make compromises and trade-offs. having someone like russ feingold in the senate to have hearings on issues and extract pull out information even though any proposal fails by 98-1 is a real benefit to those of us working outside of the system.

some unlike elizabeth warren grilling banking regulatory oversight over wall street is extremely beneficial and even though it every other committee is meeting with those people and receiving checks from them. i don't want to overstate the grimness of the dorothy uselessness. i'm glad there is elizabeth warren talking about that or russ feingold talking about that. i don't think any meaningful change will come exclusively or primarily from within this fundamentally corrupt system. it takes all sorts of other things from those who aren't in it to take action and not rely on punching a hole every two years next to a name in order for it to happen. [applause] >> you started a talk by talking about the various attacks on snowden which is the only way they can attack information i'm curious if you can think of effective attacks they have been

doing and what your thinking will be on reasonable offenses to becoming a tax on snowden and information. >> do you mean other things that they could deal with effectively that they haven't yet thought up that you want me to share? i said earlier actually there is a really interesting debate that is critical in nature of the work that snowden has done and that i have done and warren has done and others of us have done among people with whom i have been long allied that says the disclosures that we have made are too slow, too fragmented, too piecemeal, too incomplete and there should be much more disclosure. it's a really interesting debate to have. i have a lot of respect for those opinions. i don't actually agree with them. i shared some of the reasons i'm bound by the source but i will

give you an example of what i mean. i was doing this "pbs newshour" today and the interviewer who is quite good a reporter said i want to ask you about a critique from the right in a critique from the left. i thought to myself she's going to ask me about a critique from the left? that never happened. keith alexander says you are responsible for these dead bodies and no one knows where they are. then the critique from the last was a column or review from the "washington post" by david cole who is a good critic of civil liberties grounds but a nice loyal democrat. that i have engaged in the responsible disclosures that will harm national security. the critique from the left is one that will grace be great to have in the open is completely excluded as usual. there are critique surrounding the disclosures and how we do

the reporting. that's the reason why treat them with scorn because it's what they deserve. [applause] >> thank you for any -- everything you're done and i'm a huge -- [inaudible] i do have an adversarial question for you though. critics are saying you have been using documents in this book for your personal gain and how does that blur the lines in traditional journalism and more importantly does that -- what does that mean in your protection as journalists? >> what ends up happening is if you are in position -- possession of top-secret documents the justice department believes any publication is a crime come is a felony.

the protection that you have is there is this superseding law called the constitution that in the first amendment guarantees -- it means you can invoke those protections and potentially block the prosecution by the government even know you are disseminating top-secret documents. then the question becomes they can't say you are a source or distributor. for example when i worked with foreign media outlets around the world to do the reporting in the places where people were who were most affected i wanted to do nsa spying in spain the spanish journalists in spying on sweden i had to enter into contracts with all the organizations before i could get a document saying they were hiring me as a freelance journalist to do their reporting. if i simply gave them the document the justice department

would say i'm no longer a journalist and i'm now a distributor and the source. the proof as journalists get paid and i did it for free. the same thing happen with this book. in this book i wanted to make revelations because it's hard to get stories published. you can only get so many stories published at each outlet because they have to go through a long editorial vetting process. essentially there were two choices. i could publish the documents in the book and sell the book and have everybody say you are charging money for access to classified documents which is selling top-secret material which is espionage for which a lot of people are imprisoned for life or you can do what we did which is on the day of the release we uploaded to the internet every single document in the book so everybody in the world can go and look at them

for free. then you are faced with the criticism and how you're excluding the documents to generate publicity for the book so you essentially have a lose lose proposition. i don't make any apologies at all for having written a book. i want to maximize every platform i have two go-round the world and talk about why the surveillance policies are so dangerous and why government secrecy is dangerous urging people to protect their own privacy and talk about why that's so urgent. it was announced today that sony pictures purchase the book to make a film about it. i'm thrilled about that as well. [applause] when i was growing up i was accessed with the film all the presidents men. it reached me about the duties of journalism and i think the book and film will reach people in all sorts of ways that wouldn't otherwise engage people. it would be great if we could

spend five months pouring out my heart and soul 10 hours a day into a book without being paid. like pretty much every journalist in person from noam chomsky to everyone else you need to get paid for your work like everybody else. i don't make apologies for that as well. my duty to my sources to bring the message he wanted to bring to the world as effectively as i can. writing stories and writing books and doing films are ways for me to do that and that's what i intend to do. [applause] >> this will be the final question. >> i was hoping to ask a few rounds fired yes or no questions. rapidfire yes or no questions. >> go ahead and put some together and i will address them as best as i can.

>> i don't expect you to answer it because you talked about some of the upcoming revelations and not wanting to scoop yourself, we expect to see surveillance of occupy wall street and upcoming stories? >> the reason i don't want to talk about it is because i don't -- isn't because i don't want to scoop my cell. these are hard documents to get all that and understand the meaning of and to understand how you can communicate them to the world. that means working with smart editors and smart journalist and going for a long process. there have been occasions early on when i made claims about documents that i thought i understood fully. that turned out not to be the way described them. that's really the reason i don't talk about them. one of the things that happens when people realize the vastness of information they're given. there was almost this expectation that we have the whole -- holy grail to solve all

injustices like all the files of the u.s. u.s. government and our possessions every person you cared about any kind of injustice would e-mail me and see me on the street and say i demand to release documents about injustice with the assumption of course we have them. if every single and let me say this, every single document in any archive that reveals abusive or improper surveillance or surveillance that is done for political ends or surveillance that's done in a way that's different from how the u.s. government has been claiming it was done will be published whether it's published by me or somebody else that's a promise i make you. [applause] [inaudible] >> i think it's been a good healthy competition that fuels each of us. no i am not talking to marc gellman but i hope and expect he

will continue to do the reporting he's doing. thank you all very much. really appreciate it. [applause] >> thank you to glenn greenwald. thank you for joining us and thank you for your thoughtful questions. we will have a book signing. if your number

what we were calling the news ticker series, featuring prominent authors. i'd like to thank everyone connect it was listener who helped to organize this evenings event. the guest of honor is done primarily of course for her political goals as first lady, u.s. senator from new york in the 67th secretary of state. she's also just published her fifth book and has several previous best sailors to her name. so added to the list of credits after hillary rodham clinton should certainly be accomplished author.

"hard choices," her memoir about her four years as secretary of state recounts how she came to accept a cabinet position offered by her former political rival and led the effort to deny nations standing around the world. the book also reveals some of the last want cash, less battle hardened side of her not, like wimps in the public humor as come as self-deprecating, maternal, maybe even grant maternal. although hillary credits a small team of people for helping with the book, she carved out months on her calendar to write and rewrite it herself and there is told to say work that is undeniably in her voice. but also clearly leaves room for future chapters in one worn by more someday. [applause]

this evenings event is particularly special. it is particularly special for me because i not only get to introduce the main speaker, but also my wife who will be appearing conversation with hillary. the two of them go back together to the early days of the clinton administration and lissa has sent served with hillary in various roles as white house and state department speechwriter, communications or to the first lady. campaign advisor and collaborator on hillary's white house memoir, living history. these days when hillary and lissa talk, they spend most of their time discussing the latest great novel, mystery or biography they are breeding. ladies and gentlemen, please join me in welcoming hillary rodham clinton and lissa muscatine. [cheers and applause]

>> thank you. great. [cheers and applause] thank you so much. [cheers and applause] >> well, that was very nice. it is great to have you. thank you so much. >> thanks to you and brett are running such a great bookstore, politics & prose. >> speaking up hooks, you got it out for four days now. >> is right. for. >> it's been one of the spaces that was more like when your secretary and you start your

books are all over the place in doing these interviews. you keep a pretty frenetic pace. i have to ask you because her the first time i read this book and i read it several times now, i was struck by a kind of lightheartedness. it's a serious book. it deals with obviously very serious issues. but there's a lighter side that comes true. so i am wondering if i've watched you in the first four days and it has been tough interviews to me seem like you're having a good time. >> well, i am having a good time and that is in part due to the enthusiasm that i have experienced as i've traveled around in the last couple of days. it is a great feeling to everett in a book about for years that were consequential in my view we can talk about that, but which for me were both a personal journey and a very heavy

responsibility. and what i tried to do in the vote was write it so that i could give you, the readers, a bit of a peek behind the curtain because the headline certainly tell some of the story, but not all of the story. and it is more difficult to even get information about the so-called trend line. i wanted to combine both. the hardest part for me about writing this book was that it was, believe it or not, three times longer when i first finished it. i wanted to put every funny story, every bizarre adult. i mean, whatever i could remember and wanted to share. the publisher did say you've got to cut two thirds of this book. and so, i worked hard to keep the combination of seriousness because obviously there is a lot of that, but also the human diet. not just me, but what i saw and learned as i traveled around the world. >> you've never been shy about

your opinions, but it does seem to me you are pretty free to speak your mind these days. >> i think that is true. from some of the reactions i've had the past few days. [laughter] i say in the book that a beard is just a wonderful wealth of x. but i've now had. ap it is because i am totally god with, you know, being really careful about what to say because somebody might think this instead of that just gets too exhausting and frustrating. it just seems a whole lot easier to just put it out there and hope people get used to it. whether you agree with that or not, to know exactly where it coming from, what i think about what i feel, i really believe that is missing in both our government dialogue and of course many of you probably are some houses heated in some way

with our government certainly in our political dialogue. there's so many big issues and i talk about some of them, both in nationally and nationally. and i don't agree dean either shouting matches for finger-pointing or biting one's tongue. i think we really need to have an open and straightforward conversation and maybe i'm trying to model that. i don't know, but that is how it feels to me. it feels a little bit liberating to me. >> and it's great to watch i have to say. it's nice to see. >> you know, there are occasions when people go up a little, including myself to be fair. but i really want to share the experiences that i've had. i came to this job, as i write in the book, and quite an unusual way and that was incredibly surprised when the president asked me to serve as a little surprise when i finally

read too. and then it was just from the very first moment a mad dash because we inherited a pretty serious agenda of problems and challenges. so the perspective that i've gained a sink has encouraged me even more to speak my mind contribute what i can to whatever debate is occurring. >> let's talk about the process of writing the book before we get to the substance of it because i remember from the last book you had a day job. you were in the senate and this is really true. honest to goodness truth because i was working with you on the boat. he did a lot of the work between midnight and 3:00 a.m. and i remember having routine meeting to run your dinner table at 3:00 a.m. we did that for a few months to get it finished. he carved up more time to really focus on it. i think it is interesting. you had a great team working for you, be you or not somebody who's ever taken a draft of a book, speech, chapter and say

this looks good. it's been between a cover or publisher right now. it's fine. you've always played over here fighting. you write, rewrite, you still write in longhand on a legal pad and anybody who's been with anyone writing a book knows it's like watching someone go through labor. it's an incredibly painful process, but there's great joy at the end. on the scale of pain and joy, what was the process of writing this book like for you? >> i should preface what i say by making clear that lissa has been my part or in some of the most portentous writing and speaking that i've done going back to the white house years when she was a speechwriter at the white house. nsa point out in the chapter called unfinished business about women's rights and all gpt rights and other human rights, lissa was my partner in the women's speech and beijing.

fast forward, she was also my partner in the living history autobiography. what she has described because the ways this day job that i loved, but i bet and sign the contracts are obligated to produce a book. so i would come home and lissa despite her responsibilities including her wonderful family with bandit dining room room table with me as we struggled over the chapters in living history. this is different in that i left the state department. i had for the first time in many years much more freedom and control over my unscheduled. i had a third-floor attic study in the old farmhouse that we live in a new york. and i would go up there early in the morning and i would make as

many detours as i possibly could. it was always time for something else. it was time to walk the dogs. it was time to go down and get my water because you have to be really well hydrated. i just came up with a million reasons. that became my favorite excuse. it was a great experience despite how difficult it was and it was difficult because there was a mass of material we were trying to condense. it was hard to relive some of what happened and to make sense in retrospect about what had occurred. i have a great team of researchers and advisers and people who would take my scribble the handwriting and translate it and come back with suggestions. it was the terrific process in that way.

even though i had more free time to do it i found it equally intense because once you start writing a book and you are putting yourself into it and in my case i had an idea there might be some people who would read every word looking for something that might not be 1,000% true or accurate so it was painful. i had a great back up with researchers who helped me. i enjoyed it but if i were to put it on a scale some days were off the charts wonderful and some days were not even on the charts terrible because it was hard to write and then of course i wanted to make sure that it was a fair reflection of what i experience and what i learned and i had to at some point let

it go and hold my breath and i am pleased with the way it came out. >> the reviews have been good. >> much to my amazement. >> it is a hard book to write. it does involve public policy. you may not be done with your public life. there are a lot of constraints. >> when i finally got the in your complete manuscript i did impose time, alyssa -- i held my breath that entire weekend because she had never minced words. she will come and say i don't think this works or that is not what you mean to say or this really could be restructured, gently but clearly critical and she came back and had some very good suggestions, some very reenforcing reactions and that

helped me brief a little better. i was not sleeping much toward the end because i was so worried that some how i may have totally missed the point of what i was trying to communicate and it is an odd combination of personal particularly in the beginning when i talk about the creation of this team of rivals with the president and pretty wonky and dense and there were some chapters i felt compelled to include like a chapter about the economic challenges we face abroad and how that affects us here at home and what it means to be competing if you are an american business or an american worker against state capitalism and in the editing process, the publisher is kind of roll call little bit, i really need to talk about that because one of my primary jobs when i became secretary given where we were economically was to try to help with the work the president and the secretary of the treasury and others were doing to restore

confidence in our economy as well as in our political and foreign policy agenda so it was a complicated book. >> you were nice to let me read it toward the end. i loved it. any manuscript can be improved on but i think i like it a lot because it isn't that wonky. there might have been dancer portions but you have to read it but it is fascinating and entertaining and a terrific book and as i said earlier you come through its in a way that not as much, an earlier time of your life and your career rain you feel more liberated now and that comes through. you talk about the substance and you said a minute ago when you assume secretaryship, u.s. president obama came into iraq's problems, clearly there was a perception not only in this country but around world that

our role and influence was diminishing. our economy was sputtering at best. our key alliances were afraid. iran was making no bones about its interest in acquiring or building a nuclear weapon, china was on a rise and you had the ongoing challenges of climate change and poverty and human rights and i am wondering if the secretary of state isn't an exercise in triage? >> interesting way to put it, lissa, because it is a multi level job all at the same time. there are crazies that continue to need immediate attention and the intensive care unit, you have to put everybody together physically, virtually, you have to be building those alliances and tending to those partnerships in the midst of a

crisis to deal with the crisis but then there are the emergencies but not as serious as the ones in the intensive care unit. a big emergency room with all kinds of injuries, people who are affair representing countries, representing individuals, not state actors and the like all of whom need tending. they are not going away. they are expecting the united states to show up and to make a move. however we define that. then there are long-term chronic problems, filled with people who are struggling. i saw my role primarily to do all i could to help restore american leadership and that meant several things to me. it certainly meant that i had to figure out how to deal with the emergencies and how to 10 to

what worry broad array of complaints about our country from the prior eight years. it was not just iraq or the war on terror and the abuses it came to light. not just the economic collapse volvos that is the trifectas that was waiting on our doorstep. it was the feeling that somehow america had violated our own values. or rules that we had helped to construct and pushed for compliance in how countries were supposed to be behaving, whether it was conventions we had signed against torture court it was anti-ballistic missile treaties or whatever it might be and that there was a sense of absence in some parts of the world. that was the message that came through to me when i began

making a series of phone calls to leaders and those who i called in asia were very clear that they believed america had abandoned our traditional role as power and wondered if the obama administration would reassert our presence in asia. in europe we were struggling with the negative reactions to iraq, the economic collapse, the attitude toward europe, all of europe purses new europe and the sense that somehow america no longer values this critical relationship across the atlantic. there was so much bubbling below the surface. we came into office as one war in gaza was ending in the new government being formed, we had a very serious set of decisions facing the president and the national security council, what to do about afghanistan since it appeared the taliban had regains

momentum and the effort to try to create some stability that would give a stronger base to the afghans themselves to defend themselves, govern themselves was eroding. it was a long list so triage is a good description and it required several things simultaneously as well in responding to that analysis. it required my presence. when the president asked me to serve as secretary of state he said i am going to have to focus the vast majority of my time and attention on the economic crisis. as bad as it is it could get a lot worse. and he said we have to demonstrate that america is no longer going to be leading with our military. of course we will maintain the strength of our military but we need to demonstrate more clearly our values and that we can form

partnerships and mobilize for common action and that is why i am asking you because i know you can get on the airplane and start traveling the world and it was a bit of a division of labor if you will which i totally understood and eventually agreed to carry and it was quite striking to me. i made that decision which i explained in the book to some what break tradition, go to asia in february of 2009 because half of that trip was just showing up, demonstrating that yes, we had treaty alliances, we had interests, political, strategic, economic, we were no longer going to be absent and we worked to pivot in a very public way to send an unequivocal message that the united states would be part of asia's future where so much of the consequential decisionmaking for the world

would be made but i turned around and went back to europe in march because i wanted to reassert relationships, this old girl scout song, make new friends that keep the old one silver and the others goals. i wanted it to be a real statement of our commitment to our european partners and there was so much going on there as well because right before president obama took office, the russian gas utility cut off gas, they had done it in 2006 and it became clear to me that the europeans were going to have to take a hard look at how dependent they wanted to be honest single source for their energy. from that very first meeting we began talking about what could be done to find alternatives so

it was a multitasking of the highest order to try to be present, reach out, come up with new ideas and make clear america's presence and leadership was going to be front and center once again and we would be listening, not just talking but looking to work multilaterally, not just unilaterally and we would use not just offense but diplomacy and development to promote our values and pursue our interests and protect our security. >> one of the quotes you of the news came to mind and i said this to you at one point and that is politics is the strong and slow heart courts and the book, what comes through in this book is the day-to-day experience of being secretary of state is not just what is the most visible, the most, the

sexiest, the most interesting issue. there is very labor intensive -- the asia trip, you placed important groundwork and indonesia played off in burma with democratic reforms and your visit went on and all those little things that aren't in the newspapers that nobody knows about that are on your schedule, why is she having a bilateral with the foreign minister of some country we don't know where it is on the map unless we are well-educated? so i think that does come through in the book. >> i am glad you said that because i wanted that to come true. one of the virtues we americans need to cultivate his patience. that is true probably in our lives but particularly in our diplomacy because so much of what still matters in the world is based on building relationships and looking for

areas where you can establish some level of trust and one of the examples in the book which was quite dramatic actually is how we were able to navigate through a very difficult crisis over a blind dissident in china and not endanger the substance of the framework for the relationship we have been building with china. when i came in 9 knew from my time in the senate that we had very extensive economic discussions with china, currency, trade, those have been carried out primarily by the treasury department but there were so many strategic issues that may be we would deal with in a one off way but we could see the chinese were much more

comfortable talking about all of the concerns about the economy, than political or strategic issues so one of the first things i did was propose within the administration we combine the economic and create a strategic dialogue that would embody all the various individual discussions we had with chinese counterparts. timothy geithner agreed, the white house signed off, i presented it to the chinese when i was there that first trip. they responded to and that meant we put together teams from our government and there's to talk about everything from sanitary hygiene standards for food and produce or safety of tool is to environmental clean energy, joint projects and student exchanges. we put it all out there to bills

a more comprehensive connection between our two governments that i hoped would not just last for one president but be part of building a framework in to the future. we had intense meetings throughout the year, we would have an annual economic dialogue between washington and beijing. i spent a lot of time, we had lots of in-depth discussion so fast forward to the night i am home in washington and i am told the blind dissident has escaped from house arrest and he is trying to make it to the u.s. embassy in beijing for safety and refuge and also to be given medical emergency medical treatment for the foot that he

injured and the question was who would i direct our embassy staff to go to meet him, picked him up and bring him in? by any weighing of values and interests you can see why i called this book and the one. on the one hand we had this comprehensive relationship, we were making progress in a number of areas. others were strong, we had developed very candid discussions which in and of itself was a step forward and i was supposed to be leaving in a few days for the annual meeting in beijing and that had been the cornerstone of our efforts to develop a more strategic deeper understanding with china. yes, we had this human-rights activist who is thought to himself i am being unjustly imprisoned in my house, i need to escape and where would i go,

the one place in the world's where he thought the values of freedom and human rights would be embodied, namely the embassy of the united states of america and so there was a way and i had to do it in a short period of time and i concluded that we would go out and take him to the embassy because after all at the end of the day our strongest position, our best argument for who we are as americans and what we stand for are the values we have stood on and exemplified and struggled to fulfill from the very beginning, it was up consequential choice. some disagreed with that, were unhappy that i had made it but i felt comfortable throughout the difficult period of negotiations

that ensued because i thought at the end of the day it was the right decision to make while we were able to negotiate with the chinese over the outcome with respect to his family. we also went ahead with the strategic and economic dialogue and we were able to balance but we would not in my view have been able to do that had we not invested the time and the patients in developing those relationships and it is some things i constantly am reminding my colleagues in government or elsewhere, we often as americans show up with an agenda. let's get this done and then we are out of there. that is not the way most people in the world b. hayes if. they want to take your measure, as they want to have a meal,

maybe a couple of teeth, talk about other things. i remember going to a meeting with the king of saudi arabia, we bring in a huge meeting room and i spent 15 minutes talking with him and the foreign minister about camels. i described it in the book, in the airport with the foreign minister and all these camels were in the desert as we drive by to the task of the king and for telling me how much he disliked campbell, that is like an australian not liking to kangaroos. that was hard to imagine but we were having a banter and the back and forth and when we got to the meeting, very large formal setting, i said your

majesty, the foreign minister said he doesn't like camels. what is wrong with him? we start having this conversation so when we got to the real meat of it over lunch where just the king and i could hear one another and he had a huge television set in the middle of this hollow square table blaring away so nobody could hear what we risk a mix of the tether we could get down to business because we have actually interact as two people. not two officials in a hurry and i try to make the point over and over in the books that we have to invest more time and that takes patience and it takes people willing to build those relationships, i don't think we can achieve our goals without them. >> this jen story is one of the cloak and dagger stories, it is amazing, it can't possibly really have happened the way

that it did but i also want to say you did improved in your pronunciation of foreign names. i was impressed you use those names of the chinese leaders, not just once a loewen is. >> lissa traveled with me as first lady and the beginning of my time in the state department as head of the speech writers of the state department and it is true. i have no ear for language and it is a great regret. i took when latin, it helps me with my vocabulary. at least i hope it did. it took four years of effort. that i went to wellesley and we had a two year language requirement and i was enjoying it, not good at it but i was learning and i love the literature park. for writing critiques of french literature i could say things like love is hate is love, so

when i had to talk about what to take for my junior year and went to see my french professor, thinking about this course of that course, your talents lie elsewhere. >> i don't want to spend a lot of time on this. given that it was the messy few days in iraq and wonder if we could get your reaction to is that. >> let me back up and start where we were when president obama took office. >> president bush established a timetable for american withdrawal in 2011 as i recall unless the iraqis agreed to what is called a status of forces agreement that gives the necessary protections to american soldiers. there was a great deal of work

done to try to figure out with the iraqis what follow-on american force would be necessary and accepted. they needed intelligence, trainers, as they needed the leadership skills inculcated in the reconstituted iraqi army after it had been dissolved in the george bush administration. it came down to the fact that a maliki would not present the status of forces agreement to his parliament and that made the decision inevitable. there was not going to be an agreement for american troops to say even to perform limited noncombat functions. the underlying problem is not

one of military preparedness and security also we have seen neither his president in the current conflict in iraq, the problem is the conception of leadership and governance that maliki brought to the job of prime minister. he would not commit to an inclusive government, he would not share power except with a very small circle, he was often quick to attack, even investigate charged with crimes those who publicly disagreed with him. and as a result, the inclusive governing structure that reached out to the various elements particularly the sunnis in iraq to try to overcome, very deeply felt historic differences but

necessary changes if there was to be stability in iraq never happened. and the results of that failure at the government's level combined with the extraordinary success of islamist extremist groups in syria, in particular the one now known as isis, the islamic state of iraq and syria, has made this latest crisis especially dangerous. you have a government that can inspire loyalty even among its army and certainly not among its disparate groups and you have well-trained, savvy fighters coming out of syria, coming out

of iraq, often aided and abetted, perhaps we are learning by former officers in be disbanded saddam hussein iraqi army and it is a recipe for a horrendous conflict. the request that maliki is making to the president to provide support i know are being carefully considered but i think it is also imperative that maliki be presented with the set of conditions if you are even to discuss seriously any kind of military support for the fight against the jihadists and that is a delicate and difficult task for our government because we don't want to fight their fight

because you would be fighting for a dysfunctional authoritarian government, no reason on earth that i know of that we would never sacrifice a single american life for that. [applause] >> it is a serious potential crisis with broad regional indian global consequences. the capture of the turkish diplomat, the threat to all the embassies in baghdad, most particularly ours, the discipline of the kurdish forces as they both protect kurdish

areas but also advance to take over some of the cities that they have always believed should be theirs. what role will perrin play if iran sends in troops to assist maliki away they sent in advisers and hezbollah troops to support assad, then we are looking at a potential war in the middle east that is going to cross borders and potentially threaten the larger region and beyond. the latest figure i have seen is more than a thousand fighters on behalf of extremist groups in syria coming from just europe. with open borders, no visa restrictions, somebody who grew

up in france or germany or britain or the netherlands will be able to come home and travel so this has implications far beyond what if anything we think we can pour should do to try to stave off a total collapse of the maliki government. i would add one other note. if you look at where we are in the region, the conflict in syria which right now is still a stalemate but assad is controlled large parts of the country, many hundreds of thousands of refugees in jordan, lebanon, turkey, iraq, and you have the tensions that are pervasive throughout the region, being set on fire in iraq right

now. it could draw in other countries because of a tax or because of the decision on the part of the other governments that they have to defend this sunnis or that she up or go after the kurds. lots of competing interests. my chapter about c rea is called a wicked problem and it has gone worse because of the spillover into iraq. on a lighter note, when i used to come back from trips overseas with you on what often have stories for my kids that involved funny, crazy, weird things that happened, some of which you don't know about. my kids that you have to write a book about all the things that happen that mrs. clinton never knew. i said that would defeat the purpose, wouldn't it? don't know if you ever knew about the purse that was left

behind and various complications and the justice done to retrieve it from i don't know where. it ended up in a river. i don't know how many drafted speeches we lost. there were some important ones that had to be recovered at the last minute but this clearly continued to during your tenure as secretary of state and you write about a lot of the comedy. there were a lot of dark days, benghazi being the most obvious but a lot of funny things happen that in retrospect seem even funnier, comedic moments. there had to be a hair story in bulgaria, there is something coming off of an opportune moment in france, you need to floss moment when president obama fools you aside and points out you have food in your teeth. and one of my favorites is a funny thing that happened when you were at the end of the

treatment on the plane and everybody can finally relax so your staff turns on a movie. tell us about that. >> first thing i would say is the choice of movie was often really low grade. that is because by the end of those trips which were very long moving from time zone to time zone, everybody was exhausted, nobody wanted to thing, everybody slumped back in their chairs and voted for the most mindless entertainment that was available on the plane but the movie about the spy called breach, there is a scene in which the actor playing the character, i can't remember,

robert something, we donor need any more women in pants like hillary clinton. i love that. the whole plane burst into laughter. all these things going on while i am waiting for a briefing books that three feet high or on the phone arguing with some foreign minister i am about to see or consoling someone who had terrible incident in their country. i didn't know half of the things that were going on but we have a lot of misadventures. one which is consequential and ended up being fined, but we would also go on these trips and we had a great press corps in

the state department. many experienced journalists who covered the state department had been stationed overseas and was a pleasure working with them because they were always asking substantive questions how does this compare with what secretary powell did or what do you think if we were to take what madeleine albright said, they knew the whole landscape but they would let down their hair said to speak. so we are in lima, peru, and i am trying to work, had to go to a meeting of the organization of american states and i was trying to finalize the conditions that will be imposed by the un security council on iran. and we would come in with our two part strategy, indy jo lin king fresher and we knew it wasn't enough for the united states to be putting pressure on. we need to get the international community, that meant convincing russia which i can we succeeded in doing when the president and

i and the national security advisor jim jones and the national security adviser in a small 3 on 3 meetings that the iranians built an underground facility and the russians didn't know it and that surprised them and made them more amenable to going along with the security council. the chinese who needed oil and gas from everywhere did not want to see that supply cut off so they took a lot more convincing and we were working and working and the chinese ambassador, a very able diplomat was covering the meeting in lima and i was trying to get a meeting to get him to sign off on the final language because he had been authorized to convey that back to beijing and he had meetings and we were worried we were not going to get the meeting so the

press was having sour happy hour. and apparently they make you very happy. especially easley's that were made in we love. so we were looking for the ambassador to find a time and i went to the bar and hotel and we were trading stories and chatting each other up having a piece goes sour and pretty soon if things are looking really positive and optimistic and all of a sudden, one of my service officers comes up and says the chinese ambassador is here. i said where? right there. mr. ambassador! please come in. i take him to a back table and we pull out our papers and mike lander, the excellent -- now he is a white house reporter, coming to the state department sees me sitting with this chinese man and we are looking

at papers that he comes overbearing two big pieces, here is one for you and one for you. yes, here it is. you had to be flexible and agile. play a role literally and figuratively with whatever is happening. >> i want to take a question from the audience. this is a hard ball. did you really autograph all these books? [applause] >> you know what? i really did. i really did. between the time that i finished the book and it went in and it was gone into printing i had a three week period and they send me 21,000 pages and so i started

signing hillary rodham clinton. that is a bad idea. this will take me until labor day. i talked to lissa, personalize it, just say hillary. that i can do. i sat in my breakfast room, turned down the old movie channel because it was relaxing. sat there and signed. the ones you're getting to they have all been personally signed by me. [applause] >> mention beijing. >> the 20th anniversary, i want to tell a quick story and ask you about this. you almost didn't go because the chinese had arrested a naturalized citizen saying he was an american spy but we did work hard on the speech.

i told you this once but there was an amazing thing that happened to me personally which was that i walked up to your cabin, we had gone from washington to hawaii and we met up with you and flew to guam and went from there to beijing and we were on the last draft of this speech that had been closely held and i took it to you in the cabin. you knew the speech inside out. i will never forget this, this is very corny but it was the seminole picture for me and i gave you the speech and you didn't say anything for a moment and then use that i want to push the envelope as far as i can on human rights and women's rights and -- you went on to say -- i was so struck by that. this is the corny part. i was proud to be an american and proud to have a first lady was going to go into the diplomatic minefield and to make this assertion and he went on to say after is that, women's

rights are the unfinished business of the world and i am wondering where you think things stand now. >> that speech which we worked so hard on and madeleine albright was with us and provided great feedback, going to the drafts was so important to me personally because i thought the united states needed to lead to on women's rights and this is the opportunity to do so at the international conference and it is very important to set forth an agenda and out of the conference despite all the difficulties, 189 countries agreed on what was called the platform for action, the full participation of women and girls and i use that as first lady and senator and secretary of state, to refers to and engage with

leaders and groups, civil society all over the world to say your nation signed up for this. how far have you come? then when i left the state department i went to work with my husband and my daughter at the clinton foundation and there were a lot of important programs my husband had established and chelsea was instrumental in and i wanted to add three more and one was the no ceiling full participation project and what we are doing in partnership with the gates foundation and many other partners, the un, is gathering all the data that we can find. i was at the world bank two weeks ago with some important announcements that the bank was making with president jim cameron to put all together in one place where we can measure the progress we made but also

made clear the gaps that still remain. it was already very meaningful experience for me. because we still have lots of countries with laws that bar women from many professions. we still have countries where they don't even record all the girls's birth because it is not that important. on primary education and dropped off dramatically secondary and higher education, we are doing a better job of combating maternal mortality but still have hundreds of thousands of women die every year. what we want to be is a centerpiece for a robust discussion in the next year as we approach the 22 anniversary in 2015 about what we have achieved and what has worked in

other countries and how much more we have to do. laws still need to be changed, laws need to be implemented, cultural and religious barriers to women's participation, on and on. we look at the disparities that still exist, between the opportunities for women and girls versus men and boys and a lot of those are what we would call internal barriers. my friend cheryl sandberg writes about a lot of the research. two resumes exactly the same, one is labelled by henry brown, one is by heidi brown and people are more favorable toward henry and raising questions, same information.

the dep psychological, internal barriers people have about women and girls and women and girls have about themselves. that is a more difficult area to explore an to measure but we are going to try to do that because you look at political participation, it is no where near half. we don't have corporate officers held by women on and on. it is real food for thought for countries where there is so much work to be done to end the oppression and abuse and dehumanizing of women and other countries like our own where we made so much progress the still have so much more we can do. >> talking to about maliki, i was thinking about this. and the senator and first lady,

you have not talked about kim jong un. i am going to put it out there and then we will go to another question because we're almost out of time. when you look into vladimir putin's eyes, do you see the soul of a man who cares deeply about his country or the soul of a kgb agent? >> just ask him. are we going to come back to that? fascinating. [applause] >> he and i have exchanged a few verbal volleys in the last several years. his most recent was to call me

week but quickly adding weakness is not so bad in a woman. me too. when i wrote about him, what i tried to do is demonstrate obviously that he is a very tough person who embodies a lot of hard choices. but the real sadness, and i say that deliberately, is that his view of russia's greatness is rooted in the past, not the future. think about how well-educated and successful so many russians immigrants are in europe and the united states and elsewhere. one of the co-founders of google, think about what could be happening in russia today, leadership that isn't trying to

to extend his sphere of influence dominates central asia, intimidate central and eastern europe, prevent countries like ukraine from making their own decisions, impose a view of russian greatness that is rooted in the past. instead of creating a modern economy, diversified beyond oil and gas, create more opportunity for people, his goal is as much as possible to recreate the past. that to me is another chapter in the missed opportunities that we have seen time and again suffered by the russian people. i have a couple stories in my chapter about him. i do talk about why we did push

to get the reset and we were successful in getting those security council sanctions on iran and getting a new start treaty to limit nuclear weapons between us and restart inspections and to transport import material and troops into afghanistan across russia. we got business done but when vladimir putin made his announcement he would be president again, an odd sort of presidential campaign if you think about it, they are both standing there and had black leather jackets, really did try to expand russia's horizon and went to silicon valley, vladimir putin said i will be president, he will be prime minister and they had parliamentary elections before the presidential election and filled with irregularities and i criticized the election, it wasn't my opinion that counted as much as tens of thousands of russians who filled

the streets and vladimir putin attacked me for having caused the protests. when nynex imi said that is not the way it works. he is a determined, relentless pursuer of his vision of a russia from the past. unfortunately, in the united states and the west, has to make very clear whatever his vision is it cannot access the stability and order that was established in europe first after the second world war, then after the collapse of the soviet union. europe first after the second world war and then after the collapse of the soviet union and it's going to again take patients but firmness to send that message unequivocally to him so it's a complicated situation and one that we have to watch very closely. >> reporter: there are a lot of stories about a lot of leaders. is one of the most fun parts of

the book to learn what these people are like as real people and not just figure heads of their country. we are i hate to say it just about out of time. we will have one last question and i will take it as an audience question but i want to ask a little set up to it and that is you acquired a new title during your four years as secretary which was the mother of bride. you are about to acquire another new title, grandmother. [applause] >> you separate some difficult losses including especially your mother him many of us got to know, she lived with you in washington at the end of her life, she was adored by your staff, i was struck at her memorial that you held, a number of chelsea's friends who spoke about her, staff spoke about her, everybody she came in contact with and now of course

you're going to be a grandmother to your daughter and chelsea was so close to your mother, her grandmother. you have a lot to way looking ahead which gets to the last question and it comes from tyler smith the at twitter who says what do you want your legacy to be? >> the state department of my life? >> what do you want your legacy to be? >> one way to think about it might be as you look ahead you are going to be a grandmother and you know better than most people that this child will be borne. and a little thought to caring for our collective own. how do you balance all that?

[applause] >> i don't think about a legacy. i think about my life because i have had quite an unpredictable life. i thought a lot about that when i was writing the book. i could never, when i was growing up in illinois, have imagined what i have had a great pleasure of experiencing. the challenges and difficulties along with the extraordinary experiences and opportunities. and i think that really is at the core of what i care most about the form my own family, my future grandchildren and my country. i want young people particularly to feel as though future number

clear view but it is promising because you have the opportunity, you are acquiring an education, your willing to work hard and be given your definition of the american dream. that is how i was raised. my mother who did live with us during the last ten years of her life was the product of a very abusive, neglectful home. but all along, her much more difficult life in childhood, should encounter people who showed kindness and were part of a broader community than just the family that so let her down. so she learned how to use education even though she only graduated from high school she was incredibly intelligent and kept taking college courses

almost into her 80s, she was supported by the community and really nurtured by her belief in what this country meant and she insults that in tilled that in everyone that she touched. you had to have a good work ethic but also a member of the community. your individual within the community and the larger community of our country. what i hope is my grandchild, when he or she comes into the world's this fall, will have that same view of what america means and why america matters. i have such a perspective from outside to those four years,

once again using our innovation and our energy and resilience to come back from a terrible economic crisis that is still not fully resolved but i also saw some much disagreement and argument about what we stood for and what were the right decisions. one particular moment that i write about in the book happened when i was in hong kong in july of 2011, the first serious effort by some in congress to default on our debt. i had a preexisting >> all these business leaders say to me what is happening in washington? is the united states going to default on the debt? of course not. we will figure it out and figure

out for the politics of it. my first occasion was bewilderment, confusion, how can a great country do this to itself? it is about paying debts they voted for whether they agreed with the horn not. fast forward to last fall, you have the government shutdown that presented the president from going to an important meeting in china where the president of china, president putin of russia and the united states was absent. once again, not defaulting on the debt, i asked my team to talk about what is happening around the world particularly in asia and latin america. it was not bewilderment, it was contempt. they can't run a government.

it is time to be americanized the world's. those are consequential assessments because we cannot be strong abroad if we are not strong at home. we cannot continue to try to argue for and implement a rules based order in the global economy where people have to play by those rules and there are measures of accountability if they don't. if we can't demonstrate that our economy is working for everybody, so the book is about my time as secretary of state bus i carry with me all of my life experiences. i am not ready to stop and think about legacy because i want to keep thinking about what my life has meant to me and what my obligations are to my grandchild and everyone else and i am going to do that through the clinton

foundation in other ways but it is -- [applause] [applause] i will hasten to add it is a question and responsibility for all of us and a hard choice and a very hard choice and it is a very hard choice but i think all of us have hard choices about what kind of citizens we are going to be, what we are going to ask of our leaders and we are going to ask of ourselves but what has always made us strong as americans goes back to that incredibly astute observation of the health bill when he tried to

understand what the country was about and looked at how we organize ourselves in our new democracy and the institutions we were building, came down to the habits of our hearts. i think we have got to ask ourselves what it means today to be an american in the 21st century and what we expect from each other and our government and our businesses, academic institutions. i am more optimistic and confident about what our potential is but i know we have hard choices to make to try to realize that so thank you. [applause] >> thank you so much. >> thank you. i am sorry we don't have more time. thank you all very much.

thank you. [applause] >> thank you all. hi, how are you? nice to see you. how are you? thank you. how are you? thank you. thank you. how are you? ..